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The edition consists of seven hundred and fiftysetsall numbered1 /


NEW AMSTERDAM (NOW NEW YORK), IN 1670.[Reduced facsimile of plate in Montanus s De Nieuwe en Onbekende Weereld,Amsterdam, 1671.]


ILLUSTRATEDThe Jesuit Relations and Allied DocumentsTRAVELS AND EXPLORATIONSOF THE JESUIT MISSIONARIESIN NEW FRANCE1610-1791THE ORIGINAL FRENCH, LATIN, AND ITALIAN TEXTS, WITH ENGLISH TRANSLATIONS AND NOTES;BYPORTRAITS, MAPS, AND FACSIMILESEDITED BYREUBEN GOLD THWAITESSecretary of the State Historical Society of WisconsinVol. XXVIIIHURONS, IROQUOIS, LOWER CANADA1645-1646CLEVELAND: CbC JButtOWSCompany, PUBLISHERS, MDCCCXCVIII


COPYRIGHT, 1898BYTHE BURROWS BROTHERS CoALL RIGHTS RESERVEDThe Imperial Press, Cleveland


EDITORIAL STAFFEditorREUBEN GOLD THWAITESFINLOW ALEXANDERPERCY FAVOR BICKNELLTranslators .CRAWFORD LINDSAYWILLIAM PRICEHIRAM ALLEN SOBERAssistant EditorBibliographical AdviserEMMA HELEN BLAIRVICTOR HUGO PALTSITS


CONTENTS OF VOL XXVIIIPREFACE TO VOLUME XXVIIIDOCUMENTS :Relation de ce qvi s est passe en la NovvelleFrance, es annees 1644. & 1645.LVI.LVII.LVIII.LIX.LX,[Chap. xii. to close of document.]Barthelemy Vimont, Quebec, Octoberi, 1645; Hierosme Lalemant, DesHurons, May 15, 1645Nouum Belgium. Isaac Jogues; 3 Rivieres, August 3, 164621104Notice sur Rene Goupil. Isaac Jogues;undated. 116Lettre au R. P. Andr6 Castillon. IsaacJogues; Montreal, September 12, 1646 136Journal des PP. Jesuites. HierosmeLalemant; Quebek, January - December, 1646142Relation de ce qvi s est passe .... enla Novvelle France, es anne*es 1645.& 1646. [Chaps, i., ii., Part I.] Hierosme Lalemant; Quebek, October 28,1646.BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA: VOLUME XXVIIINOTES.253305313


ILLUSTRATIONS TO VOL. XXVIIII. New Amsterdam in 1670; reduced photographic facsimile from Montanus s DeNieuwe en Onbekende Weereld FrontispieceII. Photographic facsimile of handwriting ofIsaac Jogues, selected from original MS.of his Novum Belgium. .Facing 104III. Map of New Netherland, etc., in 1630; reduced photographic facsimile from DeLaet s Novus Orbis . .Facing 112IV. Photographic facsimile of title-page, Relation of 1645-46 .... 256


"andPREFACE TO VOL XXVIIIFollowing is a synopsis of the documents containedin the present volume :LV. The Relation of 1644-45 consisted of onepart, dated at Quebec, October i, 1645, written byVimont, supplemented by a letter from Jerome Lalemant,dated in the Huron country, May 1 5 previous.The first eleven chapters of Vimont s account werecontained in Vol. XXVII. of our series; we nowpresent the remainder of the document, by bothVimont and Lalemant.Chap. xii. is Richard s account of the Miscou (orrather Gaspesian) mission. During the year, fourteen persons have been baptized six in illness, anda family of eight. The converts show edifying pietyand obedience and even the unbelievers have;greatrespect for baptism. The savages themselves saythat they would all be Christians by this time, wereit not for the liquor that is traded to them the;lack of restraint on that pernicious traffic ruins everything. The Indians are fond of singing, and offertheir prayers with great delight since these havebeen set to music. Several war parties, passing thatway, are interested in the chapel services ;they comeback from their forays, with several prisoners andscalps, over which they hold rejoicings. The Frenchmen who winter at the Bay des Chaleurs, and thesailors on the fishing vessels, also receive spiritualministrations from the missionaries. But the liquor


"10 PREFACE TO VOL. XX VIIItraffic is "thescourge of this region,"and onlyHeaven can furnish a remedy therefor.Lalemant s supplemental letter is addressed to theprovincial, at Paris, and concerns the Huron mission. In accordance with the latter s orders, he hasrelegated his duties there, as superior, to Ragueneau,and is about to go down to Quebec. He glances atthe history of the mission since his arrival thereat in1638, mentioning the calamities that have crowdedupon this poor Church" pestilence, famine, andwar. So great are the obstacles to the establishmentof the faith here, most of all, in the self-will andunrestrained freedom which prevails among thesesavages, that human judgment alone must considerthe task almost hopeless. There isamong them butlittle law, and that obeyed only so far as eachpleases; their habits are licentious, and their marriages unstable; and, above all, "superstition hascontaminated nearly all the actions of their lives,"and they are the slaves of the devil in everything.For such, the law of God is too heavy a burden.Moreover, the constant raids of the Iroquois threatento ruin the Huron tribes and to break up their tradewith the French; this would compel the abandonment of the missions. But, notwithstanding allthese hindrances, the missionaries trust in God spromises and power, and consider nothing impossible to him. Every year secures them a goodlynumber of baptisms, and they are comforted by seeing the constancy and devotion displayed by theirconverts. The progress made during these sevenyears has, on the whole, been all that could reasonably be expected. Various incidents are related toshow the earnestness and sincerity of these new


"PREFACE TO VOL. XXVIII 11Christians ;and the seven Huron churches are enumerated. Lalemant closes with an earnest appealfor more men and funds to maintain and defend thisimportant enterprise.LVI. In his so-called Novum Belgium, Isaac Joguesgives (August 3, 1646) an account of the Dutch colony at New Amsterdam (later, New York City), forwhich he obtained material during his stay there inthe autumn of 1643. He describes the river, and thefort and other buildings the character of the ;population, "men of eighteen different languages" andof almost as many religious sects, none of which,however, save the Calvinists, exercise religious functions; and the inducements offered to colonists bythe West India Company. He mentions the settlements made by various nations, from the Connecticutto the Delaware, adding that the English preferto have lands among the Dutch, who require nothingfrom them, to depending upon English Milords, whoexact rents and like to put on airs of being absolute."Jogues describes the land and climate the; dwellingsof the Dutch settlers ;their culture of the land, andtrade with the Indians; the savage tribes adjoiningthe white settlements and the recent war between;the Dutch and Indians.LVII. In this document (always published, however, in connection with his Novum Belgium], Joguesgives a biographical sketch of the young physician,Ren6 Goupil (a Jesuit donne), who for a time sharedJogues s captivity, and who met death at the handsof the Iroquois, September 29, 1642. A graphic andpathetic account is given of the painful journey, thecruel torture inflicted on the captives, and the youngdonna s murder; still more impressive are the


12 PREFACE TO VOL. XXVIIIfortitude, patience, and holy resignation exhibitedby Goupil amid his sufferings, and the self -forgetfulaltruism which leads him to aid not only his fellowcaptives,but a sick Iroquois. On the journey to thevillage of their captors, Goupil takes, under Jogues sdirection, the final vows of entrance into the Jesuitorder, which, in France, he had been unable to do,on account of his frail health. The Iroquois murderhim, and often threaten to slay Jogues also, because of his praying aloud, and making the sign ofthe cross, as they afterward plainly tell the Father.The latter endeavors at the peril of his own life, butin vain, to save his follower s corpse from desecration.LVIII. This is a letter from Jogues (September12, 1646) to Andre* Castillon, a fellow- Jesuit, and isapparently the last message penned by the martyredmissionary. He gives an account of the journeymade by him and Bourdon, a few months earlier, tothe Iroquois country, whither he is on the eve ofdeparting for a winter sojourn. He describes thebeneficial results of the peace concluded last yearwith the Iroquois; both population and commerceshow a notable increase. He prays for similar blessings in spiritual affairs and closes with an; especialpetition that prayers may be offered in his ownbehalf, since he must spend nearly a year away fromthe sacraments of the Church. A postscript (dated atThree Rivers, September 21) adds the informationthat he is soon to embark for the Iroquois country.LIX. The Journal des Jtsuites is continued, giving the record for 1646. The greater part of theJournal is occupied with descriptions of the mannerin which the various feast days and other functions


""""PREFACE TO VOL. XXVIII 13of the church are celebrated ;but manylittle incidents are related which throw light on social, economic, and political conditions in the early days ofCanada; and on the relations existing between theFrench and the aborigines. On New Year s Day,gifts are exchanged between all the French peopleof the colony those given and received by the Jes;uits are enumerated in detail. The French settlements above Quebec are doing well, on the whole ;though a quarrel that arises between the Algonkinsat Three Rivers, and some Mohawks sojourningthere, causes temporary apprehension. The SilleryIndians go (January 15) on their usual hunt for game;and those left behind, twenty-five in number, aresubsisted by the Jesuits and the Hospital nuns. Onone occasion, a zealous lady undertakes to send, inarray befitting its holy use, the bread for consecration; she adorns it with a toilet a crown of gauzeor linen puffs," and, if she had been allowed, wouldgladly have added tapers and golden coins. Vimont,however, before consecrating the bread, had allthat removed, and blessed it with the same simplicitythat I had observed with the preceding portions, andespecially with that of Monsieur the Governorfearing lest this change might occasion Jealousy andVanity. Toward the end of January, a disturbancearises among the petty habitants, headed by Marsoletand Maheu; they claim that M. des Chastelets,the general agent, is living too etc."high, One ofMontmagny s household takes part with the malcontents, whence arose many difficulties, and offensivewords, and dissatisfaction; and pasquinades werecomposed. Monsieur the Governor having punishedthe guilty, everything became quiet."


"""14 PREFACE TO VOL. XXVIIIOn February 12, tidings arrive of Father de Noue sdeath ;separated from his companions, while on theway to Fort Richelieu, he loses his way, and is frozento death on the ice. On the 15th, two men are punished on the chevalet, orone forwooden horse,"blasphemy, the other for assaulting his companion;and, later, another man is thus punished for gluttony. The nuns of both convents send the Jesuits,during the Shrovetide season, and on other festaloccasions, various delicacies pastries, SpanishWine, etc. ;many liberal gifts from Montmagnyare also mentioned.News is brought from Three Rivers, March 10,that Couture had returned from the Iroquois country, with Mohawk envoys, and confirmation of thepeace recently negotiated.April 7, one Master Jaques, surnamed the hermit, began his entrance into our service; it wouldappear that he became one of the donnes of theJesuits. Since the first of February, the savages leftbehind at Sillery have been encamped near Quebec,but they return to their homes after Easter; soonafter, their hunting expedition comes back. Lalemant,while on a visit to Sillery, meets there Couture, whose savage name had been changed at 3Rivers, at a feast made for him by father buteux,from Ihandich, which sounds ill in yroquois, toAchirra, the name of the late Monsieur Nicolet,to the joy of all the Huron, Algonquin, and Annierononsavages."At a consultation held on the 26th,the Fathers decide to send Jogues to the Mohawkcountry, and to retain Druillettes in Canada; andthey approve of Couture s proposed marriage. Theopening of the St. Lawrence occurs this year on April


"PREFACE TO VOL. XXVIII 1517 or 1 8, and planting isbegun a little before that,not only by the French, but by the savages whomthe missionaries have colonized at Sillery and elsewhere.During the first part of May, negotiations with theIroquois are carried on at Three Rivers ; and, on the1 6th, Jogues sets out thence on his journey to theIroquois. Father Masse dies at Quebec, on the i ith.Lalemant records various quarrels, occurring amongboth the savages and the French. Forest fires havemade great havoc about Quebec; one colonist isburned out, but receives liberal aid from the others.During this month, brother Ambroise isengaged inbrewing beer. A gunner at Richelieu, weary oflife, wishes to commit suicide, but is restrained byhis fear of hell. He then accuses himself of a scandalous offense, invented for the occasion, since,on the one hand, he would die, which was what hesought ; and, on the other, they would first have himconfess, which would enable him to avoid Hell."Father Du Peron, however, mingles reproof and"comfort in his treatment, and leaves the man in agood frame of mind." Good news is brought fromTadoussac, regarding both commercial and religiousmatters.On the 4th of June, it is decided to rebuild the millon the Jesuits farm at La Vacherie. A marriageoccurs on the i8th, at which five soldiers dance aballet. Indians from Tadoussac bring furs to Quebec, and make complaints of their treatment by DeLaunay, a French trader at Tadoussac. June 23,St. John s day is celebrated with cannon shots andbonfires lighted by Montmagny himself, whileLalemant chants prayers. The governor and Lale-


""16 PREFACE TO VOL. XXVIIImant view the lands along the St. Charles River, inorder to ascertain the boundaries of a grant there tothe Ursulines ;but the decision is left till the returnof Bourdon, the surveyor of the colony, from theIroquois country. The Jesuits receive an increasein the lands of La Vacherie, to replace a tract cededby them to Quebec. Lalemant here gives interesting information as to the nature of the various landgrants in Canada made to the Jesuits. The grant ofmeadow lands made to the Hospital nuns by Vimont,in the previous year, is retroceded by the nuns, inconsideration of other lands obtained by them. TheUrsulines promise to do the same, when they shallhave secured the lands which they expect to receive.News comes from Miscou that two Indian familieshave been rendered sedentary.Father Jogues and Bourdon arrive from the Iroquois country on July 3. The next day, Abenakichiefs come to Quebec, to ask that a black gownbe sent to their tribe, to give them instructions;Lalemant puts them off till Autumn, in order totake time to consider the matter." On the isth, theJesuit property at La Vacherie is increased by eighteen arpents of land.This year, the fleet from France does not arriveuntil August 7 with it comes Father Daran. On;the next day Charles de la Tour, noted in the annalsof Acadia, comes to Quebec for refuge, his fort atSt. John having been captured by his rival D Aulnay.The Sillery Indians kill a Frenchman s cow,which has injured their corn, and are obliged to paya fine of six beaver skins. At a consultation held onthe 2ist, the Fathers decide that they will rent theirBeauport estate and have a clergy-house built; send


""PREFACE TO VOL. XXVIII 17Dreuillettes to the Abenaki tribes, and Jogues to theIroquois and ask for additional concessions from the;habitants. De la Poterie sends a messenger in hasteto Montmagny, to inform him of a fancied discoveryof gold and copper mines but the ;specimens provevalueless being probably iron pyrites. Des Groseilliers,the explorer, comes down from the Huroncountry, and apparently returns thither soon after.Early in September, disputes arise concerning theJesuit estates at Three Rivers but ; they remain forthe time unsettled. The Huron fleet this yearnumbers 80 canoes; and they carry away a dozenbundles of skins, for want of merchandise." FatherQuentin brings from France several men for theJesuit missions. Among these is a young gentlemanof good family, who had professed conversion to theCatholic faith, and made a vow to go to the Hurons ;but he proves to be a liar and swindler, concerningwhom various scandals are reported. He finallyleaves the colony, after having cheated the Jesuitsout of more than 200 livres.Lalemant notes the large increase in the habitantsincome from the fur trade, under the new arrangement with the Hundred Associates, the habitantsshare this year being valued at 320,000 livres. TheJesuits ask the Council for an increased allowance ;they obtain 1,200 francs additional for each of themissions, but are compelled to furnish their ownfuel. Several prominent persons return to FranceOctober 31, Maisonneuve, Giffard, and Tronquet,all firmly resolved that they would strive to obtainsome regulation for their affairs, each one seekinghis own private Interests." On another vesselembarked several young men, sons of the leading


"""""18 PREFACE TO VOL. XXVIIIcolonists, all rogues, for the most part, who hadplayed a thousand tricks on the other voyage and;they all were given high salaries. At this time,work isbegun on the new clergy-house and churchat Quebec, and on a brewery and oven at Sillery.Mother Marie de St. Ignace, the first superior ofthe Quebec hospital, dies November 5. On the I2th,Marguerite, widow of the explorer Jean Nicolet, ismarried to Nicolas Macard. On the 2ist, Madamede la Peltrie, her maid, Charlotte Barre, and oneCatherine, begin their novitiate with the Ursulines.The same day, comes news of the greatest disasterwhich had yet occurred in Canada," the wreck ofthe brigantine which went from Quebec to ThreeRivers, and carried most of the necessary suppliesfor the settlers at the latter post. These were lost,with nine men, a loss shared by the Jesuits to someextent, in goods and in the death of a donn6, GasparGoiiaut, of Poitiers. Later advices show that muchof the cargo was saved. November 29, Vimont saysmass at the hospital, in acquittal of the obligationlaid upon the Hospital nuns, by the terms of theirland grants, for the members of the Hundred Associates. The Jesuits owe a like ceremony, for thedeceased associates of the Company; and Lalemantadds: I certainly intend to say it, but not to inviteMonsieur the governor to it, in order not to prejudice our former rights from Monsieur de Vantadour(the first Canadian viceroy).In December, a soldier, named De Champigny,abjures heresy, and becomes a Catholic ;as this manunderstands music, and can sing the treble part, theJesuitsfour voices.are now able to have in the church a choir ofOn the last day of the year, a dramatic


"PREFACE TO VOL. XXVIII 19performance is given at the warehouse, at which isapparently enacted Corneille s tragedy of Le Cid.Our Fathers were present, in deference to Monsieur the governor, who took pleasure therein, asalso did the savages, that is, fathers de Quen,[Gabriel] Lalemant, and defretat; all went well, andthere was nothing which could not edify. IbeggedMonsieur the governor to excuse me from attendance." The price of wood is this year placed at100 sols, and some interested persons secure controlof the market; besides, the wood is of poor qualityand short measure. Hence arise "greatdisorderand Jealousy,"which are with difficulty quieted.LX. The Relation of 1645-46 is, like most of itspredecessors, in two parts: the first, by Jerome Lalemant, appointed in 1646 to succeed Vimont as superior of his order in Canada, consists of a preliminaryletter to the provincial, in France (dated Quebek,October 28, 1646), and ten chapters giving a generalview of the missions, particularly of the lower country Part II. is the Huron report, by Ragueneau, con;sisting also of a preliminary note to the provincial(dated Des Hurons, May i, 1646), and eight chaptersdetailing the particulars of the work in Huronia.We herewith present the first two chapters of PartI., and will conclude the document in Vols. XXIX.and XXX.Lalemant briefly mentions the present prosperouscondition of the French settlements, and the goodwork accomplished therein by the religious orders.The savages are gradually being attracted withinreligious influences, and thus encourage the missionaries with brighter hopes for their conversion over;300 baptisms have occurred during the year. The


20 PREFACE TO VOL. XXVIIIsuperior then reverts to the peace recently concludedwith the Mohawks which, however, unfortunatelydoes not include the other Iroquois tribes, who arestill hostile. The Sokokis and Mohicans are notfriendly to the French, but, fearing the Mohawks,are quiet.A detailed account is given of the Mohawk council in which peace with the French wasarranged, based on the reports of Couture, who hadformerly been a captive with that tribe.In February, 1646, Couture returns to Three Rivers, accompanied by seven Mohawk envoys, whocome to ratify the treaty with the French, and extend it to their Indian allies. This is accomplishedin May following, when Montmagny meets them forthat purposethe speeches and presentsare described;MADISON, Wis., August, 1898.R. G. T.


LV (concluded)RELATION OF 1644-4^PARIS: SEBASTIEN ET GABRIEL CRAMOISY, 1646Chaps, i.-xi. were published in Volume XXVII.; herefollows the remainder of the document.


