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26 DAVID TURTON & JULIA GONZALEZpurpose. 8 And yet, we must assume that the more rigorous thescience, both theoretically and methodologically, the more likely it is tohave a beneficial impact on policy.Perhaps the most common way of characterising the “gap” betweenresearch and practice is to distinguish between two kinds of people,academics and practitioners, each engaged in a different kind ofprofessional activity. and each with a different objective: academics, itis sometimes said, want to understand the world, while practitionerswant to change it. This apparently clear distinction soon becomesblurred, however, when one seeks to give it empirical content. For, onthe one hand, it turns out to be no easy matter to sort individualsunambiguously into the two categories (academics often want tochange the world too!) and, on the other, understanding the world isobviously a prerequisite for deliberately, systematically and beneficiallychanging it.A more productive way of approaching the issue might be todistinguish, not between two kinds of people or professional activities,each focused on a different objective, but between two kinds ofknowledge, scientific (or academic) and practical, which the sameperson can happily combine and make use of, depending on contextand situation. Since all knowledge is socially produced, an obviousbasis on which to distinguish between different kinds of knowledge isto focus on differences in their modes of production and reproduction.Thus, we can say that practical knowledge is produced “by doing” —thatis, through the very performance of a task or activity which is not aimedprimarily at producing knowledge— while scientific knowledge isproduced by an activity which has precisely that objective. We can say,further, that it is a characteristic of practical knowledge to be unreflectiveand unself-conscious (though not necessarily false) because it is producedby “doing” and that it is a characteristic of scientific knowledge to bereflective and self-conscious (though not necessarily true) because it isproduced by the deliberate application of scientific method.From this point of view, the best way to make academic knowledge“relevant” to policy and practice is to use it to scrutinise and problematisewhat practical knowledge takes for granted, not to sustain or legitimiseit. It follows that we should at least consider the possibility that, the“unintended” and “unforeseen” consequences of immigration policymay be partly the result of research in this area being too closely tied to8 Quite what is their main purpose is another matter. In any case, we assume that itis the first priority of any institution, political or otherwise, to pursue its own vestedinterests and to ensure its own survival.
INTRODUCTION 27the immediate, short term problems of the policy world (CASTLES, 2003,p. 26). Good research will always call into question the adequacy andusefulness of taken for granted generalisations, assumptions andcategories —one might say that this is what research is for. It is by suchquestioning, therefore, that research can play its most effective part inthe general improvement of human welfare. In the words of LouisPasteur, a scientist whose practical contribution to the improvement ofhuman welfare it is difficult to exaggerate: “Il n’existe pas de sciencesappliquées mais seulement des applications de la science” (1872, p. 42).ReferencesCASTLES, S. (2000a) “Migration and Minorities in Europe: Perspectives for the1990s: Eleven Hypotheses”. In: S. Castles, Ethnicity and Globalization:From Migrant Worker to Transnational Citizen. Sage Publications, London.CASTLES, S. (2000 b) “Multicultural Citizenship: The Australian Experience”. In:S.Castles, Ethnicity and Globalization:From Migrant worker to TransnationalCitizen, Sage Publications, London.CASTLES, S. (2003) “Towards a Sociology of Forced Migration and SocialTransformation”. In: Sociology 37 (1), pp. 13-34.COLLINSON, S. (1999) Globalisation and the Dynamics of International Migration:Implications for the Refugee Regime. Working Paper No. 1, New Issues inRefugee Research, UNHCR, Geneva.GAMMELTOFT, P. (2002) Remittances and other Financial Flows to DevelopingCountries. Expert Working Paper, Centre for Development Research,Copenhagen.GIBNEY, M.; HANSEN, R. (2002) “Asylum policy in the West: Past trends, futurePossibilities”. Paper prepared for the WIDER International Conference onPoverty, International Migration and Asylum, Helsinki, 27-28 September.HIRSCHMAN, A.O. (1970) Exit, Voice and Loyalty: Responses to Decline in Firms,Organisations and States. .Harvard University Press, Harvard, MA.JOPPKE, C. (1998) “Immigration Challenges to the Nation-State”. In: Challengesto the Nation-State: Immigration in Western Europe and the United States,ed. C. Joppke. Oxford University Press, Oxford.JORDAN, B.; DÜVELL, F. (2003) Migration: The Boundaries of Equality and Justice.Polity Press, Cambridge.LEÓN-LEDESMA, M.; PIRACHA, M. (2001) “International Migration and the Role ofRemittances in Eastern Europe”. Department of Economics, University ofKent at Canterbury. www.ukc.ac.uk/economics/papers/papers-pdf/2001/0113.pdf (read, 1/10/03).MARTIN, S. (2001) Remittance Flows and Impact. Paper prepared for theRegional Conference on Remittances as a Development Tool, organized bythe Multilateral Investment Fund and the Inter-American DevelopmentBank.
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76 SAMUEL BOUTRUCHEAsylum and immig
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88 SAMUEL BOUTRUCHENOLL, G. (2002):
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90 MARCO MARTINIELLOSince 2000, a n
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92 MARCO MARTINIELLOimmigration gro
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94 MARCO MARTINIELLOand even univer
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96 MARCO MARTINIELLObetween ministe
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98 MATTI SIMILÄThe Finnish nation
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100 MATTI SIMILÄFinnish minorities
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102 MATTI SIMILÄRussia or Estonia.
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104 MATTI SIMILÄdo not adapt easil
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106 MATTI SIMILÄof London. Resettl
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108 MATTI SIMILÄbe admitted into t
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110 MATTI SIMILÄthe proposal for t
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112 MATTI SIMILÄJAAKKOLA, M. (2000
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114 EMMANUEL MA MUNGthat he/she dis
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116 EMMANUEL MA MUNGTable 1Immigran
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118 EMMANUEL MA MUNGThe 1990s: immi
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120 EMMANUEL MA MUNGresources to su
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122 EMMANUEL MA MUNGThe right-wing
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124 EMMANUEL MA MUNGsettlement or t
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Germany - still a reluctant country
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GERMANY - STILL A RELUCTANT COUNTRY
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Between guilt and gift: the politic
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BETWEEN GUILT AND GIFT: THE POLITIC
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160 JEROEN DOOMERNIKcontinuing with
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162 JEROEN DOOMERNIKanother influx
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166 JEROEN DOOMERNIKscarce. It seem
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168 JEROEN DOOMERNIKis granted all
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170 JEROEN DOOMERNIKthe four larges
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Spanish immigration policies:a crit
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SPANISH IMMIGRATION POLICIES: A CRI
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192 CHARLES HUSBANDExternally the d
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194 CHARLES HUSBANDdecency. Notions
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196 CHARLES HUSBANDdecency, racist
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198 CHARLES HUSBANDaddressed in a s
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200 CHARLES HUSBANDFrom 1990 onward
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202 CHARLES HUSBANDany defence of r
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204 CHARLES HUSBANDtolerance and a
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206 CHARLES HUSBANDHOBSBAWN, E.J.;
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208 JOACHIM BRÜßaspects, coldness
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210 JOACHIM BRÜßin-group and out-
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212 JOACHIM BRÜßthe Gymnasium is
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214 JOACHIM BRÜßassume that they
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218 JOACHIM BRÜß—An evaluation
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220 JOACHIM BRÜßyouths. In contra
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222 JOACHIM BRÜßapparently prone
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224 JOACHIM BRÜßAppendixTable 3It
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Voting rights for third country nat
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VOTING RIGHTS FOR THIRD COUNTRY NAT
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Women migrants:invisible or creativ
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