22 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28[124] CHAPITRE XII.DE CE QUIS EST PASSE A MISCOU.DIEU continue fes graces fur nos pauures Sauuages,ils ouurent maintenant les yeux,defirent le Baptefme, & demandent les inftrudlionsChreftiennes ie ne les ay iamais veu en:meilleure difpoiition, dit le P. Richard, nous en auosbaptife" 14. depuis ma derniere, vne famille de huidtperfonnes,& fix en extremit6 de maladie, qui fontquafi tous morts peu apres, entre lefquels vn ieunegar9on tout plein d efprit fit paroiflre en fes refponfes& en fa ferueur que c eftoit vne ame deftinee pourle Ciel, pour cette famille elle deuoit eftre baptife"edes 1 an paile",mais le chef nomme" lariet, ayant faitquelque excez de boiffon, donna fujet de ce retarde-de mourir dansment : fa femme toutefois craignantfes couches, dont le terme eftoit palfe", difoit-elle,long-temps y auoit, & fe trouuoit extraordinairementindifpofee, defira le Baptefme auant noftre depart,& 1 obtint, non feulement a raifon du danger ou ellefe trouuoit, mais auffi pour fes [125] merites, qui lafont pafler aupres d vn chacun pour la plus honnefte,la plus fage & modefte de toutes les femmesSauuages, on differa les ceremonies au temps du Baptefme de fon mary. Ce fut le 30. de luillet qu onluy accorda ce bien & a toute fa famille, il fut nornm6Denis par Monfieur Preuoft Capitaine pour leRoy en la marine, commendant le Nauire de S.


1645 - 46] RELA TION OF 1644- 45[124] CHAPTER XII.OF WHAT OCCURRED AT MISCOU.\J Savages, they now open their eyes they;desire Baptism and ask for Christian in4 4f^ OD continues his favors toward our poorstruction. I have never seen them better disposed,"writes Father Richard. "We have baptized 14since my last letter a family of eight persons; andsix in the extremity of illness, who nearly all diedAmong these, a young man, whoshortly afterward.was very intelligent, showed by his answers and hisfervor that his was a soul destined for Heaven. Asto the family, it was to have been baptized last year;but its head, whose name is lariet, had been guiltyof intemperance, and this occasioned the delay. Hiswife, however, feared that she might die in childbirth, for she said that her time had long passed,and she was exceedingly ill, and desired Baptismbefore our departure. She obtained it, not only onaccount of her dangerous condition but also owingto her own [125] merits, which cause her to pass withevery one for the most virtuous, the wisest, and mostmodest of all the Savage women. The administration of the rites was deferred until the Baptism ofher husband. On the 3Oth of July, this favor wasgranted to him and to all his family. He was namedDenis by Monsieur Prevost, Captain in the King snavy, commanding the Ship St. Joseph; and hiswife was named Marguerite. This good woman was


24 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VoL. 28lofeph, & fa femme Marguerite. Cette bonne femmenon contente de refpondre a tout auec la deuotion &les fentimens que le S. Efprit luy infpiroit, aydoitencor a fon mary 1 exhortoit & luy fuggeroit les refponces,ils receurent en fuite la benediction Nuptiale& furent adtnis a la table de Noftre Seigneur, anfortir de la Denis lariet me dift: C eft a cette heureque tout de bon ie vais prier & feray homme de bien,iay regret de ma vie paffee, ie hay le pech6 ie veuxmener d orefnauant vne meilleure vie : & tirant peuapres quantite"de Porcelaine ie fuis marry, difoit-ilde me voir fipauure, ie n ay ny Orignac, ny Caftora prefenter a ces Meffieurs qui nous ont tant oblig6 anoftre Baptefme, ie voudrois auoir dequoy reconnoiftrele bien que nous auons receu, mais puis queie n ay [126] rien autre chofe, ie feray content s ilsdaignent receuoir ce petit prefent de ma part. Onle remercia, & fe contenta-on des tefmoignages de fabonne volonte. II fe retire done fort fatisfait, & s enretourne a Nepegigoiiit pour continuer la chaffe deCaffcor, & ayder en ce qu il pourroita acheuer lebaftiment que M r 1 Abbe" de fainte Magdelene &Meffieurs les Affociez pour Mifkou, ont fait commenceraupres de nous pour luy & pour lofeph Nepfugetbaptife 1 an paffe. Ils font tous deux de bonne intelligence, fe tiennent bonne compagnie, font leurchaffe enfemble 1 Efte & 1Hyuer,ils eurent beaucoupa fouffrir au commencement de 1 Hyuer paffe,& Dieu efprouua leur conftance & courage. Ilsauoient pris le quartier de leur chaffe bien auantdans les bois y penfans trouuer mieux leur compte,de Saulmon mais lesils deuoient faire prouifiongelees les preuinrent, & fermerent les riuieres, ce qui


Now1645-46] RELATION OF 1644- 45 25not content to answer all questions with the devotionand sentiments with which the Holy Ghost inspiredher, but she also assisted her husband, she exhorted him and suggested to him the answers. Theyafterward received the Nuptial benediction, and wereadmitted to Our Lord s table. On leaving it, Denislariet said to me : I will pray in earnest, andwill be a good man. I regret my past life; I hatesin, and wish to lead a better life in future. Then,drawing out a quantity of Porcelain beads, he said :I have neither MooseI am sorry that I am so ;poorto those Gentlemen who sonor Beaver to presentgreatly obliged us at our Baptism. I wish that Ihad something by which I might acknowledge thekindness that we have received, but since I have[126] nothing else, I shall be pleased if they willdeign to accept this little present from me. Wethanked him, and were satisfied with this manifestation of his good will. He therefore withdrew, quitecontent, and returned to Nepegigouit to continue thehunt for Beaver, and to help as much as he could incompleting the building that Monsieur the Abb6 ofsainte Magdalene, 1and Messieurs the Associates forMiskou, have caused to be begun near us for him andfor Joseph Nepsuget, who was baptized last year.They are on good terms with each other ;they aregood comrades, and hunt together in Summer andin Winter. They had much to suffer at the beginning of last Winter and God tried their constancy andcourage. They had selected their hunting districtvery far within the forest, hoping there to meet better success. They had intended to lay in a supplyof Salmon but the frost forestalled;them, and closedthe rivers, which quickly reduced them to want.


26 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [You 28les mit defia dans la neceffite, ils roulerent commeils peurent iufques aux Aduents, ce fut lors qu ilsfe trouuerent tout k fait depourueus de viures, ilscherchent & chaflent par tout fans pouuoir rien trouuerque quelques Pores Efpics & ce fort rarement,ils font [127] contraints de manger leurs chiens,leurs cuirs & fouliers, & paffer fouuent plulieurs ioursfans manger, il arriua pendant ce temps-Ik vne chofeeftrange a vn ieune Frangois qui hyuernoit auec eux,vn iour qu on auoit tue vn chien pour conferuer lavie a quantit^ de perfonnes qui languiff oient : cegargon n eflant pas content du peu qu on luy auoitdonne comme aux autres, fe iette fur le foye de labefte que Ton auoit iette",le fait cuire & le mange, on1 aduertit de quitter cette viande, qu elle luy feratort, & tomber la ilpeau, n en croit rien, il continuefon repas, mais k fes defpens, car il luy en coufta lapeau, qui luy tomba toute par grands lambeaux fansaucune douleur, fi bien qu en peu de tempsil vift fapeau toute changed, les Sauuages ont 1 experience decet effet en ceux qui ont vfe de cette viande.Cette affliction cependant ne defgoufta point nosgens de la priere, au contraire ils y ont recours dansleur plus grande foibleffe, & en fortent k ce qum ilsont dit, moins incommodez de la faim, ils attribuentce mal-heur k leurs pechez & reconnoiffentque Dieu les punit pour leurs fautes: il eft vray,difoit lofeph Nepfuget, [128] que nous auons donne"fujet h Dieu de fe fafcher centre nous, mais moy principalementpar mes choleres & impatiences, par mesyurognerie paffees, c eft iuftement qu il nous punit/Sus recourons a luy, demandons-luy pardonil aurapitie"Pere, il ne m arriuerade nous, il eft noftre


1645-46] RELATION OF 1644-45 27They subsisted as best they could until Advent,when they found themselves completely destitute ofprovisions. They searched and hunted everywherewithout finding anything but a few Porcupines, andthat very seldom. They were [127] compelled toeat their dogs, their skins, and their shoes, and oftenpassed several days without food. During that time,a strange thing happened to a young Frenchman whowintered with them. One day, when a dog had beenkilled to save the lives of numerous persons whowere starving, this boy, who was not satisfied withthe little that they had given to him as to the others,seized the liver of the animal, that had been thrownaway, and cooked and ate it. He was warned toleave that meat, that it would do him harm, andmake his skin fall off. He would not believe it , andcontinued his repast, but to his regret, for it costhim his skin, which fell off in great flakes withoutany pain, so that in a short time his skin was entirelychanged. The Savages know by experience thisresult on those who have eaten that meat.This affliction however did not inspire our peoplewith any distaste for prayer. On the contrary, theyhad recourse to it in their greatest weakness; and,as they told me, they arose therefrom less inconvenienced by hunger. They attributed the misfortune to their sins, and acknowledged that God punished them for their offenses. It is true, saidJoseph Nepsuget, [128] that we have given Godcause to be angry with us; but I, principally, havedone so by my anger and impatience, and by myformer drunkenness. He punishes us justly. Letus therefore have recourse to him; let us ask pardonof him. He will have pity on us; he is our Father.


28 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VoL. 28iamais plus de 1 offencer, iamais plus ie ne me laifferaytranf porter a la cholere, ny a la boiffon, ie veuxcontenter Dieu deformais, & eftre homme de bien.En fuite ils fe mettent en prieres quils continiientlonguement & recommen9ent fouuent. Enfin Dieueuft pitie d eux, & apres les auoir Iaiff6 tremper danscette grande famine depuis Ie huidtieme Decembreiufques au fixieme lanuier ils leur enuoya des viuresabondamment & au triple des autres Sauuages. Ilstuerent premierement vn Orignac auec bien de lapeine, car ils eftoient extremement foibles, & & peinefe pouuoient-ils fouftenir, cette nourriture leur ayantvn peu fait reuenir les forces & Ie courage ils fe mettent en campagne d vn cofle & d autre, & en peu detemps ils replirentleur cabane de viade, ils n en fontpas ingrats, ils remerciet Dieu a chaque befte qu ilsmettent bas, & a la fin de 1 Hyuer [129] racontent partout les biens que Dieu leur a fait, lofeph fe rendaupres de nous auffi-toft que les glaces eurent Iaiff6les riuieres libres, & Denis peu apres, ils nous fontrecit du bien & du mal qu ils ont eu pendant 1 Hyuer, du foin qu ils auoient de prier Dieu, de garderles Dimanches, & fe fouuenir de ce qu on leur auoitenfeigne":Pour moy, difoit Denis lariet pour lorsCatechumene, i ay veu fouuent par experience queie n aduan9ois & ne gagnois rien pour chaffer lesDimanches, mais fiapres auoir chomme ce iour-la, ieme mettois Ie lendemain en deuoir de chaffer ie nemanquois d y trouuer du bon-heur, auffi ne feray-jeiamais rien qui y contreuienne. II y a de la confolationa voir Ie foucy que ces bonnes gens ont d obferuerles Feftes & les Dimanches, ils n auoient paseu Ie loifir de mettre tout leur petit mefnage en ordre,


1645-46] RELA TION OF 1644-45 29I will never offend him again ;I will never allowmyself to be overcome by anger or by liquor; Iwish for the future to please God, and to be a goodman. After that, they began their prayers whichthey continued for a long time, and frequently recommenced. Finally, God had pity on them; and, afterallowing them to suffer much through famine from theeighth of December to the sixth of January, he sentthem an abundance of food, and three times as muchas the other Savages had. In the first place, theykilled a Moose with much difficulty, for they wereextremely weak and could hardly stand. This foodrestored their strength and courage to some extent ;so they took the field in all directions, and in a shorttime they filled their cabin with meat. They werenot ungrateful, but thanked God for every animalthat they killed, and at the end of the Winter [129]they related everywhere the favors that God hadconferred on them. Joseph came to us as soon asthe ice had left the rivers free, and Denis came shortly afterward. They told us of their good and evilfortunes during the Winter, and of the care theyhad taken to pray to God, to observe the Sundays,and to remember what they had been taught. Formy part, said Denis lariet, who was then a Catechumen, I often found by experience that I derived nobenefit and gained nothing by hunting on Sundays;but if, after having rested on that day, I went tohunt on the morrow, I never failed to be successful.Therefore I will never do anything to transgressthat day. It is consoling to see how careful thesegood people are to observe the Festivals and Sundays. If they had no time to put their few household effects in order, and to prepare their provisions


30 LES RELATIONS DES jS UITES VOL. 28[& leurs prouifions en eftat & hors de dangerde fegafter, n fi ofoient-ils pourtant y toucher fans auoirau prealable fceu de nous fi cela eftoit permis de:mefme pour les Vendredis & iours de ieufnes, ie lesay fouuent veu beaucoup patir plutoft que de rienfaire contre 1 abftinence de ces iours-la.[130] Mais quoy nous fommes hommes & les plusfermes ne font point affurez de demeurer debout.Ce lofeph dont nous parlons ayant trouue moyend auo[i]r quelque baril de vin fe laiffa emporter a laboiffon, & en fuite dans vn defordre & vne fautefcandaleufe. C eft le mal-heur que nous deploronsicy il y a long-temps, & la liberte" de cette pernicieufetraitte ruine tout comme nous auons fouuentefcrit a V. Reuerence, ils feroient, difent-ils, euxmefmesdefia tous Chreftiens, n eftoit la boiffon qu onleur traitte. Ce pauure homme eftant reuenu a foy fut,fi confus qu il n ofoit paroiftre, mais comme fa fauteeftoit il publique, falloit auffl faire vne fatisfadtionpublique, qu il accepta volontiers, vn Dimanche matin en la Chappelle en prefence de tous, tant Fran-Sois que Sauuages auec de grands fignes de douleur.Dieu luy veille continuer fes graces, & fortifier lecourage.Pour le refte de nos Sauuages, ils font pleins debonne volonte & de difpofition. Plufieurs d entr eux,quoy qu infidelles font foigneux de procurer le Baptefmea leur malades, nous aduertiffent volontiers fitoft qu ils voyent quelqu vn en danger [131] & nousprient de les alter baptifer, les plus apparents fontgloire d appeller & faire venir les autres aux prieres:les aflemblent, les haftent & les preffent, quoy qu ilsn ayent pour la plufpart befoin d efperon. Noftre


"1645-46] RELATION OF 1644-45 31so that they might not be spoiled, still they didnot venture to touch them, without previously ascertaining from us whether it was permitted to do so.In the same manner, I often observed that on Fridaysand fast days they suffered much, rather than doanything contrary to abstinence on those days.[130] But we are human, and the strongest arenot always sure to remain upright. This Joseph ofwhom we speak found means to procure a cask ofwine he; gave himself up to intemperance, and afterward to disorder, and committed a scandalous sin.This is the evil that we have for a long time deploredhere; and the lack of restraint on that pernicioustraffic ruins everything, as we have frequently written to Your Reverence. They themselves say thatthey would all be Christians by this time, were it notfor the liquor that is traded to them. When thispoor man came to his senses, he was so ashamed thathe did not dare to show himself ; but, as his offensehad been public, he also had to make public reparation. This he willingly agreed to, on a Sundaymorning in the Chapel, in the presence of all, bothFrench and Savages, with great manifestations ofsorrow. May God continue to grant him grace andto strengthen his courage.As for the remainder of our Savages, they arevery willing and well disposed. Many of them,although they are infidels, are anxious to procureBaptism for their sick ;they promptly inform us assoon as they see any one in danger, [131] and beg usto go and baptize them. The principal men amongthem glory in calling and bringing the others toprayers, they assemble, urge, and press themthough most of them need no spur. Our Chapel is


32 L ES RELATIONS DES jS UITES [VOL. 28Chappelle eft fouuent trop petite pour les tenir tons,il faut faire les prieres & diuerfes & fois, monftrentbien par leur ferueur & modeftie qu ils les gouftent.En effedl, depuis que nous auons mis leurs prieresen chant, ils prennent vn fmgulier plaifir d y affifter,& fe piquent de bien chanter, auffi y en a-il qui ontde tres-belles voix, & ceux qui ont veu & demeure kKebec, ne trouuent point nos Sauuages moins loiiablesque les Montagnets. Deux perfonnes de confederation parmy eux, vinrent vn iour que toutes lesprieres eftoient acheu6es demandans qu on les fiftprier Dieu : Et ou eftiez-vous, leur dit-on, quand ona fait les prieres? Pourquoy ne vous y eftes-voustrouue, nous n en fgauions rien, dirent-ils, nouseftions vn peu efloignez & n en auons rien oiiy,faites-nous prier Dieu, nous fommes trifles d auoirmanque" a ce deuoir, il les fallut contenter, & apresauoir fatisfait a leur deuotion, ils tefmoignerentd effedt & de paroles qu ils [132] eftoient contens,mais ce qui eft rauiffant, c eft de voir aux Catechifmesqu on leur fait, le foin & la peine que les parensprennent de redre attentifs leurs enfans & leur inculquerce qu on leur enfeigne, & aux grands par cemoyen, ils prendront deuant eux leurs enfans qu ilscheriffent tendrement, leur feront faire le Signe dela Croix, leur repeteront ce que le Reuerend Peredit, I amplineront vn peu & 1expliqueront en d autrestermes, les exhorteront & bien retenir, & n oublierontpas de leur ietter 1 horreur du danspeche"Tame. Vne troupe de Sauuages & des principauxde 1 Acadie, conduite par vn braue Capitaine nomineHerout paffa par icy, s en allant en guerre au Printemps,ils amfterent aux prieres & exhortations qu on


they1645-46] RELA TION OF 1644-45 33often too small to hold them all ;the prayers haveto be repeated at various times ; and they show bytheir fervor and modesty that they relish them. Infact, since we have set their prayers to music theytake a remarkable pleasure in attending them, andpride themselves on singing well. Some of them, intruth, have very fine voices; and those who haveseen and have lived at Kebec, do not find our Savages less deserving of praise than the Montagnais.Two persons of rank among them came one day,when all the prayers were over, to ask that they bemade to pray to God. And where were you, theywere asked, when the prayers were said? Whywere you not there? We knew nothing about it,they said we were at;some distance, and heardnothing of them. Make us pray to God; we aresorry to have failed in that duty. They had to besatisfied, and, when they had performed their devotions, they showed by deed and by word that they[132] were pleased. But truly delightful it is to see,when we teach the Catechism to them, the care andthe trouble that the parents take to make their children attentive, and to impress on their minds whatby this means we teach them and the older ones.They will take before them their children whom theytenderly love, and have them make the Sign of theCross; they will repeat to them what the ReverendFather says, and then enlarge upon the subject, andexplain it in other words will exhort;them toremember it well, and will not forget to instill intotheir souls a horror for sin. A band of Savages, ofthe chief men of Acadia, led by a brave Captainnamed Herout, passed here last Spring, on theirway to war. They attended the prayers and the


34 LES RELATIONS DES J&SUITES [VOL. 28faifoit en leur langue dans la Chappelle de cettehabitation, & tons rauis d entendre des chofes fi belles& fi nouuelles; Helas, difoient-ils, il y a tant detemps que nous hantons les habitations Frangoifesqui font en nos coftez, & iamais on ne nous a enfeignede la fagon, nous ne fgauons que c eft de prierau moins en noftre langue, on n inftruit point nosenfans comme vous faites par dega. Quoy que s enfoit, ils s en font retournez [133] dans de bos fentimes,& peut-eflre que cette femece Diuine porterafon fruidt en fon temps. Au retour de leur guerrevne partie paila par noftre Maifon de Nepegigoiiit,oil ils fe monftrerent auffi affidus & zelez pour lesprieres qu ils auoient fait a Mifcou, ils venoient feconjoiiir auec nos Sauuages des beaux exploidls deguerre quils auoient fait & Chichedek, Pays des Berfiamites,ou ils auoient tue fept Sauuages & emmene"treize ou quatorze prifonniers la plufpart enfans.Ceux de cette Baye-cy, qui auoient pris le deuantdans le mefme deffein de leur guerre, fe monftrerent bien plus referuez & n oferent iamais offenferquelques Canots qu ils rencontrerent de ces quartiers-1^fur 1opinion qu ils coceurent a leur parolequ ils prioiet Dieu. Mais ces autres moins affedtionnezk la priere & moins inftruits, ne fe mirent pointen peine fur cela, ils fe iettent fur la premiere proyequi leur tombe entre les mains, & s en reuiennentvidtorieux, & defireux d appaifer par ces maffacres1ennuy & la trifteffe de tout le Pays afflige de lamort de quantite de perfonnes deced6es depuis quelques annees. Ils iettent d abord les cheuelures despauures maffacrez k terre, [134] & efpandent enmefme temps la ioye par toutes les cabanes. Ce fut


1645 - 46 jRELA TION OF 1644- 45 35exhortations that we addressed to them in their language in the Chapel of this settlement, and wereall delighted to hear things so beautiful and sonew. Alas ! said they, we have so long frequented the French settlements on our shores, andwe have never been taught in that fashion. We knownot what it is to pray, at least in our own language;our children are not taught as you teach themhere. At all events, they went away [133] inclinedto right sentiments, and perhaps this Divine seedwill bear fruit in its time. On their return fromwar, a party of them passed by our House of Nepegigouitwhere they showed themselves as assiduous andas zealous for the prayers, as they had been at Miscou.They came to rejoice with our Savages at thebrave exploits of the war that they had performedat Chichedek, in the Country of the Bersiamites,where they had killed seven Savages and taken thirteen or fourteen prisoners, most of whom were children. Those from the Bay here, who had gonebefore them with the same purpose of war, showedthemselves much more reserved and never venturedto attack any Canoes that they met in that quarter,because they imagined, from their speech, that theyprayed to God. But these others, who have lesslove for prayer and are not so well instructed, didnot disturb themselves on that account. They threwthemselves on the first prey that fell into theirhands ; they came back victorious, and desired bythese massacres to allay the grief and sorrow of allthe Country, which is afflicted by the death of manypersons who have died during the past few years.They threw on the shore, at landing, the scalps ofthe poor massacred people, [134] and at the same time


pour36 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28a qui d entre les femmes fe faifiroit la premiere deces Trophies, chanteroit & danferoit le mieux, il n yauoit ny pluye ny vent qui les empefchaft depuis lematin iufques au foir. C eft chofe eftrange commeraffiduite" & continuation de ces danfes & chanfonspendant plufieurs iours ne les lafloit ou ennuyoit point;mais vne fauffe alarme, & le bruit que 1 ennemyauoit paru, interrompit cette ioye, & les ietta dansles craintes & apprehenfions des mains des Hiroquois,& les fiftpenfer a la fuite: ils fe retirerenttous a Miskou, ou ils continuerent encore long-tempsleurs funeftes chanfons a la cadence de ces cheuelures.Voila pour ce qui eft de nos :Sauuages lesFran9ois, Voftre Reuerence fgait bien que nous nousemploy ons pour les hyuernans en cette habitation, &pour plufieurs nauires pefcheurs qui viennent tousles ans & demeurent tout l Eft6 k ces Coftes, & iepuis dire a la gloire de Dieu, que cette Miffion nefert pas moins pour le fpirituel a ceux-cy, qu a ceuxla& aux Sauuages du Pays. Les Predications &Catechifmes, la frequence des [135] Confeffions &Communions, les differens & les querelles vuidez &appaif ez mefme entre les ;principaux qui en eftoientvenus iufques a vn appel, monftrent affez 1importancede ces excurfions dans lefquelles les Sauuagesont encore part: Car comme ils font volontiers aupr6sdes nauires, nous ne pouuons affifter les vns quenous n ayons encore moyen d ayder les autres. Maisla boiffon qui s y traite & debite impunementeft lefleau de ce quartier: Quand eft-ce que le Ciel ymettra remede, puis qu en vain nous 1 attendons dela terre, ce fera par les prieres de V. Reuerence,aufquelles ie me recommande inftamment.


"and1645 -46J RELATION OF 1644-43 37spread joy throughout the cabins. The women viedwith one another who should first seize theseTrophies, and who should sing and dance the best.Neither rain nor wind could stop them, from morningto night. It is strange that this constant and continueddancing and singing for several days did not tire orweary them. But a false alarm, and the rumor thatthe enemy had appeared, interrupted their rejoicing,threw them into fear and apprehension of fallinginto the hands of the Hiroquois, and made themthink of flight. They all withdrew to Miskou,where for a long time they continued their balefulsongs to the cadence of the waving scalps.So much for our Savages. As for the French,Your Reverence is aware that we devote ourselvesto those who winter in this settlement, and to several fishing ships that come here every year andspend the Summer on these Coasts I; may say,to the glory of God, that this Mission supplies thespiritual needs not only of the latter but also of theformer, and of the Savages of the Country. Sermons, and the teaching of Catechism; the frequent[135] Confessions and Communions the; disputes andquarrels that have been settled and appeased, evenamong the principal persons, who had gone so far asto challenge each other, sufficiently show the importance of these excursions in which the Savages alsohave a share. For, as they readily remain near theships, we cannot assist the one without also havingthe means of assisting the other. But liquor, which ishere traded and sold with impunity, is the scourge ofthis region. When will Heaven furnish a remedytherefor, since we await it in vain from earth? Itwill be through the prayers of Your Reverence, towhich I earnestly commend myself."


38 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28[136] Lettre du P. Hierofme Lalemant, efcritedes Hurons au R. P. Prouincialde la Compagniede IESVS.MONREUEREND PERE,Ie fus priue Van d vnepatfe" fmguliereconfolation, les lettres que V. R. m efcriuoiteftant tombees entre les mains des Hiroquois nosennemis. I appris toutefois fur la fin de 1 Efte",lesordres qu elle auoit enuoye: en fuite defquels i ayIaiff6 le foin de cette Miffion des Hurons au P. Paulde cesRagueneau, & me fuis difpof6 au departcontr6es plus hautes, pour defcendre a Kebec.Dans 1 incertitude de ce qui me peut arriuer enchemin, i ay penf6 a propos d efcrire la prefenteauant mon depart, & la laiffer icy pour eftre enuoyeeapres moy, afin qu en tout cas V. R. puiffe auoir mesdernieres penf6es, & les fentimens que i ay touchantla conuerfion de ces Pays, apres y auoir demeurequafi fept ans, tefmoin des trauaux des Peres denoflre Compagnie; [137] veu les fruidts que le Cielen a recueilly, & les efperances que i y laiffe pour1 aduenir, fi Dieu continue fes benedictions fur cesPeuples, comme il a commenc6.Lors que i arriuay icy dans les Hurons, les maladies contagieufes, qui auoient preced6, auoient donn6de Vexercice au zele de nos Peres, & les auoientoblig6 de baptizer quelques Sauuages dans 1 extre-


1645-46] RELATION OF 1644- 453S>[136] Letter from Father Hierosme Lalemant, writMYten from the Huron country to the Reverend Father Provincial of theSociety of JESUS.REVEREND FATHER,I was deprived last year of an especial consolation, because the letters that Your Reverence had written to me had fallen into the hands ofthe Hiroquois, our enemies. I learned, however,at the end of the Summer, the orders that you hadsent, in accordance with which I have left the careof this Huron Mission to Father Paul Ragueneau andhave prepared to depart from these upper countriesand go down to Kebec.In my uncertainty as to what might happen to meon the way,I have deemed it advisable to write thisletter previous to my departure, and to leave it hereto be sent after me, so that in any case Your Reverence might know my latest thoughts and opinionsconcerning the conversion of these Countries, afterI have dwelt here nearly seven years, witnessed thelabors of the Fathers of our Society, [137] and seenthe fruits that Heaven has reaped from them, andthe hopes that I leave here for the future, if Godcontinue to pour his blessings on these Peoples ashe has begun.When I arrived here in the Huron country, thecontagious diseases that had previously raged therehad given our Fathers an opportunity for showing


40 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28mite de leur mal. Mais vn grand nombre ayans prisleur party dans le Ciel, mourans heureufement dans1 innocence du Baptefme; La vie fut mal-heureufeaux autres, qui abandonnerent & la Foy, & le nomde Chreftien, quafi en mefme temps quils recouurerentla fante: excepte vne ou deux families, qui apeine ozoient leuer la tefte, au milieu d vne terreinfidelle depuis tant de milliers d ann6es. Maisneantmoins ce fut vn grain, qui depuis a multiplte aucentuple. Et nonobftant mille perfecutions eleueescentre nous; quoy que 1 Enfer & fes Demons ayentexcite" toute leur rage, la Foy a depuis efte toufiourscroiffant, & en faindlete", & en nombre: elle a paruauec eclat, & fait gloire de fe voir efprouuee par toutce qui eft comme plus redoutable [138] en ce monde,au moins a ceux qui n ayans point ce courage indomptable,que donne la vraye Foy, craignent moinsDieu que les miferes. le veux dire que toutes fortesde mal-heurs font venus a la foulle fur cette pauure1 eftouffer en fon berceau.Eglife, pourLes maladies fe font fuiuies les vnes apres les autres,& il fembloit qu elles en vouluffent plus aux Chreftiensqu aux Infidelles, depeuplant plus cruellementleurs families, & pardonnant le plus fouuent a ceuxqui auoient refuf6 le ;Baptefme en mefme temps queladans vne mefme cabane, & dans vn mefme licit,mort nous rauiffoit les autres qui auoient embraffe laDieu accreutFoy. Quoy qu en effet par cette voyedans le Ciel le nombre de fes Eleus, pour lefquelsfon faindt Nom foit annonce afeuls il a voulu queces Peuples barbares; toutefois ce n eftoient pas cefemble des difpofitions fouhaitables pour rendrenoftre Foy plus aymable, & augmenter le nombre de


1645-46] RELATION OF 1644-45 41their zeal, and had compelled them to baptize someSavages in the extremity of their illness. But,though a great many found their portion in Heaven,as they fortunately died in the innocence of Baptism,life was unhappy for the others, who abandonedboth the Faith and the name of Christian almost assoon as they recovered their health, with the exception of one or two families, who hardly dared tolift their heads in the midst of a land that has beeninfidel for so many thousand years. Nevertheless,this was a seed that has since multiplied a hundredfold. And in spite of a thousand persecutions raisedup against us, although Hell and its Demons excitedall their fury, the Faith has since then continued toincrease in godliness and in numbers; it has shonebrilliantly, and has gloried in undergoing trials byeverything that is most to be dreaded [138] in thisworld, at least by those who, not being endowedwith the indomitable courage that is inspired bytrue Faith, fear God less than adversity. I mean tosay that all sorts of misfortunes crowded upon thispoor Church, to stifle it in its cradle.Maladies succeeded one another, until it seemedas if they singled out the Christians more than theInfidels, cruelly decimating their families, and morefrequently sparing those who had refused Baptism,while at the same time, in the same cabin, and inthe same bed, death snatched others from us whohad embraced the Faith. Although by this meansGod indeed increased in Heaven the number of hisElect, for whose sake alone he has chosen that hisholy Name be announced to these barbarous Peoples, nevertheless it was not, it would seem, a desirable preparation for making our Faith more lovable


auageant42 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28cette Eglife militante; c eftoit pluftoft pour en donnerde 1 auerfion & de 1 horreur autant qu on en a dela mort.Les Famines ont eu leur tour; & on a [139] creuqu ayant change de Maiftre, & que mettant fes confiancespluftoft en Dieu qu aux Demons de 1 Enfer,la Foy auoit attire ces mal-heurs apres foy; & queceluy qu elle adoroit, eftoit ou impuiffanta nous fairedu bien, ou qu il manquoit d amour pour ceux quivouloient en auoir pour luy.Les guerres ont eft6 plus impitoyables; & quoyqu elles eft<ayent dans leur fureur pluscruellement ce Pays, fans pardonner a aucun fexe, aaucun aage ny a aucune condition de perfonnes/toutefois nous pouuons dire en ilverite", qu fembleque Dieu ait voulu moiffonner la fleur de nos Eglifespar ce glaiue tranchant. Dans le coeur du Pays, &aux portes des bourgs ou la Foy eftoit le plus dedansfon regne, les Hiroquois font venus de cent lieues ymaffacrer ceux qui en eftoient le fouftien, & qui par1 exemple & la faindtet6 de leur vie, 1par ardeur deleur zele, & 1 efficace des paroles enflammees que leS. Efprit animoit en leur bouche, auoient defia lesqualitez d Apoftres de leur patrie, y prefchans pluspuiffamment que nous, les grandeurs de celuy quides barbares en fait des Saindts.[140] C eftoient des pertes bien fenables a vne Eglifequi ne faifoit que de naiftre mais celles :qui ont f uiuydepuis nos dernieres Relations, ont paru plus funeftes,non feulement pour 1 aduancement de la Foy,mais pour tous ces Pays, qui vont s afToibliffant deiour en iour, & tirent ce femble a leur ruine, fi quelquebras plus puiffant que les noftres, ou quelque


ut1645-46] RELATION OF 1644-43 43and for increasing the number of this Church militant ;it was more fitted to produce aversion therefor,and to inspire a horror of it as great as of death.Then Famines had their turn; and the people[139] thought that, because they had changed Masters, and had placed their confidence in God ratherthan in the Demons of Hell, the Faith haddrawn these misfortunes after it; and that he whomit adored was either powerless to do us good, orwas wanting in love for those who wished to lovehim.Wars have been more pitiless, and, although theyhave ravaged this Country most cruelly, withoutsparing any sex, age, or condition of persons, nevertheless we may truly say that it seems as if God hadchosen to reap the flower of our Churches with thatsharp sword. Into the heart of the Country, and tothe doors of the villages where the reign of the Faithmost prevailed, the Hiroquois have come from ahundred leagues distance, to slay those who supportedit and who by the example and holiness of theirlives, by the ardor of their zeal, and the efficacy ofthe impassioned words that the Holy Ghost placedm their mouths, already possessed the qualities ofApostles of their country, wherein they preachedmore powerfully than we the greatness of him whomakes Saints of barbarians.[140] These were deeply-felt losses for a Churchnewly born those that;have followed since ourlast Relations have seemed more disastrous, notonly to the advancement of the Faith, but also to allthese Countries, which become weaker day by day,and seem to be drawing near their ruin, if some armmore powerful than ours or some intervention of


44 LES RELATIONS DES JESUTTES [VOL. 28coup du Ciel n arrefle 1 infolence & la profperite deleurs Ennemis.Nos Chreftiens, ily eut vn an 1 auoientEfte" paffe",fait vne bande d enuiron cent homines choiiis, feioignans a quelques guerriers Infidelles, pour allerdreffer des embufches fur les frontieres du Pays:ennemyils furent rencontrez par f ept ou huit censHiroquois, & apres le combat d vne foire"e,& d vnenuit entiere, demeurerent tous fur la place, ou priscaptifs, fans qu aucun fe put efchapper.Vn mal-heur en attire vn autre, la mefme ann6edeux bandes de Hurons tomberent entre les mainsd autres Hiroquois plus voifms de Kebec, qui les attendentau paffage fur la Riuiere qu ils defcendent pouraller trouuer les Francois, & traiter auec eux leursCaftors & leur pelleterie.[141] Et 1 an parle",trois autres flottes, la plufpartdes Chreftiens, trouuerent auffi fur le mefme cheminou la mort, ou la captiuite : les vns d6s leur defpartdes Trois-riuieres, les autres vn peu au deffous deVille-Marie, les derniers enuiron foixante lieues plushaut; car le peril continue cent lieues de chemin,n y ay ant pas vn feul moment ou on puiffe eflre enaffeurance d vn ennemy cache dedans des joncs quibordent la riuiere, ou dans 1efpaiffeur des foreftsqui les couurent a voftre veue, lors qu ils vous voyentvenir de quatre, cinq ou fix lieues, ayans tous leloiilr de fe difpofer au combat, s ils vous voyent lesplus foibles; ou de fonger a leur retraite, ou demeurercachez dans leurs embufches, s ils vous croyentles plus forts.Vne feule bande ayant trauerfe ces dangers, retournaicy a bon port, & nous rendit le Pere lean de


1645-46] RELATION OF 1644-45 45Heaven do not arrest the insolence and success oftheir Enemies.A year ago last Summer, our Christians had mustered a band of about a hundred picked men, whojoined some Infidel warriors to go and lay ambusheson the frontiers of the enemy s Country. They weremet by seven or eight hundred Hiroquois; and,after fighting for a whole evening and a whole night,they were all killed on the field of battle or takenprisoners, not one effecting his escape.One misfortune attracts another. In the sameyear, two bands of Hurons fell into the hands ofother Hiroquois who are nearer Kebec, and who layin wait for them on the River which they descendto go and see the French, and to trade their Beaverskins and furs with them.[141] And last year three other fleets, mostly ofChristians, also met with death or captivity on thesame road, one, soon after their departure fromThree rivers ; another, a little above Ville-Marie;the last, about sixty leagues higher up. For theperil continues over a hundred leagues of road.There is no safety for a moment from an enemyhidden in the rushes along the banks of the river, orin the depths of the forest, which screen them fromyour sight while they can see you coming from adistance of four, five, or six leagues, thus havingtime to prepare for a combat, if they see that youare weaker; or to retreat, or remain hidden in theirambush, if they consider you the stronger.A single band, which had passed through thesedangers, reached here safely, and brought to us FatherJean de Brebeuf whose absence , during three yearshad been greatly felt by us, and Fathers Leonard


46 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28Brebeuf, dont Tabfence de trois ans, nous auoit efte"bien fenflble/ & les Peres Leonard Gareau, & NoelChabanel, venus de nouueau a noftre fecours, dontrarriue"e nous confola extremement dans les regretsde la perte que fraifchement nous auions faite duPere Breflanytombe" entre les mains des Hiroquois.[142] Cette bande fut du efcorte"e fecours que Monfieurde Montmagny noftre Gouuerneur nous enuoyatres-heureufement, non feulement pour la conferuationde ces pauures Hurons, qui couroient vn grandrifque de tomber pareilletnent dans les embufchesdes ennemis; Mais plus encore pour affermir ce Paysqui eftoit menace" de voir en Hyuer vne arm6e d Hiroquois venir rauager leurs bourgades, & traifnantapres foy vne defolation generale mettre tout a feu& a fang: mais la venue de ce fecours leur a faitchanger de deilein. fiQue cette mefme efcorte deSoldats Fran9ois, qui eft fur le point de s en retourner,pour accompagner les Hurons qui defcendrontla riuiere, arriuet auec autant de bon-heur k Kebec,qu ils monterent icy Tan paffe: le Ciel aura benyentierement tous les deffeins de Moniieur noftre Gouuerneur. Quoy qu il en foit, ie prie Dieu de conferuertouliours a la Nouuelle France vne perfonne quinous doit eftre liprecieufe, car ie ne croy point depuisneuf ans qu il en a le Gouuernement, qu on euftpeu agir auec vn plus grand zele quil en a faitparoiftre, vne prudence plus desdegage"e propresinterefts, vne [143] force d efprit, & vn courage plusveritablement Chreftien, dans les difficultez quafiinfurmontables qui fe font rencontrees, & qui euffentabattu vn cceur moins ferme que le fien.Mais pour reprendre mon difcours, & dire a voftreReuerence les fentimens que i ay, touchant la con-


1645 - 46] RELA TION OF 1644- 43 47Gareau and Noel Chabanel, who had newly come toour assistance. Their arrival consoled us exceedingly in our regret for our recent loss of FatherBressany, who had fallen into the hands of the Hiroquois.[142] This band was escorted by the troopswhich Monsieur de Montmagny, our Governor, sentus most opportunely, not only for the preservationof the poor Hurons, who ran a great risk of also falling into the ambushes of the enemies, but still morefor strengthening this Country, which was threatened this Winter with the sight of a Hiroquois armycoming to ravage their villages, bringing with itgeneral desolation, and wasting everything with fireand sword. But the arrival of this relief made themalter their plans. And if this same escort of FrenchSoldiers, which is about to return, in order to accompany the Hurons who are going down the river,reach Kebec as safely as they came up last year,Heaven will have fully blessed all the designs ofMonsieur our Governor. In any case, I pray Godever to preserve for New France a person who shouldbe so precious to us; for I do not think that, in thenine years during which he has had the Governmentof it, any one could have acted with more zeal thanhe has displayed, with more disinterested prudence,with more [143] strength of mind, and with a moretruly Christian courage, amid the almost insurmountable difficulties that have been encountered, andthat would have discouraged a heart less firm thanhis.But to return to our subject, and to tell your Reverence my sentiments respecting the conversion ofthis country, I may frankly confess that, if we hadto judge the establishment of the Faith in these


48 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28uerfion de ce pays; ie luy confefferay ingenuement,que s il falloit iuger de 1 eftablillement de la Foy ences contre es, felon les veues de la prudence humaine,a peine croirois-je qu il y euft lieu au monde plusdifficile & foufmettre aux Loix de IESVS-CHRIST.Non feulement a caufe qu ils n ont aucun vfage delettres, aucuns monumens de 1 Hiftoire, & aucuneide"e d vne Diuinit6 qui ayt cre6 le monde, & ayt foinde fon :gouuernement mais plus encore par ce queie ne croy pas quily ayt peuples fur la terre, pluslibres que ceux-cy, & moins capables de voir leursvolontez contraintes & quelque puiffance que ce foit:en forte que les Peres n ont icy aucun pouuoir furleurs enfans, les Capitaines fur leurs fujets & les Loixdu pays fur les vns & les autres, qu autant qu ilplaift a vn chacun de s y foufmettre; n y ayant aucunchaftiment dont [144] on punifle les coulpables, &aucun criminel qui ne foit affeur6 que fa vie & fesbiens ne feront en aucun danger, fut-il conuaincu detrois & quatre meurtres, d auoir receu penfion desennemis pour trahir fa patrie, ou de fon propre mouuementd auoir rompu la paix qu on auroit arrefteepar vn confentement general de tout le pays: Cefont crimes que i ay veu commettre, & dont ie voisles autheurs en tirer leur gloire, fe vantans que lesguerres qu ils ont fufcitees rendront leur nom immortel:Ce n efl pas qu il n y ayt des Loix & des punitionsproportionnees aux crimes, mais ce ne font pasles coupables qui en portent la peine, c eft au publica fatisfaire pour les fautes des particuliers en forte:que vn Huron fi auoit tue vn Algonquin, ou quelquautre Huron, tout le pays s ailemble, on conuientdu nombre de prefens quil faut faire & la Nation, ouaux parens de celuy qui a efte" tu6, afin d arrefter la


and1645 - 46] RELA TION OF 1644- 45 49countries from the standpoint of human prudence, Icould hardly believe that there is any place in theworld more difficult to subject to the Laws of JESUSCHRIST. Not only because they have no knowledge of letters, no Historical monuments, and no ideaof a Divinity who has created the world and whogoverns it; but, above all, because I do not believethat there isany people on earth freer than they,and less able to allow the subjection of their wills toany power whatever, so much so that Fathers herehave no control over their children, or Captains overtheir subjects, or the Laws of the country over anyof them, except in so far as each is pleased to submitto them. There is no punishment which [144] isinflicted on the guilty, and no criminal who is notsure that his life and property are in no danger, evenif he were convicted of three or four murders, ofhaving received a reward from the enemy for betraying his country, or breaking off by his own act apeace, that is decided upon by the general consentof the whole country. These are crimes that I haveseen committed, the authors whereof have gloried inthem and have boasted that the wars that they hadaroused would make their names immortal. It is notbecause there are no Laws or punishments proportionate to the crimes, but it is not the guilty whosuffer the penalty. It is the public that must makeamends for the offenses of individuals ;so that, if aHuron has killed an Algonquin or another Huron,the whole country assembles; they come to anagreement respecting the number of presents to begiven to the Tribe or to the relatives of him whohas been killed, to stay the vengeance that theymight take. The Captains urge their subjects to


50 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28vangeance qu ils en pourroient prendre. Les Capitainesexhortent leurs fujets k fournir ce qui eftneceffaire; pas vn n y eft contraint, mais ceux quifont de bonne volonte apportent publiquement cequ ils veulent y contribuer, & ce femble k 1 enuy[145] vn 1 de 1 autre, felon qu ils font plus ou moinsriches, & que le defir de la gloire & de paroiftreaffedtionnez au bien public les inuite en femblablesoccafions. Or quoy que cette forme de iuftice contiennetous ces peuples, & empefche ce femble plusefficacement les defordres, que ne fait en France lapunition perfonnelle des criminels; c eft toutefois vnproced^ qui n eft remply que de douceur, & qui laiffeles particuliers dans cet efprit de liberte", de ne fevoir iamais foufmis h Loix aucunes, & ne fuiureaucuns mouuemens finon celuy de leur volonte, ce quifans doute eft vne difpofition toute contraire a 1 efprit de la Foy, qui doit foufmettre non feulementnos volontez, mais noftre efprit, nos iugemens, & tousles fentimens de I homme vne puiffance inconnue,a nos fens, a vne Loy qui n a rien de la terre, & quien tout eft oppofee aux loix & fentimens de la naturecorrompue.Adjouftez a cela que les loix du Pays, qui leurparoiffent les plus iuftes, combattent en mille chofesla purete du Chriftianifme :principalement en ce quieft des mariages, dont la dilfolution, & en fuite laliberte de fonger h vn autre party, eft [146] icy plusfrequente & plus libre quil n eft en France & vnmaiftre de prendre vn autre feruiteur, ilceluy qu ane luy aggreant pas: en forte qu & vray dire, en leursmariages les plus fermes, & quils eftiment les plusconformes & la raifon, la foy quils fe donnentn a rien de plus qu vne promeffe conditionelle de


1645-46] RELATION OF 1644-45 51provide what is needed; no one is compelled to it,but those who are willing bring publicly what theywish to contribute; it seems as if they vied [145]with one another according to the amount of theirwealth, and as the desire of glory and of appearingsolicitous for the public welfare urges them to do onlike occasions. Now although this form of justicerestrains all these peoples, and seems more effectually to repress disorders than the personal punishment of criminals does in France, it is neverthelessa very mild proceeding, which leaves individuals insuch a spirit of liberty that they never submit to anyLaws and obey no other impulse than that of theirown will. This, without doubt, is a dispositionquite contrary to the spirit of the Faith, which requires us to submit not only our wills, but our minds,our judgments, and all the sentiments of man to apower unknown to our senses, to a Law that is not ofearth, and that is entirely opposed to the laws andsentiments of corrupt nature.Add to this that the laws of the Country, which tothem seem most just, attack the purity of the Christian life in a thousand ways, especially as regardstheir marriages, the dissolution of which, with freedom to seek another consort, is [146] more frequentand easy here than it is in France for a master totake another servant, when the one he has does notplease him. The result is, truth to tell, that, in theclosest of their marriages, and those which they consider most conformable to reason, the faith that theypledge each other is nothing more than a conditionalpromise to live together so long as each shall continue to render the services that they mutually expectfrom each other, and shall not in any way wound the


52 LES RELATIONS DES js UITES VOL. 28[demeurer enfemble, tandis qu vn chacun continueraa rendre les feruices qu ils attendent mutuellementles vns des autres, & n offenfera point I amiti6 qu ilsfe doiuent; cela manquant on iuge le diuorce eftreraifonnable du coft6 de celuy qui fe voit offenfe, quoyqu on blafme 1 autre party qui y a donn6 occafion.Mais la plus grande oppofition que nous voyons ences Pays a 1 efprit de la Foy, eft en ce que leursremedes centre les maladies, leurs plus grandes recreations lors qu ils font en fante, leurs pefches, leurschaffes & leur trafic, la profperite"de leurs champs,de leurs guerres, & de leurs confeils, tout eft quafiremply de ceremonies diaboliques. De forte que lafuperftition ayant corropu quafi toutes les actions dela vie, il femble que pour eftre Chreftien, il faut fepriuer non feulement des [147] pafle-temps, qui d ailleursfont tout k fait dans 1 innocence, & des douceurs les plus aymables de la vie; mais des chofesles plus neceffaires, & en vn mot mourir au monde,en mefme temps qu on veut prendre la vie de Chreftien.Non pas qu ayant examin6 leurs fuperftitions deplus nouspre"s, voyons que le Diable fe mefle & leurprefte aucun fecours qui furpaffe 1 operation de lanature/ mais toutefois ils ont recours a luy, ils croyentqu il leur parle en fonge, ils 1 inuoquent a leurayde, ils luy font des prefens & facrifices, tantoftpour 1 appaifer, tantoft pour fe le rendre fauorable,ils luy referent leur fante, leurs guerifons, & tout lebon-heur de leur vie: en cela d autant plus miferablesqu ils fe font efclaues du Diable fans riengagner a fon feruice, non pas mefme en ce monde,dont il eft appel!6 le Prince, & femble auoir quelquepouuoir.


theytheir1645-46] RELATION OF 1644-45 53affection that they owe each other. If this fail,divorce is considered reasonable on the part of theinjured one, although the other party who has givenoccasion for it is blamed.But the greatest opposition that we meet in theseCountries to the spirit of the Faith consists in thefact that their remedies for diseases ;their greatestamusements when in good health ; fishing,their hunting, and their ;trading the success of theircrops, of their wars, and of their councils, almost allabound in diabolical ceremonies. So that, as superstition has contaminated nearly all the actions oftheir lives, it would seem that to be a Christian, onemust deprive himself not only of [147] pastimes whichelsewhere are wholly innocent, and of the dearestpleasures of life, but even of the most necessarythings, and, in a word, die to the world at thevery moment that one wishes to assume the life of aChristian.Not that, after examining their superstitions moreclosely, we find that the Devil interferes and givesthem any help beyond the operation of nature ;butnevertheless they have recourse to him;they believethat he speaks to them in dreams invoke;hisaid ;they make presents and sacrifices to him, sometimes to appease him and sometimes to render himfavorable to them; they attribute to him their health,their cures, and all the happiness of their lives. Inthis, they are all the more miserable that they areslaves of the Devil, without gaining anything in hisservice, not even in this world, of which he is calledthe Prince, and wherein he seems to have somepower.If lesser difficulties have caused trouble in convert-


54 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28Si de moindres difficultez ont donne de la peine aconuertir des Peuples policez; & s il a fallu des fieclesentiers pour y planter la Foy, quoy que Dieu affiftaftpour lors ceux qui annongoient fa parole d vne infinite" de miracles, du don des guerifons, [148] du dondes langues, des propheties, & de tout ce qui eflcapable d eftonner la nature, & faire reconnoiflre auxplus impies le pouuoir & la majefte de celuy dont onpublioit la grandeur. Que doit-on attendre de cespeuples barbares, n ayant pas plu a Dieu nous benirde la frequence des miracles; & leur rendre la Foyplus aymable par les douceurs qu elle feroit pleuuoirdu Ciel des cette vie, fur ceux qui fe foufmettroienta fes Loix; mais mefme n ayans pas icy ces aydestemporels des fecours, des bien-faits & des dons,dont aux autres contre"es du Monde on s eft feruyaupre*s des Sauuages, pour procurer leur conuerfion.En fin ne pouuans pas auoir icy la force en main, &le fouftien de ce glaiue tranchant qui fert faindtementa 1 Eglife, pour authorifer fes Arrefts, fouftenirla luftice, & reprimer1 infolence de ceux quifoulent aux pieds la faindtete" de fes Myfteres.La Foy n eftant pas naturelle a ces peuples, commeil femble qu elle foit en France, ou on la fucce auecle laidt, ce n eft quafi rien fait, d auoir fait hommevn Chreftien. II faut plus de combats, plus depeines & plus de fueurs, pour le conferuer & [149]retenir dedans 1 Eglife, que pour 1 auoir gagne"aDieu. Les tentations leur font connoiftre leur foibleffe;leur efprit n eft pas toufiours dans la ferueur;le Ciel n arrefte pas toufiours leur veue, la terre n apas perdu tous fes attraits pour eux, il efl aife" dans lafuite de plufieursanne"esqu ils tobent dans leur


1645-46] RELATION OF 1644- 45 55ing civilized Nations, and if it has taken entire centuries to implant the Faith in them, though Godthen assisted those who preached his word, with amultitude of miracles, with the gift of cures, [148]the gift of tongues, of prophecies, and everythingthat can astonish nature and make even the mostimpious acknowledge the power and majesty of himwhose greatness they proclaimed, what can be expected from these barbarous nations when it has notpleased God to bless us with frequent miracles, andto make the Faith more agreeable to them by thepleasant things that it would cause Heaven to shower,even in this life, on those who should submit to hisLaws and when we have not here even such ;temporalaids as the succor, the benefits, and the gifts whichhave been employed with the Savages in the othercountries of the World to procure their conversion?Finally, we cannot here have force at hand, and thesupport of that sharp sword which serves the Churchin so holy a manner to give authority to her Decrees,to maintain Justice, and curb the insolence of thosewho trample under foot the holiness of her Mysteries.As Faith is not natural to these peoples, as itseems to be in France, where it is imbibed with one smother s milk, it is not a mere trifle to havemade a man a Christian. More contests, more pains,and more labors are needed to retain and [149] keephim in the Church than were required to win him toGod. Temptations show them their feebleness ;theirminds are not always fervent Heaven does not;always fix their ;gaze earth has not lost all its attractions for them it is ;easy for them in the course ofmany years to fall back into their frailties ;grace isbut transitory, while nature ever remains; in a


56 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28foiblefle: la grace eft paffagere, la nature demeuretou.fiou.rs, en vn mot, ie veux dire que la perfeuerancedans 1 exercice de la Foy, n eft pas icy moins difficile, qu il eft en France a la plufpart de conferuerleur innocence du Baptefme, & ne point perdre parle peche la grace, qui nous rend agreables a Dieu.Adjouftez a cela les fureurs d vn ennemy Hiroquois,qui va nous fermant le paffage, qui nous rauitles neceffitez de la vie, & les fecours qu on nous peutenuoyer en vn pays abandonn6 :qui tue & qui maffacreceux qui viennent a noftre ayde, qui chaqueann6e va croiffant en fon infolence, qui va depeuplantce pays, & qui fait prendre a nos Hurons, les deffeinsd abandonner leur commerce auec les Francois, voyansqu il leur coufte fi cher, & aymans mieux fepaffer des marchandifes de 1Europe, que de s expoferchaque annee, non [150] pas a vne mort, qui feuleferoit tolerable, mais a des feux & a des flammes,dont on a mille fois plus d horreur.Or en fuitte que pouuons-nous attendre au milieud vne nation barbare, ou nous n aurons plus lesfecours de la vie, ou on n ofera plus nous enuoyer lerenfort d ouuriers qui feroient icy necellaires pour yauancer les affaires de Dieu; ou tous ceux qui yrefteront, feront abandonnez a la rage d vn peupledefefpere, & qui ne fera plus retenu de nous maffacrertous, par la crainte de perdre leur commerceauec les Francois, qu ils verront leur eftre impoffible,& eftre pour eux entierement ruine. Ou alors lesChreftiens qui compofent cette Eglife naiffante, feverront fans Pafteurs, fans Sacremens, fans Sacrifice, & hors des moyens de recourre a ceux, qui feulsfont leur refuge en leurs defolations, leur appuydedans leur foibleffe, le nceud facre qui les lie auec


1645-46] RELATION OF 1644-43 57word, I mean to say that perseverance in the exerciseof Faith is no less difficult here than it is in Francefor the majority to retain the innocence of Baptism,and not to lose through sin the grace that makes usagreeable to God.Add to this the fury of a Hiroquois enemy whocloses the way to us who; deprives us of the necessities of life, and of the help that may be sent us ina forsaken country; who kills and massacres thosewho come to our aid ;whose insolence grows fromyear to year; who depopulates the country, andmakes our Hurons think of giving up the trade withthe French, because they find that it costs them toodear, and they prefer to do without European goodsrather than to expose themselves every year, not[150] to a death that would be endurable, but to firesand flames, for which they have a thousand timesgreater horror.Now, therefore, what can we expect in the midstof a barbarous nation where we shall no longer havethe necessaries of life ;where they will no longerventure to send us the reinforcement of laborers thatwould be required here to promote the affairs of God ;where all who shall remain will be abandoned to thefury of a desperate people, who will no longer berestrained from massacring us all by the fear of losingtheir trade with the French, which they will findimpossible to them, and which will be completelyruined, as far as they are concerned? In that case,the Christians who compose this nascent Church willthen see themselves without Pastors, without Sacraments, without Sacrifice, and without the means ofhaving recourse to those who alone are their refugein their desolation, their support in their weakness,


58 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 28Dieu, & le renfort qu ils ont centre les puiffancesd Enfer.Sans doute ce font la des craintes raifonnables, desdifncultez capables d arrefter les efprits, des obftaclesinfurmontables k nos foibleffes, & des mal-hetirs cefemble ineuitables, fi la France ne fait des [151]efforts extraordinaires pour renuerfer cet ennemyqui va ruinant d vn mefme coup, & ces Peuples & laFoy qu on leur prefche. Et a dire vray, tant demal-heurs furuenus 1 vn fur 1 autre, & des oppofitionsfipuiffantes aux deffeins qui nous amenent icy,nous auroient fait perdre courage, nous fi ne leuionsles yeux plus haut, & fi. le Ciel n eftoit 1appuy denos confiances. Mais quand nous penfons que cefont les affaires de Dieu plus que les noftres, que laFoy n a efle fondle en aucun lieu du Monde qu aumilieu des tempeftes, que toufiours Dieu s eft pleude faire paroiftre fon pouuoir ou il y auoit moins derhumain, que fa main n eft pas racourcie, quandnous penfons que le Sang de IBS vs-Cn RIST n apas moins refpandu pour ces peuples que pourefte"le refte de la terre, & que les fruidts de fon amourne font pas epuifez fur ceux qui 1 ont defia reconnupour leur Sauueur, quil doit eftre adore de tousles peuples de la terre, & loiie d autant de languesqu il y en a dans 1 Vniuers. Quand nous voyons desPeuples qui nous enuironnent de toutes parts, & vnmonde quafi entier ou fon faindt Nom n a eft6 iamaisadore, [152] & ou toutefois il faut que 1 Euangile aitauant la penetre" fin des fiecles, puifque Dieu y a engage fa parole. Quand nous voyons de nos yeux cequ il y a defia commence, & que luy feul y a trauailleplus que nous, qu il y fait tous les iours des miracles plus grands que ne feroit la creation d vn Monde


1645-46] RELATION OF 1644-43 59the sacred tie that binds them to God, and theirsuccor against the powers of Hell.Beyond a doubt, these are reasonable fears, difficulties capable of arresting our minds, obstacles insurmountable to our weakness, and misfortunes thatseem inevitable, if France does not make [151]extraordinary efforts to overthrow this enemy, whowith one and the same blow destroys these Nationsand the Faith that we preach to them. To tell themisfortunes that have followed onetruth, so manyanother, and so powerful opposition to the designsthat bring us here, would have caused us to lose courage, did we not raise our eyes higher, and if ourconfidence were not upheld by Heaven. But whenwe think that these are the affairs of God more thanours ;that the Faith has not been founded anywherein the World except in the midst of tempests that;God has always been pleased to manifest his powerwhere there is least of human strength that;his armis not shortened ;when we think that the Blood ofJESUS CHRIST has been shed no less for thesenations than for the remainder of the earth, and thatthe fruits of his love are not exhausted for those whohave already acknowledged him as their Savior ; thathe must be adored by all the peoples of the earth,and be praised by as many tongues as there are inthe Universe ;when we see Nations surrounding uson all sides and almost an entire world where hisholy Name has never been adored, [152] and wherenevertheless it must be that the Gospel shall havepenetrated before the end of the ages, since God haspledged his word to it; when we see with our owneyes what he has already begun there, and that healone has worked there more than we have, that


60 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28tout notmeau, changeant des coeurs de Barbate endes cceurs de Chreftiens. Enfin quand nous penfonsque Dieu ne laiile iamais fon ouurage imparfait, qu ily va de fa gloire & non pas de la noftre : alors nousne iugeons rien impofllble, nous efperons contre touteefperance, nos confiances font auffi fortes que iamais,& des gages de fon amour par le paffe deffus cespeuples, & de ce qu il y fait maintenant, nousprenons affeurance qu il ne leur manquera pas k1 aduenir.Car nonobftant tous ces rauages, de pefles, defamines, & de guerres, quelque oppolition qu ayentces peuples en leur naturel, en leurs loix & en leurscouftumes h la faindtete de la Foy, quelque Empirequ y ayent les Demons, nous n auons pas laiffe cha-d en baptifer bon nombre, & encore cetteque anne"ederniere annee plus de cent feptante, & quoy queDieu ait difpofe [153] de la plufpart, dont plufieursfont dans le Ciel, comme nous auons tout fujet decroire. Nous auons toutesfois la confolation de voirau milieu de cette barbaric fept petites Eglifes, oilla main de Dieu a trauaille bien plus que nous, ou1 Efprit de la Foy y regne, & ne trouue rien de barbare,dans les coeurs qu il veut s affujettir, ou 1 Innocence fe conferue au milieu de 1impurete. Ce quinous fait dire, fans quil nous en refte aucun doute,Digitus Dei eft hie. Or li Dieu eft pour nous, pourrionsnous bien craindre au milieu de nos entrep[r]ifes,fans nous expofer aux reproches quefift leSauueur du monde k S. Pierre: Modica fidei quaredubitafti ?Mais ie crains qu on ne craigne par trop pour nous,& iay peur que les defiances de ceux qui font e"loignezdes combats, n arreflent le cours des vidtoires


1645-46] RELATION OFit>44- 45 61he performs every day miracles greater than the creation of a new World would be, changing the heartsof Barbarians into Christian hearts ;finally, when wethink that God never leaves his work unfinished;that his glory is at stake and not ours : then we consider nothing impossible we hope against all hope ; ;our confidence is as great as ever both on account of;the pledges of his love in the past, in favor of thesenations, and of what he does there now, we feelassured that he will not fail them in the future.For notwithstanding all these ravages of plagues,of famines, and of wars; whatever opposition theremay be in the nature of these peoples, in their laws,and in their customs, to the holiness of the Faith;whatever Dominion the Demons may have we havenot failed each year to baptize a goodly number, andeven this past year more than one hundred andseventy. And though God has disposed [153] of themajority, several of whom are in Heaven as wehave every reason to believe, we have, nevertheless, the consolation of seeing in the midst of thisbarbarism seven small Churches, wherein the handof God has worked far more than we wherein;theSpirit of the Faith reigns, and finds nothing barbarous in the hearts of those whom it chooses to subdueto itself ;wherein Innocence preserves itself in themidst of impurity. This induces us to say, withoutthe shadow of a doubt, Digitus Dei est hie. Now,as God is for us, can we really feel fear amid ourundertakings, without exposing ourselves to thereproaches addressed by the Savior of the world toSt. Peter: Modica fidei quare dubitasti ?But I am afraid that too much fear is felt for us,and that want of confidence on the part of those who


62 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28qu emporte icy la Foy fur 1 impiete. le veux direque les derates qu on pourroit auoir dans la France dela comierfion de ces peuples, ne foil vn des plusgrands empefchemens qu on y put apporter, & queDieu ne retire fes faueurs de deffus ces pays infidelles,k caufe qu au milieu des tempeftes, on auroitretire fes confiances en luy. Car en [154] effet il eftaife de defefperer de la conuerfion de ces peuples,mefme dans ce feul preiuge qu eftans barbares, apeine d aucuns peuuent croire qu ils foient hommes,& qu on puifle en faire des Chreftiens. Mais on atort d en iuger de la forte, car ie puis dire en veriteque pour 1 Efprit ils n ont rien de moins que lesEuropeans, & demeurant dedans la France, ie n eufleiamais creu, que fans inftrudtion la nature euft pufournir vne eloquence plus prompte & plus vigoureufe,que i en ay admire en plufieurs Hurons; nyde plus clairvoyant dans les affaires, & vne conduiteplus fage dans les chofes qui font de leur vfage.Pourquoy done feroient-ils incapables des connoiffancesd vn vray Dieu?Leurs couflumes en mille chofes font en effet barbares/mais apres tout, dans les chofes qui parmyeux font cenfe"es au nombre des mauuaifes, & condamneespar le public, nous y voyons fans comparaifonbeaucoup moins de defordre qu il n y a dedansla France, quoy qu icy la feule honte d auoir commisle crime foit la peine du criminel. Quelle feroitdone leur innocence, li la Foy regnoit parmy eux?Maintenant nous auons plus grande [155] connoiffanceque iamais de leur langue, de leurs couftumes,& des moyens qu il faut tenir pour entrerdans leur efprit, dedans leur coeur, & les gagnant anous, les gagner pour le Ciel. Nous trouuons beau-


1645 -46J RELATION OF 1644-45 63are far from the fight will arrest the course of thevictories that the Faith gains here over impiety. Imean to say that the doubts that may exist in Francewith reference to the conversion of these nations isone of the greatest impediments that can be offered ;and that God may withdraw his favors from thesepagan countries because, in the midst of tempests,confidence in him has been withdrawn. For, in[154] truth, it is easy to despair of the conversion ofthese nations, even in this presumption alone, that,because they are barbarians, some can hardly believethem to be men, and that we can hardly make Christians of them. But it iswrong to judge thus; forI can say in truth that, as regards Intelligence, theyare in no wise inferior to Europeans and to those whodwell in France. I would never have believed that,without instruction, nature could have supplied a mostready and vigorous eloquence, which I have admiredin many Hurons or more;clear-sightedness in affairs,or a more discreet management in things to whichthey are accustomed. Why, then, should they beincapable of having a knowledge of a true God ?In truth, their customs are barbarous in a thousand matters; but after all, in those practices whichamong them are regarded as evil acts and are condemned by the public, we find without comparisonmuch less disorder than there is in France, thoughhere the mere shame of having committed the crimeis the offender s punishment. What, therefore,would their innocence be if the Faith reigned amongthem?At present we have a greater [155] knowledge thanever of their language, of their customs, and of themeans that must be taken to enter into their minds


64 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [Voi~ 28coup de facility a leur expliquer les veritez de noftreFoy, qui du commencement nous fembloient les plusineffables, a caufe de la pauurete"de leur langue ences matieres, & de 1ignorance dans laquelle ils onttoufiours vefcu, des chofes qui furpaflent la porte"ede la veue & des fens. Ils ne peuuet plus nousrefpondre, qu en effet la Loy de IESVS-CHRIST,que nous prefchons eft faindte, mais qu elle leur eftimpoffible, ayant veu leurs compatriotes nays dans labarbarie auffi bien qu eux, eleuez dedans leurs couftumes,nourris dedans leurs vices, & abyfmez autantqu ils font dedans 1 impiete qui inonde tous ces pai s,fe retirer de ce naufrage, defpoiiiller la nature, fereueftir des Vertus les plus faindtes du Chriftianifme,& n auoir plus que de 1 horreur pour les plaifirs dumonde, ny de amour 1 que pour le Ciel. Ils font contrainsde confeffer que Dieu eft le maiftre des coeurs,& quil a plus de bont6 que ne font grades nos malices, lors qu ils voyent [156] tous les iours que ceuxqu y ont eu plus d auerfion de nos Myfteres, font despremiers a fe rendre a la verite, que la Foy leurouure 1 Efprit, & que Dieu ayant pris poffeffion deleur ame ils font plus fortement touchez du bien,qu ils n auoient d attraits pour le mal.La conftance & longanimite de nos Peres en vnevie fipenible, dans vn employ dont la nature & tousles fens ne peuuent auoir que de 1 horreur, en vneaffaire qui n eft pas noftre, ou au moins dont nos Sauuagesvoyent bien que nous ne retirons aucun profit,vn couragefi inuincible dans des oppofitionsfipuiffantesaux deffeins qui nous amenent icy; leur feruentmaintenant d vn tres-puiffant motif, qui leurrend plus croyables & plus adorables les veritez denoftre Foy. En vn mot, ils aduoiient quil faut fans


1645 - 46] RELA T1ON OF 1644-43 65and hearts, and, by winning them over to ourselves,to gain them for Heaven. We find itvery easy toexpound to them the truths of our Faith which, atthe beginning, seemed to us the most difficult toexplain, owing to the poverty of their language insuch matters, and the ignorance in which they hadalways lived of things beyond the reach of sight andof the senses. They can no longer reply to us thatindeed the Law of JESUS CHRIST that we preachto them is holy, but that it is impossible for them ;for they have seen their countrymen born in barbarism as well as they, brought up in their customs,fed on their vices, and engulfed as much as they inthe impiety that floods all these countries savethemselves from the wreck, cast off nature, clothethemselves with the holiest Virtues of Christianity,and have nothing but horror for earthly pleasures,and no love but for Heaven. They are compelled toconfess that God is the master of all hearts, and thathis goodness is greater than our evil deeds; whenthey see [156] every day that those who had had thegreatest aversion for our Mysteries are the first tosubmit to the truth, that Faith opens the Mind and;that, when God has taken possession of their souls,they are more strongly affected by good than theyhad been attracted by evil.The constancy and long-suffering of our Fathersin so laborious a life, in an employment for whichnature and all the senses can feel nothing but aversion, in a matter which is not ours, or, at least, fromwhich our Savages see very well that we derive noprofit; a courage so invincible in the midst of sostrong opposition to the designs that bring us here,-these now serve them as a very powerful reason for


66 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28doute que les plaifirs du Ciel furpaffent tons ceux dela terre, puifque la feule efperance d y paruenir, faitm6prifer a ceux qui viuent en cette Foy, tout ce qu ily a de plus doux en la vie, & leur adoucit les amertumes& de la vie & de la mort.N auons-nous pas raifon apres cela de releuer nosconfiances plus que iamais? & [157] de croire quecette main toute-puiffante, qui d vn rien a produitces commencemens, continuera dans fon ouurage,que le S. Efprit benira cette heureufe femence, &qu ayant mis luy-mefme des dif petitionsfi aduantageufesa ce qu on peut efperer de plus, il la rendrafeconde, pour faire d vne terre infertile, & d vnmonde infidelle, vne terre de faindtete, & vn mondeChreftien.Si nous n auions que les Hurons a conuertir, encorepourroit-on peut-eftre penfer, que dix & vingt milleames ne font pas vne conquefte fi confiderable qu ilfaille s expofer a tant de hazards, & effuyer tant deperils pour les gagner a Dieu. Mais nous ne fommesqu a 1 entree d vne terre, qui du cofte" de 1 Occidentiufques a la Chine, eft remplie de Nations plus nombreufesque les Hurons: vers le Midy nous voyonsd autres Peuples innombrables ou on ne peut auoiraccez que par cette porte ou nous fommes. Puisdone que Dieu nous a appelle les premiers pour luycultiuer cette vigne, n eft-ce pas a nous a luy eftrefidelle, auec cette patience quil recommande a fesApoftres Fruttum : afferet in patientia, attendant queluy mefme en [158] recueille les fruicts, aux temps& aux moments quilluy plaira. Si nous n auonscette confolation en ce fiecle, ce nous fera vne affezgrande recompenfe d y auoir employe nos efforts,& quoy quil en arriue, au moins nous mourrons


1645 - 46] RELA TION OF 1644- 45 67rendering the truths of our Faith more credible andmore adorable to them. In a word, they admit thatit must, beyond a doubt, be true that Heaven s pleasures surpass all those of earth, since solely the hopeof gainingit makes those who live in that Faithdespise all that is pleasant in life, and sweetens forthem the bitterness both of life and of death.After this, are we not right in raising our hopesmore than ever, and [157] in believing that that allpowerfulhand, which out of nothing produced thesebeginnings, will continue its work; that the HolyGhost will bless this propitious seed and; that, afterhaving himself inspired dispositions so advantageousto what we most hope for, he will make it fruitfuland turn an unfertile soil and an infidel world into aland of holiness and into a Christian world?If we had but the Hurons to convert, it might evenbe thought, perhaps, that from ten to twenty thousand souls are not so great a conquest that one shouldexpose himself to so many hazards and encounter somany dangers, to win them to God. But we areonly at the entrance of a land which on the side ofthe West, as far as China, is full of Nations morepopulous than the Hurons; toward the South, we seeother Peoples beyond number, to whom we can haveaccess only by means of this door at which we nowstand. Therefore, since God has called us the firstto cultivate this vine for him, should we not be faithful to him with that patience that he recommendsto his Apostles, Fructum afferet in patientia, waitinguntil he himself [158] gathers the fruits thereof atsuch time and at such moment as will please him?If we have not that consolation in this life, it will bea sufficient reward for us to have devoted our efforts


68 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 28volontiers dans la penfee que ces paroles de NoflreSeigneur s accompliront en nous : Alius eft quifeminat,& alius qui metit; que d autres entreront dans nostrauaux, qu ils joiiyront de la moiffon dont nousauons iette les premieres femences, quils cueillirontles fruicls arroufez de nos fueurs & de noftre fang;Et qu enfin Dieu tirera fa gloire & le falut de fesEfleus, des volontez que nous auons de viure & demourir dans ce faindt employ,oti noftre vocationnous engage fi heureufement, que ie puis dire enverite que Dieu a furmonte mes efperances, & qu a-uant mon depart de ces Pays des Hurons, dont 1 obeyfiance me rappelle, ie voy de mes yeux accomplyau bout de fept ans, ce que ie me fuffe eftime heureuxd apprendre de bien loin a la fin d vne longuevie, & que peut-eftrei euffe eu de la peine a meperfuader, fi moy-mefmeie n en auois efte" vn te"moinocculaire.Nos precedentes Relations ont pu en [159] donnerquelque idee, & peut-eftre qu elles auront affez faitconnoiftre, que Dieu n a point acception de perfonnes,que fon Amour, ne defdaigne point les Barbares,que ces douceurs fe font fentir autant a nos pauuresSauuages, qu aux peuples les plus policez de la terre,que les graces du Ciel ne tombent pas fur les pays, aproportion qu ils ont les richeffes de la nature, & envn mot que nos Hurons ne font pas moins nays pourle Ciel, que ceux qui ont joiiy des threfors de la Foy,mille & deux mille ans deuant eux. Or depuis cetemps-la Dieu n a pas retire fes faueurs de deffus cespetites Eglifes, il eft toufiours leur Pere, & toufioursriche a 1 endroit de ceux qui1 inuoquent.C eft en deux lignes auoir dit ce qui feroit capablede fournir vne Relation toute entiere, fi i auois pris


1645-46] RELATION OF 1644-45 69to it ; and, whatever happens, at least we will cheerfully die in the thought that these words of Our Lordwill be accomplished in us: Alius est qui seminat, etalius qui metit; that others will enter into our work;that they will enjoy the harvest of which we havesown the first seeds that ;they will gather the fruitswatered with our sweat and with our blood; and,finally, that God will derive his glory and the salvation of his Elect from our willingness to live and todie in that holy employment to which our vocationso happily pledges us, that Imay say in truth thatGod has exceeded our hopes, and that before mydeparture from this Huron Country, from whichobedience recalls me, I see with my own eyes accomplished in seven years what I would have consideredmyself very happy to have learned from afar, at theend of a long life, and of which perhapsI would havehad some trouble in convincing myself, if I myselfhad not been an eyewitness of it.Our previous Relations may have [159] conveyedsome idea of it, and perhaps they will have sufficiently shown that God makes no distinction of persons that his;Love does not despise Barbarians ;thathis kindness makes itself felt as much by our poorSavages as by the most civilized nations of the earth :that Heaven s graces do not fallupon countries inproportion to the riches bestowed by nature ; and, in aword, that our Hurons are no less born for Heaventhan those who have enjoyed the treasures of theFaith a thousand and two thousand years before theyhave. Now, since that time God has not withdrawnhis favors from those little Churches; he is evertheir Father, and ever liberal to those who invokehim.


70 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28deffein de defcendre plus en particulier,& fi la brief -uete d vne lettre ne m obligeoit de fonger a finir laprefente. Mais toutesfois, pour 6uiter vne autreextremite, & peut-eflrele blafme ^ auoir efte tropcourt, en des chofes qui font paroiftre les bontez deDieu fur ces peuples, & qui nous obligent d en louerfes mifericordes : i en rapporteray quelques-vnes,[160] mais fans autre ordre, que celuy que la memoireconfufe que i en ay me les prefentera.Vn Chreflien fraifchement echappe de la captiuite,fe voyant a fon arriuee enuironne" de fes parens, quivenoient pour le confoler, eflonna toute I affiftancedans les il paroles qu leur tinft. Mes amis, difoit-il,Dieu ne m a pas abandone dans ma captiuite, s ilfaut fouuent fonger en luy dans les profperitez, ondoit fans ceffe le prier au fort de nos miferes. Onentend comme vne voix en foy qui nous refpond,Que les mal-heurs de cette vie ne font rien, quily avn Paradis qui nous attend, & que la mort, qui eftd autant moins eloignee de nous, que nous fortunesplus auant dedans les fouffrances, nous mettra bientoftdans la poffemon d vn bon-heur, que nos pluscruels ennemis ne pourront nous rauir.C eftoient la, difoit-il, les penfe"es qui me confoloient,au milieu des plus effroyables tourmens, queles Hiroquois me firent endurer, lors qu ils appliquoientdeffus moy les feux & les flammes ardentes.Alors ie fentois bien que Dieu m aydoit, quil eftoitdedans moy, & animoit mon [161] cceur: ie ne fcaycomment cela fe pouuoit faire, mais il eft vray quemo ame reffentoit des plaiurs ineffables, a mefmetemps que mon corps eftoit dans le plus fort de fesdouleurs. Apres ces premieres fouffrances on confultafi ie ferois deftine" a la mort, ou fi on me deuoit


""1645-46] RELA TION OF 1644-45 71This is saying in two lines what an entire Relationcould have contained, had I chosen to enter moreinto details, and had not the briefness of a lettercompelled me to think of concluding this one. However, to avoid another extreme, and perhaps blamefor having been too brief in matters which show thegoodness of God to these peoples, and which oblige usto praise his mercies, I shall relate some of these,[160] but with no other order than that suggested bythe confused recollection that I have of them.A Christian who had recently escaped from captivity,and who saw himself on his arrival surroundedby his relatives, who came to console him, astonishedall present by the words that he used. My friends,he said, God did not abandon me in my captivity.If we should often think of him in prosperity weshould also pray to him unceasingly in the height ofour troubles. We hear, as it were, a voice within,replying to us that the evils of this life are nothing, that there is a Paradise awaiting us, and thatdeath which is all the less remote from us, thegreater are our sufferings will soon place us inpossession of a happiness of which our cruelestenemies cannot deprive us."Such," said he, "were the thoughts that consoled me in the midst of the most frightful torturesthat the Hiroquois made me endure, when theyapplied fire and glowing flames to me. Then I felttruly that God helped me that;he was within me,and animated my [161] heart. I know not how itcould have been, but it is true that my soul felt unspeakable pleasures, at the very time when my bodyendured the greatest pain. After these first sufferings, they consulted whether I was destined for


72 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VoL. 28donner la vie: ie ne fgauois que defirer des deux, &n ofois demander a Dieu, fmon qu m il enuoyaft oula vie, ou la mort, felon qu il le iugeroit pour monfalut: puifque ie n eflois qu vn enfant, & quil eftoitmon Pere, qui feul auoit plus de connoiffance de monbien, & plus d amour pour moy, que ie n en puisauoir moy-mefme.Quafi en mefme temps vn autre Chreftien qui alloitk la guerre, eftant interroge comment il fe comporteroit,s il efboit pris des ennemis. Ie ne puis pas,refpondit-il, me promettre rien de moy-mefme, connoiffantle peu que ie puis pour le bien mais il y a:plus de fix mois que m ie interroge moy-mefme, &que ie fonde la portee de mon cceur & il me femble;k chaque fois, que chofe au monde ne feroit capablede me faire oublier du Ciel. Dieu, difoit-il, m arauy quafi tous mes m parens, il a de mesdefpouille"biens, i attens maintenant [162] qu m il efprouue enma propre perfonne, & peut-eftreilpermettra que iefois pris des ennemis, & que ie brule dedans leursfeux, i en ay peur, il eft vray, mais toutesfois ie meretiens lors que ie luy fay mes prieres Ie luy dy:feulement qu il void bien ce que mon coeur redoutedauantage, mais que ie n ofe luy demander qu ilm en deliure, fi bien qu me il conferue dans 1 Efpritde la Foy, & dans 1efperance du Paradis; me pro-les feux, ny les flammesmettant qu apres cela nydes Hiroquois ne me rauiront pas les defirs que i ayde viure & de mourir Chreftien, en quelque eftatque ie me voye.Vn autre qui ce"t Efte fuft pris des Hiroquois, &rompift fes liens deux heures auant qu on le brulafi,fe fauuant tout nud, k la fuite, & trauers les ronces &les efpines, par ou les ennemis le pourfuiuirent vne


"1645 - 46] RELA TION OF 1644~ 45 73death, or whether my life should be spared. I knewnot which of the two to desire, and I did not dare toask God, except that he might send me either life ordeath, as he deemed best for my salvation, since Iwas but a child, and he was my Father who aloneknew what was best for me, and loved me more thanI can love myself.Almost at the same time, another Christian, whowas about to go to war, was questioned how he wouldbehave if he were captured by the enemy.I cannot," he replied, "promise anything of myself,knowing the little good that I can do ;but for morethan six months I have been questioning myself, andsounding the depths of my heart, and it seems to meeach time thatin the world could make menothingforget Heaven. God," said he, "has deprived meof nearly all my relatives he has;stripped me of mygoods. I am waiting now [162] until he tries me inmy own person; and perhaps he will permit that Ibe captured by the enemies and burned in their fires.I dread this, it is true; but I nevertheless controlmyself when I say my prayers to him. I merely sayto him that he sees very well what my heart fearsthe most, but that I do not ask him to deliver mefrom it so long as he preserves me in the Spirit ofFaith and in the hope of Paradise, promising myself that, after that, neither the fires nor the flamesof the Hiroquois can deprive me of the desire thatI have to live and die a Christian, in whatever situation Imay be."Another, who was taken prisoner by the Hiroquoisthis Summer, broke from his bonds two hours beforethey were to burn him, escaped quite naked, andfled through briers and thorns, wherein the enemy


quois, difoit vn autre Chreftien, qui en auoit efprou-les rigueurs, cette [164] penfee me confoloit, queue"74 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28iournee quafi entiere, trouue euite"qu ayat vn malheuril eftoit tombe en dix autres. II fuft errat dedans les bois, trois iotirs fans manger, les moufquites& nuit & iour luy oftoient le repos, le pergant deleurs efguillons depuis les pieds iufqu a la tefte/ toutfon corps n eftoit plus qu vn vlcere, & enfin il fe croyoitdans le defefpoir de fa [163] vie, fe voyant encoreloigne plus de foixante lieues de toute habitation,en vn pays ou les Hiroquois font toufiours a la chaffedes hommes, & ou a chaque pas qu il faifoit pour 6uiterce tennemy, il craignoit que ce ne fuft celuy quile menoit dans leurs embufches. Enfin les forcesluy manquant, & ne pouuant plus auancer, il s eftoitrefolu de mourir fur vne roche nue, quil choififToitpour fon tombeau, lors que quelques canots Hurons1apperceurent heureufement, & le recueillirent desportes de la mort. Helas difoit ce bon Chreftien,!ie ne fongeois pas a mes maux, ou au moins ils m e-ftoient fupportables dans la ipenfe"e que euitois vnplus grand mal; Que fi la crainte d vn feu, quim neeuft brule* qu vne nuit, me rendoit quafi infenfiblea tant de miferes, pourrois-ie maintenant, difoit-il,trouuer le joug de la Foy difficile, & les peines qu ilfaut fubir au feruice de Dieu peuuent-elles nousparoiftre des peines, fi vraymet nous croyos qu il y aitvn Enfer, & quil faut fouffrir en ce monde pour ne pasfouffrir vn iamais?Lors que ie me trouuay deffous les feux des HiroDieu en auoit ainfi ordonne. Mes douleurs eftoientexceffiues, & toutesfois ie ne pouuois aucunement meplaindre de fa bonte, & quelque mal quil veiiillepermettre m arriuer, ie croy d orefnauant que ce ne


"When""1645-46] RELATION OF 1644-45 75pursued him almost an entire day. He found that,after escaping one misfortune, he fell into ten others;he wandered in the woods for three days withoutfood; the mosquitoes disturbed his rest night andday, piercing him with their stings from head tofoot; the whole of his body was but one sore; andfinally he despaired of his [163] life. Finding himself still at a distance of more than sixty leaguesfrom any settlement, in a country where the Hiroquoisare ever hunting men, and where every stepthat he took to avoid the enemy would, he feared,lead him into their ambushes, his strength at lastfailed him; and, as he could proceed no farther, heresolved to die upon a bare rock that he chose for histomb, when some Huron canoes fortunately caughtsight of him, and drew him from the gates of death."Alas!" said that good Christian, thought not"Iof my misfortunes, or, at least, I could bear them inthe thought that I escaped a greater evil. If dreadof a fire that would have burned me but for one nightmade me insensible to so much misery, could Inow, he said, find the yoke of the Faith a heavyone, and can the troubles that have to be endured inGod s service really seem troubles to us, if we trulybelieve that there is a Hell, and that we must sufferin this world in order not to suffer forever?I was in the fires of the Hiroquois," saidanother Christian, who had felt their severity,this[164] thought consoled me, that God had ordered it.My sufferings were excessive, and yet I could not inany way complain of his kindness; and, whateverevil he may allow to happen to me, I hereafterbelieve that it can be only through love, since hehas shown it to me by calling me to the Faith, and


76 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28peut eftre que par amour, depuis quil me 1 a faitparoiftrem appellant k la Foy, & m ayant ouuert fonon me brufle, qu on me tour-Paradis. Apres cela qumente, qu on me faffe endurer mille morts, on nepourra m empefcher de 1aymer.Dedans ce mefme fentiment vn bon Vieillard refpondifta des Infidelles qui luy reprochoient que faFoy luy eftoit inutile, puifque le Dieu quil adoroit nele gueriffoit point d vne maladie douloureufe, quiluy rendoit la vie, non plus vn bien dont il le deuftremercier, mais vne charge infupportable. Mesamis, leur refpondift-il, vous condamneriez vos paroles, vous fi leuiez les yeux au Ciel ou ie tafche detenir mon cceur attache. Vous contez les maladiesdu corps au nombre des mal-heurs, & en effet ellesfont vn mal-heur pour vous, qui ne connoiffez pointd autre bon-heur qu en cette vie; mais les Chreftiensles enuifagent comme vn bien, [165] lors qu ilspenfent a ce que la Foy nous enfeigne, que Dieunous recompenfera dans le Ciel, felon la mefure denos douleurs & de nos joyes, pourueu, que nous leenbeniffions egalement des deux, comme en effet ilordonne & de 1 vn & de 1 autre poureftant fans doute qu il nous aymenoftre bien,de*s cette vie, puisqu il nous aymera a iamais.La refponce d vn autre Vieillard aage"de 70. ans,n efloit pas moins dans 1Efprit de la Foy, lors qu onluy reprochoit, que Dieu n auoit aucunement pitie deluy dedans vne paralyfie qui luy auoit ofte" 1 vfaged vn bras. He quoy, refpondift-il,voudriez vousqu il n y euft point d arbres fees dans les bois, &point de branches mortes dans vn arbre qui va vieilliffant?pour moy ie prends plaifir a voir mes membresdeffecher, & les approches de la mort, ne m ont


""""1645-46] RELA TION OF 1644-43 77opening to me his Paradise. After that, they mayburn me, they may torture me, and make me suffer athousand deaths ;but they cannot prevent my lovinghim."Animated by the same sentiment, a good Old Manreplied to some Infidels, who reproached him, sayingthat his Faith was useless, since the God whom headored did not cure him of a painful disease, whichmade his life not a blessing for which he shouldthank him, but an unbearable burden. My friends,he said to them, you would condemn your ownwords ifyou would raise your eyes to Heaven, towhich I try to keep my heart attached. You countthe diseases of the body in the number of misfortunes; and, in truth, they are a misfortune for you,who know no other happiness than in this life. Butthe Christians look upon them as a blessing, [165]when they think of what the Faith teaches us, thatGod will reward us in Heaven according to the measure of our sorrows and of our joys, provided wethank him alike for both, because he orders both ofthem for our good, the reason being, doubtless, thathe loves us even in this life since he will love usforever."The answer of another Old Man, aged 70 years, wasno less inspired by the Spirit of Faith, when thereproach was cast at him that God had no pityon him, because of a stroke of paralysis that haddeprived him of the use of an arm. What! hereplied, "would you wish that there should be nodried trees in the woods and no dead branches on atree that isgrowing old For my ? part, I take pleasure in seeing my limbs wither; and the approach ofdeath has not frightened me, since I have the Faith


78 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VoL. 28plus eftonne depuis que i ay la Foy, qu vn iour ierefufciteray pour la gloire,& que ce corps mourantdoit pourrir dans la terre auant quil deuienneimmortel.Le mefme ayant appris qu vn fien fils vnique, quiluy reftoit pour le fupport de fa vieilleffe, eftoit tombe"entre les mains des ennemis, voyant tout lemonde de fa [166] Cabane dans les pleurs, a 1 abordde cette nouuelle: pour moy, dit-il, ie n ay point delarmes pour luy, il m auoit fuiuy en la Foy, & il m adeuance dans le bon-heur qui nous attend apres lamort. A ce mefme moment, il vient promptementen 1Eglife a dix heures du foir, offrir a Dieu ce filsvnique, mais auec vne refignation digne d vn cceurvrayment Chreftien. Mon Dieu, s efcria-il, que laFoy eft vn don aymable, & qu elle appaife doucementles efmotions d vn coeur, qui met fes confiancesen vos promefles; Vous me 1 auiez donne auant quei euffe le bon-heur de vous reconnoiftre pour monDieu, & pour mon bien-fadteur: depuis que i ay laFoy, ie vous I ay prefente mille & fois, vous qui penetrezle fonds des cceurs, auez connu que mon offranden eftoit point par feintife; Vous m auez pris au mot,receuant ce qui eftoit a vous, auant mefme que ievous 1 euffe offert. Puis ie me plaindray de ce quevous auez aggree le don que ie vous auois fait?Soyez beny, mon Dieu, & fi 1apres Enfant vousdaignez receuoir le Pere, ie m offre a vous de mefmecceur que ie vous ay offert mon fils, ayez pitie" & de1 vn & de 1 autre. A peine [167] auoit-il acheue" fapriere, qu vn nouueau Meffager qui s eftoit trouueau combat, arriue hors d haleine, & dit que ce fils,qu on auoit creu pour mort, s eftoit 6chapp6 auecluy, les autres eftant demeurez fur la place. Ce fuft


he"""1645 - 46J RELA TION OF 1644- 43 79that one day I shall rise again in glory, and that thisdying body must rot in the ground before it canbecome immortal."When the same man heard that his only son, whoremained to him as a support in his old age, hadfallen into the hands of the enemies, and when hesaw all the people in his [166] Cabin weeping at thenews, he said: For my part, I have no tears forhim had followed me in the Faith; ;he has gonebefore me to that happiness which awaits us afterdeath." At the same time, he came promptly intothe Church at ten o clock at night, to offer his onlyson to God, but with a resignation worthy of a trulyChristian heart. My God," he exclaimed, whata precious gift is Faith, and how gently it allays theemotions of a heart that confides in your promises !You had given him to me before I had the happinessof acknowledging you as my God and my benefactor.Since I have had Faith, I have offered him to you athousand times; and you, who penetrate into thedepths of our hearts, have known that my offeringwas not a feigned one. You have taken me at myword, and have received what belonged to you evenbefore I had offered it to you. Can I complainbecause you have accepted the gift that I made you?Praise be to you, my God and if after the Child;youdeign to receive the Father, I offer myself to you ason both."willingly as I offered my son. Have pityHardly [167] was his prayer ended, when anotherMessenger, who had been present at the fight, arrived,quite breathless, and reported that his son whomthey thought dead had escaped with him, while theothers had remained on the field. It was like thatAngel who stayed Abraham s sword, already raised


80 LES RELATIONS DES J&S UITES [VOL. 28comme cet Ange qui retint 1 epee d Abraham, defialeuee fur 1 Innocent Kaac. Mon Dieu, (s 6cria cebon Pere, continuant fa priere)fi iay receu de voflremain les mauuaifes nouuelles, n ay-ie pas maintenantfujet de vous benir de la vie de mon fils, quevous me rendez comme vn homme reffufcite" au moment que ie le penfois mort. C eft vous qui 1 auezretire du peril/ mais ie vous prie que ce foit, afinque iamais il ne tombe en peche, & faites-moy lamefme grace, afin que luy & moy nous vous beniffionsdans le Ciel de cette faueur, & des autres que nousne pourrons iamais reconnoiftre icy bas en terre.La Foy ne trouue point de diftindtion entre lesfexes, & tout aage eft meur pour le Ciel. Vne femmeChreftienne parlant vn iour a quelques infidelles,qu elle exhortoit a embraffer la Foy. Helas! leurdifoit-elle, quand il n y auroit point de Paradis apresla mort, & que noftre Foy [168] nous trompafl, ievoudrois croire nonobftant, pour joiiirmefme descette vie d vne paix & d vn repos d efprit, qui eftinconceuable a ceux qui demeurent dans rinfidelite.I eftois tous les iours remplie d inquietudes auantmon baptefme, lesmaux prefens me tourmentoient,les craintes des miferes, qui pouuoient m arriuer, &qui peut eftre n arriueront iamais, ne laiffoient pasde m affliger auant leur temps; La nouuelle des mauxpaffez renouuelloit en moy les & trifteffes, les larmesque i auois defia effuye es, & mefme le fouuenir demes anciens plaifirs,me caufoit des regrets, parcequ ils n eftoient plus, & que ie ne pouuois les regarderfmon comme perdus pour moy. Maintenant riende tout cela ne m afrlige, mais plutoft ie tire monbien de mon mal, parce que chafque fois que lescraintes, les trifteffes ou les malheurs m acueillent,


""""Alas !1645 - 46] RELA TION OF 1644- 45 81over the Innocent Isaac. My God (exclaimed thisgood Father, continuing his prayer), if I have receivedevil tidings from your hand, have I not cause now tobless you for the life of my son whom you give backto me as one risen from the dead, at the momentwhen I thought that he was killed? It is you whohave withdrawn him from the peril but I;beg youthat he may never fall into sin and confer the same;grace upon me, so that he and Imay praise you inHeaven for this favor and for others, that we cannever acknowledge here on earth."Faith makes no distinction between the sexes, andall ages are ripe for Heaven. A Christian woman,while speaking one day to some infidels whom sheexhorted to embrace the Faith, said to them :even if there were no Paradise after death, and if ourFaith [168] should deceive us, I would still believe, inorder to enjoy even in this life a peace and repose ofmind that cannot be conceived by those who remainin infidelity. Before my baptism, I was every day fullof ;anxiety present ills tormented me fear of mis;fortunes that might happen to me, but which perhapswill never occur, failed not to afflict me before theirtime. The tidings of ills that were past renewed mysorrow, and the tears that I had already dried; andeven the recollection of my former pleasures causedme regret, because they existed no longer and because I could look upon them only as lost to me.Now, nothing of all that afflicts me;but, on the conderive my good from my evil, because whentrary, Iever fears, sorrows, or misfortunes assail me, I thinkof the happiness promised to us by the Faith whichis free from any bitterness."Not long ago,"she added, "while I wept for


82 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28ie penfe au bon-heur que nous promet la Foy, quin eft detrempe d aucune amertume.II n y a pas long-temps, adjouftoit-elle, que iepleurois la mort d vn de mes freres, & d vn de mesenfans, ie n eufle iamais creu que les larmes euffenttant de douceur, mais en mefme-temps qu elles [169]de"couloient de mes yeux, mon coeur eftoit tout confoledans la penf6e, que ceux que ie pleurois eftoientdedans Ie Ciel, & qu vne Eternite" nous joindroit enfemble,fans que la mort nous peuft feparer. Mais,luy dit-on, que dirois-tu fi ton mary mouroit, luy quirefufe de fe faire Chreflien? Ie me confolerois,repondit-elle, dans la penfee, que c eft Dieu qui doitdif pof er a fa volonte de ce qui eft k luy il : fgait cequi eft pour Ie mieux, & peut eftre quil attend a1 heure de la mort, a luy faire vne grace dont il ferend indigne durant Ie cours de fa vie.Vne ieune femme Chreftienne dans fes premierescouches n auoit pas temoigne"aucun fentiment dedouleur; comme on luy demande fi en effect ellen auoit point paty? Helas, repondit-elle, ce font desdouleurs exceffiues, mais i auois ma penfee en Dieu,& ie fongeois au bon-heur de la Foy, qui m a deliure"d vn tourment eternel ie :luy offrois en mefme-temps1 enfant que ie mettois au monde & Ie priois que plutoftil mouruft apres auoir receu Ie faindt Baptefme,que de permettre qu il tombaft en vn peche mortel.Ce n eft pas que tous nos Chreftiens [170] foientdans ces fentimens, il y en a qui n ont pas ce courage, d autres tombent dans Ie & font despeche",cheutes affez funeftes, quelques-vns perdent cceur aumilieu de leur courfe; tous ne font pas robuftes en1 efprit de faindtete". Mais ie ne fgay en quel lieude la terre nous trouuerons tout Ie monde parfaidt;li


"""1645 - 46] RELA TION OF 1644- 45 83the death of one of my brothers and of one of mychildren, I would never have believed that tearscould be so sweet; but, while they [169] flowed frommy eyes, my heart was quite consoled by the thoughtthat those for whom Iwept were in Heaven, and thatan Eternity would unite us so that death could notseparate us." But," they said to her, "what wouldstthou say if thy husband were to die, he who refusesto become a Christian ? "I would console myself,she replied, with the thought that God must dispose as he wills of what belongs to him he knows;what is best, and perhaps he awaits the hour of hisdeath to grant him a grace of which he renders himself unworthy during the course of his life."A young Christian woman in her first confinementbetrayed no sign of pain. When she was asked if,in reality, she had not suffered, she replied: Alas,the pains were excessive ;but Ithought of God and ofthe blessing of the Faith, which has delivered mefrom eternal torment. I offered him at the sametime the child that Ibrought into the world, andbegged that he might die after receiving holy Baptism, rather than be permitted to fall into mortalsin."Not all our Christians [170] have such sentiments.Some have not that courage others fall into;sin, andhave disastrous relapses; some lose heart in themiddle of their career ;all are not strong in the spiritof holiness. But I know not in what spot on earthwe can find every one perfect. If the seed thatJESUS CHRIST himself came to sow on earth fellsometimes among thorns, sometimes on rocks, andsometimes in sterile places; and if a good portionthat had fallen on good ground was eaten by the


84 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28la femence que lESVS-CHRiST eftoit venu letterluy-mefme en terre, eft tombee tantoft fur les ef pines,tantoft fur des rochers, & en des lieux fteriles ;Et fivne grande partie qui eftoit tombee en vn terroirfecond a efte" enleuee des oyfeaux, auant que d auoirproduit les fruidts qu on en attendoit, il ne faut pasnous eftonner que le mefme nous arriue icy; Nonerit difcipulus fuper Magijlrum. C eft affez qu vnepartie vienne & maturite, & c eft beaucoup qu enquelques-vns cette femence frudtifie au centuple.Mais ie ne puis affez le dire, quil faut en tout vnepatience a Tefpreuue, qui ne fe rebute de rien. Teleft maintenant des plus foibles, qui vn iour fera vngrand Saindt.Ie me fouuiensa cepropos d vne reponce quefift ily a quelque temps vn bon Chreftien a vn de nos Peres,qui le voyant [171] dans des fentimens d vne perfedtioneminente, & s eftonnant des graces que Dieuluy faifoit, luy demanda ildepuis quand eftoit venua ce poindt-la. Vous me mettez autant en peine, refpondit-il,que vous me demandiez fidepuis quand i enfuis venu au poindt de la grandeur que i ay. Commemon corps a creu depuis ma naiffance, fans que iem en fois appergeu; de mefme en a-il efte de ma Foydepuis mon Baptefme. Ie ne fgay pas, adjouftoit-il,ce qu il faut faire poura ces re"pondre graces, nymefme comment il faut prier, mais ce que ie ne puisme laffer de dire a Dieu lors que ie prie, eft, que iecroy de tout mon cceur, & quil m enuoye plutoft lamort que le peche.Vn Capitaine des plus confiderables de tout lePays, eftant interroge auant fon Baptefme, fi vrayementil croyoit les veritez de noftre Foy. Ma parole,dit-il, peut tromper, mais ie veux que mes adtions &


"""1645-46] RELATION OF 1644-45 85birds before producing the fruits that were expectedof it, we must not be astonished if the same thinghappen here. Non erit discipulus super Magistrum. Itis sufficient that a portion comes to maturity, and itis notable that in some cases this seed brings forth ahundredfold. But I cannot too often repeat that apatience is needed which can withstand every trial,and be discouraged by nothing. He who is nowamong the weakest will one day be a great Saint.Apropos of this, I remember an answer given sometime ago by a good Christian to one of our Fathers,who, observing in him [171] sentiments of eminentperfection, and being astonished at the graces thatGod gave him, asked him how long it was since hehad attained that degree. You embarrass me asmuch," he replied, as if you asked me how long itis since I have reached my present stature. As mybody has grown since my birth, without my perceiving it, so has my Faith grown since my Baptism.I know not," he added, what I should do to respondto these graces, or even how to pray; but what Icannot weary of telling God when Ipray to him isthat I believe with all my heart, and that he send medeath rather than sin."A Captain, who is one of the highest in rank inthe whole Country, was asked before his Baptism ifhe really believed the truths of our Faith.Mywords," he said, "may mislead; but I wish myactions and my conduct to reply instead of mytongue. Wait until Winter comes, until the devilsare unchained, and I am solicited to sin then ;youand I shall be able to see, without being deceived,whether the Faith reign in my [172] heart." Infact, since then his actions have not belied his words ;


86 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28mes d6portemens vous repondent an lieu de malangue. Attendez que 1 Hyuer foit venu, que lesdiables foient dechaifnez, & qu on me follicite aupech6, c eft alors que vous & moy pourrons voir fanseftre trompez, fi la Foy regne dans mon [172] cceur.En effet fes adlions du depuis n ont dementy fesparoles, fa vie a efte fans reproche, & toufiours on areconnu fa Foy dedans fes oeuures. Mille fois il s eftveu attaqu6 de medifances & calomnies, fes parensfe font foufleuez centre luy, fes amis luy ont faitouuertement la guerre, & en fecret les beautez quiautrefois 1 auoient vaincu ont entrepris en 1aymantde le perdre, mais toufiours il a efte luy-mefme, &en tout arm6 de la Foy, il s eft rendu vidtorieux.Peu de temps apres fon Bapt6me, voyant que felonle deu de fa charge de Capitaine, on vouloit 1 obligerd affifter & quelques fuperftitions defendues auxChreftiens, il fortit de la Compagnie, commande enfa cabane, qu on porte ailleurs les marques de fonau thorite", & les prefens publics dont il eftoit charge" ;ce ne font pas des Royautez, & des richeffes immenfesdes Princes de 1Europe, mais c eft icy ce qu il y ade pluse"clatant en 1 honneur, & les threfors les plusprecieux du Pays. Les Infidelles s eftonnent de cecoup, fon pere, fa femme, fes parens, luy demandentce qu il pretend faire? le fuis Chreftien, repondit-il,& fipour e"uiter [173] le il faut encorepeche"quitterla vie, mon ame ne tient rien en mon corps. Lebourg eft en e"meute, le confeil s affemble la-deffus:on luy depute les plus confiderables, qui le prient dene pas les abandonner: le fuis Chreftien, leur dit-ilpour toute reponce, la Foy m eft plus chere que1 honneur & les biens, on paffe & la nuict & le iourpour flechir fon efprit: mais il n a point de repartie,


""and1645-46] RELATION OF 1644-45 87his life has been beyond reproach and his Faith hasalways been known by his works. He has beenassailed a thousand times by slanders and by calumnies ;his relatives have risen against him his friends;have openly made war on him in secret the;beauties who formerly had vanquished him haveendeavored to ruin him by loving him;but he hasalways been true to himself, and, armed at all pointswith Faith, he has been victorious.Shortly after his Baptism, when he saw that, inthe performance of the duties of his office of Captain, he was called upon to be present at some superstitious ceremonies forbidden to Christians, he leftthe Company, and gave orders in his cabin to bearelsewhere the symbols of his authority and the public presents of which he was the custodian. Theseare not the Regalia nor the immense riches of European Princes; but they are what is here consideredthe most honored and the most precious treasuresof the Country. The Infidels were astonished atthis act; his father, his wife, his relatives asked himwhat he meant to do. "I am a Christian," he replied and if to avoid [173] sin I must abandon even;life, my soul is not attached to my body."Theis in a commotion the council meets to delibvillage;erate on the matter; the leading men are deputedto wait on him, and they beg him not to abandonthem. I am a Christian, is his only answer";theFaith is dearer to me than honor and wealth."Theyspend the night and day in endeavoring to bend hiswill; but his only answer is that he is a Christian.said the Elders, we must resign ourselvesThen,"to seeing our Country ruined, since our chief Captains range themselves on the side of the Faith.


88 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VoL.fmon qu il eft Chreftien. II faut done, difent lesAnciens, fe refoudre a voir noftre Pais perdu, puifquenos premiers Capitaines fe rangent du party dela Foy, comment empefcherons-nous ce defordre?Vous y penfez trop tard, leur refpondit-il,il falloitvous oppofer aux progrez de la Foy, auant qti elleentrafl dans nos coeurs; Maintenant elle y regneramal-gre" vous, & pluftoft on nous arrachera Tame ducorps, que la crainte du feu d Enfer, & le defir dubon-heur qui nous attend dedans le Ciel fortent denoftre Enfin efprit. pour trouuer iour en cette affairedont les Anciens craignoient la diffolution de leurbourg, le premier ou du moins des plus confiderablesqui foient dans les Hurons, & le Confeil refolut qu ilfalloit partager cette charge, dont ce Capitaine [174]Chreftien vouloit opiniaftrement fe demettre. Quequelqu autre prendroit d orefnauantle foin des chofesque la Foy deffend, & qu on le pourroit appeller ledes Diables:Depute" Que le Chreftien continueroitdans le maniement des affaires publiques, & toufioursferoit reconnu pour leur vray Capitaine. On le priade l aggre"er, puis qu ainfi le deliurant des chofes quiauoit plus dequoy fe plain-luy faifoient horreur, il ndre; Oiiy bien maintenant, leur dit-il, mais i9achezvne fois pour toutes, qu vn vray Chreftien, n eftimerien plus precieux que la Foy, & que la terre luy eftpeu de chofe quand il enuifage le Ciel.Des hommes de la forte font fans doute de puiffantsfupports pour la :Foy mais il femble que Dieu neveiiille pas que nous mettions nos confiances en autrequ en luy feul. Nos Chreftiens eftant allez enguerre, auoient attire auec eux deux Capitaines Infidellesdes plus belliqueux du pays, & ayant entreprisde les gagner a noftre Foy, les inftruifirent fi


andthey"1 645 - 46] RELA TION OF 1644- 45 89How can we prevent this disorder? "You arethinking of it too late," he replies; you shouldhave opposed the progress of the Faith before it hadentered our hearts. Now it will reign there in spiteof youit will be easier to tear our souls from;our bodies than to remove from our minds the fearof Hell-fire, and the desire for the happiness thatawaits us in Heaven." At last, to find a way out ofthis difficulty, which the Elders feared would bringabout the dissolution of their village, which is thelargest, or at least one of the largest, in the Huroncountry, the Council decided that it was necessary todivide the office that this Christian Captain [174] soobstinately persisted in resigning; that some oneelse should thereafter take charge of the matters forbidden by the Faith, who might be called the Devils;Deputy that the Christian should continue to administer public affairs, and should always be acknowledged as their real Captain. He was begged toaccept, inasmuch as, by thus delivering him from thethings of which he had a horror, he had nothingmore to complain of. Yes, I can do so now," hereplied but know once for all that a true Chris;tian considers nothing more precious than the Faith,and that he thinks little of earth when he looks atHeaven."Such men are, without doubt, powerful supportersof the Faith ;but it seems that God intends that weshould place our confidence in none other than him.Our Christians on going to war had taken with themtwo Infidel Captains, who were among the most warlike in the country, and undertook to win them overto our Faith;instructed them so successfully,during the two months that the campaign lasted,


90 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28heureufement 1efpace de deux mois qu ils furent encampagne, qu ils fe virent obligez de les baptifer, nepouuant refifter aux demaiides [175] preffantes qu enfaifoient ces bons Catechumenes, qui, difoient-ils, nepouuoient plus marcher auec courage dans les terresennemies, quand ils penfoient que chaque iour feroitlepeut-eflredernier de leur vie. Que s ils mouroientauant que leurs pechez euffent eft6 noyez dans leseaux du Baptefme, ils fe voyoient damnez pour vneeternite, & qu ainfi chacun de leurs pas les conduifoitautant a 1 Enfer qu a la mort.II fallut done leur obei r en vne demande fi iufte;ils fe profternent a genoux au riuage du lac desHiroquois; Deux Chreftiens qui auoient pris foin deleur inftrudtion, les baptizent publiquement, chacunceluy qu il auoit eu pour difciple. le croy que lesAnges du Ciel prenoient plaifir a confiderer cefpedtacle de faindtete, en vn lieu ou iamais ils n a-uoient veu Dieu ador6 : & fans doute que les Angestutelaires de ces deux nouueaux baptizez auoientcette adtion, preuoyans le moment de leurpreffebon-heur & de leur mort. Car 1 ennemy ne fut paslong-temps a paroiftre; nos Chreftiens firent incontinent leurs prieres publiques, pour fe difpofer aucombat. Ces deux bons Neophytes fe [176] iettent& la tefte de leur armee, & fouftinrent long-tempsI eftort de 1 ennemy: enfin leur mort fut la perte denos Hurons, & laiffa la vidtoire entiere aux Hiroquois, qui eftoient fept contre vn. Mais quoy, finoftre Eglife a perdu en la mort de ces deux Capitaines,& de quantite de Chreftiens, qui y demeurerentauec eux, pas vn feul n ayant pris la fuite, cenous doit eftre affez que Dieu en ait tir6 fa gloire,& que le Ciel foit enrichy de nos defpouilles : Nouit


1645-46] RELA TION OF 1644-43 91that they were obliged to baptize them because theycould not refuse the urgent requests [175] made tothem by these good Catechumens, who, they said,could no longer march bravely in the enemies country when they thought that each day would be thelast of their lives, and that, if they died before beingimmersed in the waters of Baptism, they would bedamned for eternity; and that, consequently, eachstep that they took led them as much toward Hell astoward death.So reasonable a request on their part had to becomplied with. They knelt on the shore of the lakeof the Hiroquois. Two Christians, who had takencharge of instructing them, baptized them publicly,each baptizing him whom he had had for his disciple.I think that the Angels of Heaven took pleasure inwatching this holy spectacle in a place where theyhad never seen God adored ;and that doubtless theguardian Angels of these two newly-baptized menhad hastened this action, in prevision of their happiness and of their death ;for the enemy soon madehis appearance. Our Christians at once said theirpublic prayers, to prepare themselves for battle.The two good Neophytes [176] placed themselves atthe head of their army, and long withstood theassaults of the ;enemy finally, their loss caused thedefeat of the Hurons, and left the victory entirely inthe hands of the Hiroquois, who were seven to one.But, if our Church has lost by the death of thosetwo Captains and of many Christians who remainedon the field with them, for not one fled, it must sufficefor us that God has derived his glory from it, andthat Heaven has been enriched by our spoils: NovitDominus qui sunt ejus. God knows his Elect, and


92 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28Dominus qui funt eius. Dieu connoift fes Eleus, &choifit le moment quil faut pour leur ouurir fonParadis. En voicy vn exemple qui m a fait fouuentadorer fes diuines conduites.Vn ieune homme Catechumene n ayant pu obtenirde nous le Baptefme, a caufe que nous ne voyons pasaffez clair en fa Foy, fe refolut d aller en guerre auecquelques Chreftiens. Us font foir & matin les prierespubliques, le plus ancien des Chreftiens y prefide,&les Dimanches il les exhorte a paffer plus faindtementce facre" iour, & puis quils ne peuuent ioiiyr du bonheurde la confeffion, au moins qu ils ayent recoursa Dieu, deteftent leurs pechez, & fe tiennent preftspour la mort. [177] le ne fgay pas qui preffoit fifortement ce ieune Neophyte, mais il fut plus defeptante iours h folliciter fon Baptefme aupres duplus ancien de nos Chreftiens, auec tant de ferueuren fes pourfuites, qu enfin on luy promit, que leDimanche il feroit baptife. Non, difoit-il, mon amene refpire que les eaux facrees du Bapteme, ie deteftede tout mon coeur les pechez de ma vie paffee,& i efpereque Dieu aura pitie de ilmoy, parce qu a veules defirs veritables que i ay de viure & de mourirChreftien. On le baptife done, chofe eftrange! onn auoit pas encor acheue les prieres, que les auantcoureursapportent la nouuelle qu ils ont appergeu1 ennemy. On court incontinent aux armes, on feiette en campagne, 1 ennemy prend la fuite, on lepourfuit fix heures entieres, ce nouueau baptife"laiffeapres foy fes camarades, & aduance fipuiffammentqu il fe trouue engage luy feul au milieu de trenteHiroquois, qui le pergent k coups d ep6e, luy enleuentfa cheuelure, & continuent dedans leur fuitte, fansqu on en peuft atteindre aucun.


""1645-46] RELATION OF 1644-45 93chooses the proper moment for opening his Paradiseto them. Here is an example which has often mademe adore his divine ways.A young man a Catechumen, who could not obtain Baptism from us because we did not see clearlyenough into his Faith resolved to go to war withsome Christians. They said their public prayers,night and morning the oldest of the Christians;presided at them, and on Sundays he exhorted them topass that sacred day in a more holy manner, and,since they could not enjoy the blessing of confession,at least to have recourse to God, to detest their sins,and to keep themselves prepared for death. [177] Iknow not what pressed this young Neophyte sostrongly; but, for over seventy days, he kept askingfor Baptism from the oldest of our Christians, withsuch fervor in his requests that finally he was promised that he should be baptized on the Sunday.No," said he, my soul pants but for the sacredwaters of Baptism. I detest with all my heart thesins of my past life ; Ihope that God will have pityon me, because he has witnessed the true desire thatI have to live and die a Christian." He was therefore baptized; and, strange to say, the prayers werenot yet ended when the advance guard brought thenews that they perceived the enemy. All immediately hasten to arms, and take the field; the enemyflees, and is pursued for six whole hours. Thenewly-baptized man leaves his comrades behind, andadvances so far that he finds himself alone, surrounded by thirty Hiroquois, who pierce him withjavelin-thrusts, remove his scalp, and continue theirflight without one of them being caught.One of the most right-minded men of this Coun-


informez de la Foy, auoit fix ans [178] entiers refufele Baptefme, nous auouant qu il voyoit bien la veri-qu il ne fentoit pas en foy affez de forceste",mais94 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28Vn des meilleurs efprits de ce Pai s, & des mieuxVnpour fe refoudre a quitter tout de bon le peche.iour enfin il vint trouuer vn de nos Peres : maintenant,luy dit-il, ie te prie de me baptifer, mon coeurme dit que ie porteray dans le Ciel mon innocencedu Baptefme, pourquoy done differer plus longtemps?On le baptife au commencement de 1 Automne,tout le long de 1 Hyuer, les Chreftiens & lesInfidelles admirent en luy la force du Bapt6me. IIfe priue volontairement des feftins, crainte de s yvoir engage dans quelque occafion de ilpech6, s abfentedes compagnies; les femmes qui auoient pluspoffede fon coeur n y trouuent plus d entrees, il n aplus d yeux ny de langue pour elles, le plus doux defes entretiens eft en la compagnie du Pere qui1 inftruit; l Eft6 venu il s embarque pour defcendre aKebec, & pour dernier Adieu a fa femme & a fesenfans; Ie ne fcay, leur dit-il, fi ie ne vay point a lamort, mais quoy qu me il puiffe arriuer, fyachez queie mourray Chreftien & fi vous me cherchez eftant:party de cette vie, & s il vous refte quelque amourpour [179] moy, leuez vos yeux au Ciel, car c eft laou refpire mon ame, & oil ie croy fans aucun douteque la Foy me conduit pour vne Eternite : en effedtil fit rencontre des ennemis, & fe deffendant vaillament,il auoit defia renuerfe vn de leurs Canotsdedans 1 eau, lors qu vn coup d arquebuze luy tranfpercela tefte de part en part, & le mit dans la ioui f-fance du bon-heur qu il auoit efper6, puis qu vne viefi innocente ne pouuoit pas eftre fuiuie que d vnefain&e mort.


"Now"1645-46] RELATION OF i644-45 95try, and one of the best informed as regards theFaith, had for six whole years [178] refused Baptism;he admitted to us that he saw the truth very clearly,but that he did not feel within himself enoughstrength thoroughly to give up sin. Finally, hecame one day to one of our Fathers and said to him :Ibeg thee to baptize me. My heart tells methat I shall bear with me to Heaven the innocence ofmy Baptism; why therefore should I defer it anylonger?"He is baptized at the beginning of theAutumn; and, throughout the Winter, the Christiansand Infidels admire the power of Baptism in him.He voluntarily abstains from feasts, lest he findtherein some occasion for sin ;he keeps away fromcompany the women who had; formerly most possessed his heart now find no entrance there, he hasneither eyes nor tongue for them the conversations;most agreeable to him are those with the Father whoinstructs him. When Summer comes, he embarksto go down to Kebec, and, for his last Adieu to hiswife and children, he says: I know not whether Iam going to death; but, whatever may happen tome, know that I will die a Christian ;and ifyou seekme when I have departed this life, and ifyou retainany love for [179] me, lift your eyes to Heaven for itis thither that my soul aspires, and whither I believewithout any doubt that Faith leads me for an EterIn fact, he met the enemies and defendednity."himself bravely. He had already overturned one oftheir Canoes in the water, when a shot from anarquebus pierced his head through and through, andplaced him in the enjoyment of the happiness thathe had hoped for, since so innocent a life could onlybe followed by a saintly death.


96 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28Nous fommes te"moins tons les lours de mille rencontres femblables oh nous voyons les bontez de Dieufur ces peuples, fon amour fur ces pauures barbares,& les diuines Prouidences fur fes Efleus, dont pasvn ne luy fera rauy, quelque oppofition que1 enfer& les diables fufcitent centre les progrez de la Foy.Mais c efl eftre trop long pour vne fimple lettre,& le peu que i ay dit, eft affez pour nous faire raifonnablementefperer que le Ciel ne retire pas fes benedictions de deffus cette Eglife naiffante, puis qu il enprend vn foin fi amoureux.Des fept Eglifes que nous auons icy, ily en a fixa demeure. La premiere en noftre [80 i.e., 180]Maifon de faindte Marie, les cinq autres dans lescinq principales bourgades des Hurons; de la Conception, de faindt lofeph, de faindt Michel, de faindtIgnace & de faindt lean Baptifte. La fepti<me Eglifedite du faindt Efprit, eft compofee d Algonquins, quiont hyuerne cette ann6e plufieurs Nations enfemble,fur le grand Lac de nos Hurons, enuiron a vingt cinqlieues de nous. Ce qui a oblige le Pere ClaudePijart, & le Pere Leonard Gareau deftinez k leur inflrudtion,de paffer 1 Hyuer auec eux, auec des peines& des trauaux inconceuables, mais non pas fansconfolation, lors qu ils voyent qu ils vont formant desEpoufes a IESVS-CHRIST dedans ces bois, ces lacs &ces riuieres.Voila mon Reuerend Pere, vne partie de ce que iem eftois oblige de reprefenter a V. R. en cette lettre,vne groffiere id6e de 1 eftat ou ie laiffe cette Mifiionde noftre Compagnie dans les Hurons; & les fentimensqui m en reftent auant mon depart, apres yauoir demeure fept ans feruiteur inutile. Car fi Dieu


"1645-46] RELATION OF 1644-45 97We witness every day a thousand similar events,in which we see the kindness of God toward thesepeoples, his love for these poor barbarians, and theintentions of his divine Providence, toward his Elect,not one of whom shall be taken from him, whateveropposition hell and the devils may excite against theprogress of the Faith.But this is too long for a mere letter, and the littlethat I have said is sufficient to lead us reasonably tohope that Heaven does not withdraw its blessingsfrom this nascent Church, since it takes such lovingcare of it.Of the seven Churches that we have here, six arestationary; the first is at our [80 i.e., 180] House ofsainte Marie, the five others in the principal Huronvillages, la Conception, saint Joseph, saint Michel,saint Ignace, and saint Jean Baptiste. The seventhChurch, called that of the holy Ghost," consistsof Algonquins, several Tribes of whom winteredtogether this year on the great Lake of our Hurons,about twenty-five leagues from us. This compelledFather Claude Pijart and Father Leonard Gareauwho were appointed for their instruction, to pass theWinter with them, with inconceivable trouble andlabors, but not without consolation, when they seethat they prepare Spouses for JESUS CHRIST withinthese woods, and amid these lakes and rivers.This, my Reverend Father, is a portion of what Ihad undertaken in order to give Your Reverence inthis letter a general idea of the state in which I leavethis Mission of our Society in the Huron country,and the opinions that I have concerningit before mydeparture, after having lived there, a useless servant,for seven years. For if God secure his glory in


98 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28tire fa gloire en ces Pai s, & s il y a eu quelque biendans les commencemens de la conuerfion de cesPeuples, il faut aduoiier qu apres [181] Dieu tout eftdeu aux trauaux de nos Peres, dont Noftre Seigneura voulu que i efte"aye temoin, voyant la ferueur deleur zele, leur courage indomptable, leur patience atout fouffrir, leur adtiuite k tout faire, leur humilitedans vne vie vrayement cach6e en vn monde inconnu/perfonnes qui d ailleurs ne manquent pas pourla plufpart de qualitez qui les euffent rendus recommandablesen France. Quand ie les voy embrafferla Croix auec plaifir,les fouffranees auec ioye, & lesmepris auec amour, qu ils portent chaque iour leurame entre leurs mains, eftans continuellement expofezk mille dangers de la mort; & que peut-eftre laplufpart font pour mourir au milieu des feux & desflammes d vn ennemy cruel, qui va de iour en iourrauageant ces Pai s :quand ie voy que ces dangers lesaniment plutoft que d affoiblir Ie moins du mondeleur courage, me il vient fouuent en penfee que Dieuvouloit qu vne vertu fi forte, fi conftante & fi vigoureufe,fuppleaft au defaut des miracles, dont il fembleque fa diuine Prouidence ne veuille pas fe feruiren ces fiecles derniers, pour aduancer la conuerfionde ces terres infidelles.[182] Mais quoy, Ie nombre de ces ouuriers eft troppetit pour tant de peuple; nous auons befoin defecours plus en cela qu en aucune autre chofe; nousdemandons de 1ayde, & nous efperons que1 AncienneFrance ne Ie deniera pas & la Nouuelle.eft vray que les dangers font redoutables, & que quiconquevoudra venir & nous, il doit auoir quitte d6sla France tout 1 amour de la vie, pour s abandonnerfans referue k ce dont la nature peut auoir plus


when1645 - 46] RELA TION OF 1644- 45 99these Countries, and if he has obtained any good inthese beginnings of the conversion of these Peoples,it must be admitted that, after [181] God, all is dueto the labors of our Fathers, of which Our Lord haschosen that I should be a witness. I have seen thefervor of their zeal, their indomitable courage, theirpatience in enduring everything, their activity inperforming all duties, their humility in a life trulyhidden in an unknown world, persons moreover,for the most part, who are not wanting in qualitiesthat would have rendered them commendable inFrance. When I see that they embrace the Crosswith pleasure, sufferings with joy, and scorn withlove that ; they each day carry their souls in theirhands, being continually exposed to a thousanddangers of death, and that perhaps the majority ofthem are destined to die in the midst of the fires andflames of a cruel enemy, who ravages these Countries from day to ;dayI see that these dangersanimate their courage rather than depress it in theleast the :thought frequently comes to my mind thatGod willed that so strong, so constant, and so vigorous a virtue should supply the absence of miracles,which it seems that his divine Providence does notconsent to employ in these latter ages, to further theconversion of these pagan lands.[182] But the number of these laborers is too smallfor so many people we need help in this more than;in anything else we ask;assistance, and we hope thatOld France will not denyit to New France. It istrue that dangers are to be dreaded, and that whoever comes to us must have left behind him in Franceall love of life, to abandon himself without reserveto whatever can cause most horror to nature. But


100 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28d horreur. Mais c efl ie croy ce qui doit animer vnbon coeur au defir de venir en ces terres perdues, pours y perdre faindtement foy-mefme, & ne trotmer plusen ce monde rien d aymable que Dieu. Si desperfonnes de merite, dont la vie eft precieufe & vnRoyaume tout entier, s expofent volontiers k 1 affautd vne breche, qui fouuent n eft pas raifonnable; & fila mort de ceux qui ont aduanc6 les premiers, n arreftepas vne NoblefTe courageufe, qui la plufpartn eft picquee bien fouuent que des interefts d vn honneurou d vn bien temporel; fans doute que la conqueftede tant d ames, dont chacune eft vn Royaumek IESVS-CHRIST, la veue d vne recompenf e eternelle,& les defirs [183] de viure & de mourir au feruiced vn Dieu, qui le premier eft mort pour nous,aurons mille fois plus de force pour fouftenir lecourage de ceux que Noftre Seigneur voudra nousenuoyer au trauers des perils qu il faut effuyer quoyqu il coufte, on fi vent aduancer fa gloire en ces Pai s,ou nous voyons qu il veut eftre adore.C eft 1vnique demande que ie fais k V. R. en quittantces Pai s, la priant de nous procurer ce fecours,& nous enuoyer ceux que Dieu voudra choifir par fonmoyen, & c eft dans cette efperance que ie finiray laprefente, la fuppliant de recommander cette Miffionaux prieres de tous nos Peres & Freres, & s enreffouuenir particulierement en fes faindts Sacrifices.C eft mon R. Pere,De Voftre Reuerence,Des Hurons, ce i$. May 1645.Le tres-humble & tres-oblige*feruiteur en N. Seigneur,HIEROSME LALEMANT.


1645-46] RELA TION OF 1644-45 101this I think is what should excite in a good heart thedesire to come to these lost lands ;to lose himself herein a holy manner, and to find in this world nothinglovable but God. If persons of merit, whose life isprecious to an entire Kingdom, expose themselveswillingly in the assault of a breach, which frequentlyis not reasonable ;and if the death of those who havestood in the van does not daunt a brave Nobility,interests of amost of whom are often incited but bytemporal honor or benefit, doubtless the conquestof so many souls, each of whom is a Kingdom forJESUS CHRIST, the prospect of an eternal reward,and the desire [183] of living and dying in theservice of a God who was the first to die for us, willhave a thousand times more force to sustain the courage of those whom Our Lord may send us, throughthe perils that must be encountered at any cost, ifwe wish to advance his glory in these Countries,where we see that it is his will to be adored.This is the only request that I make to Your Reverence on leaving these Countries, begging you toprocure that assistance for us, and to send us thosewhom God may select through you ;and in this hopeI shall conclude the present letter, begging you tocommend this Mission to the prayers of all ourFathers and Brethren, and to remember it particularlyin your own holy Sacrifices. This, my ReverendFather, fromYour Reverence sFrom the Huron country, this i^th of May, 1645.Very humble and greatly obligedservant in Our Lord,HIEROSME LALEMANT.


LVILIXMISCELLANEOUS DOCUMENTS, 1646LVI. Novum Belgium (1643), par le P. Isaac Jogues ; 3Rivieres, 3 Augusti, 1646LVII. Notice sur Rene Goupil (donne), par le P. IsaacJogues; undatedLVIII. Lettre du R. P. Jogues au R. P. Andre Castillon;Montreal, ce 12 septembre, 1646LIX. Journal des PP. Jesuites, en 1 annee 1646SOURCES :MSS. thereof, in the archives of St. Mary s College, MontDocs. LVI. and LVII. are from the originalreal. Doc. LVIII. we obtain from Rochemonteix s Jesuiteset la Nouvelle-France, ii., pp. 450-452. In republishingDoc. LIX., we follow the original MS. in the library of LavalUniversity, Quebec.


104 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28Nouum Belgium (164$), par le P. Isaac Jogues.LA Nouuelle Hollande que les Hollandois appellant en Latin Nouum Belgium en leur; langueNieuw Nederland c eft a dire Nouueaux payshaseft fltuee entre la Virginie et la Nouuelle Angleterre.L entree de la Riviere que quelques vnsappellent la Riviere Naffau ou la grande Riviere duNord pour la difference d une autre quils appellentdu Zud, quelques cartes ce me femble que i ay vunouvellemS Riviere Maurice eft a 40 deg. 30 min.Son canal eft profond et capable des plus grosnauires, qui montent a Manhattes Ifle qui a 7 lieuesde circuit ou eft un fort qui deuoit fervir de commencem1 a une ville qui fe deuoit faire et que 1 ondeuoit appeler Nouueau Amfterdam.Ce fort qui eft a la pointe de 1 ifle enuiron 5ou 6lieues de 1 emboucheure sappelle le fort d Amfterdam, il a 4 baftions reguliers munis de plufieurs piecesd artillerie. Tous ces baftions et les courtines n e-ftoient en Ian 1643 que de teraffes qui la plufpartetoient tout 6boulees et par les quelles on entroitdans le fort de tous les endroits, il n y auoit point defoffez, il y auoit pour la garde dud 1 fort et d un autrequ ils auoient faidt plus loing centre les incurfionsdes sauvages leurs ennemis 60 foldats, on commencoita reuetir de pierre les portes et les baftions.Dans ce fort ily auoit un temple bafty de pierre quietoit affez capable le logis du Gouuerneur quils


*-v*5KuoO14 1N !vs vsv ^.^ .^ j ^.4*. -*: 5 i% a<^o&CDo VI/CC


1645-46] JOGUES S NOVUM BELGIUM 105Novum Belgium (1643), by Father Isaac Jogues.NEW Holland --which the Dutch call, in Latin,Novum Belgium; in their own language,Nieuw Nederland that is to; say, New netherlandsis situated between Virginia and New-England. The entrance to the River, which somecall the River Nassau, or the great River of theNorth, to distinguish it from another which theycall South River, and some charts, I believe, thatI have recently seen, the River Maurice, is in thelatitude of 40 degrees, 30 minutes. 2 Its channel isdeep, and navigable by the largest ships, which goup to Manhattes Island, which is 7 leagues in circumference ;thereon is a fort intended to serve asnucleus for a town to be built, and to be called NewAmsterdam.This fort, which is at the point of the island, about5 or 6 leagues from the river s mouth, is called fortAmsterdam ;it has 4 regular bastions, provided withseveral pieces of artillery. All these bastions and thecurtains were, in the year 1643, merely earthworks,most of which had quite given way, and throughthem the fort could be entered from all sides ;therewere no trenches. For the defense of this fort,and of another which they had built, farther on,against the incursions of the savages, their enemies,there were 60 soldiers. They were beginning tocase the gates and the bastions with stone. In this


106 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28appellent le diredteur Gnal bafty de brique affezgentiment, les magazins et logements des foldatsII peut bien y avoir en cette Ifle de Manhate etaux environs 4 a cinq cens homines de differentesfedtes et nations, le Diredteur Gnal me difoit qu il yauoit de dix-huidt fortes de langues, ils font re"pandusde 9a et de la riuiere en hant et en bas, felonque la beaute" et commodite des lieux a invite" tinchacun a fe placer, quelques artifans neantmoins quitrauaillent de leur metier font rangez foubs le fort,touts les autres etants expofez aux incurfions desSauuages qui en 1 an 1643 comme i eftois la auoientbien tue" une quarantaine de Hollandois et bruflebeaucoup de maifons et granges pleines de bledLa Riuiere qui eft fort droituriere et va reglementNord et Sud eft large pour le moins d une lieiiedevant le Fort. Les navires font a 1 ancre en vnebaye qui faidt 1 autre coft6 de 1 ifle et elles peuuenteftre defendues du FortPeu de temps deuant que i y arrivaffe il y e"toitvenu 3 gros navires de 300 tonneaux pour chargerdu bled deux auoient eu leur charge le 3 e navoit .puetre charge a caufe que les sauvages auoient bruflevne partie des grains ces navires etoient partis desIndes Occidentales ou la Compagnie des Weft-indesentretient d ordinaire dix-fept vaifleaux de guerre.II n y d exercice de Religion que de la Caluinifte etles ordres portent de n admettre autre perfonne queCalviniftes, neantmoins cela ne fe garde pas, y ayantdans cette habitation outre les Calviniftes, Catholiques,Puritains d Angleterre, Lutheriens, Anabaptiftesqu ils appellent Mniftes &c.Quand quelqu un vient de nouveau po r habiter le


1645-46] JOGUES S NOVUM BELGIUM 107fort there was a house of worship, built of stone,which was quite spacious the house of the Govern;or, whom they call the director General, builtquite neatly of brick and the storehouses and sol;diers quarters.There may be, on the Island of Manhate and in itsenvirons, about 4 or five hundred men of varioussects and nations, the Director General told methat there were men of eighteen different languages ;they are scattered here and there, up and down thestream, according as the beauty or convenience ofthe sites invited each one to settle. Some artisans,however, who work at their trades, are located undercover of the fort ;while all the others are exposed tothe incursions of the Savages, who, in the year 1643,when I was there, had actually killed about fortyHollanders, and burned many houses, and barns fullof wheat.The River, which is very straight, and flows directly from North to South, is at least a league widebefore the Fort. The ships are at anchor in a baywhich forms the other side of the island, and theycan be defended by the Fort.Shortly before I arrived there, 3 large ships of 300tons had come to load wheat;two had received theirlading, but the 3rd could not be laden, because thesavages had burned a part of the grain. These shipshad sailed from the West Indies, where the Westindia Company usually maintains seventeen warvessels. 3There is no exercise of Religion except the Calvinist,and the orders declare that none but Calvinistsbe admitted ; nevertheless, that point is not observed,for besides the Calvinists, there are in this


108 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28pays on le monte de chevaux vaches &c on luy donnedes viures, il rend tout cela ilquand eft accommodeet pour les terres au bout de dix ans il bailie a laCompag 6 . de Weft-indes la dixime des biens qu ilrecueille.Ce pays a pour bornes du cofte" de la Nouuelle Angleterrevne Riuiere qu ils appellent la Riuiere Frefchequi fert de borne entre eux et les Anglois, neantmoinsles Anglois f approchent fort deux aymansmieux auoir des terres chez les Hollandois qui neleur demandent rien que de dependre des MillordsAnglois qui exigent des redeuances et qui veullenttrencher des abfolus. De 1 autre cofte Du sud versla Virginie, elle a pour limites La Riuiere qu ilsappellent du Zud dans laquelle il y a auffi une habitation de Hollandois, mais a 1 entree les Suedois y enont une extrem 1 bien munie de canon et de gens. Oncroit quece font marchands d Amfterdam qui entretiennentces Suedois fafches de ce que la Compag e .des Indes ocidentales a elle feule tou le commercede ces contrees. C eft vers cette Riuiere qu on atrouue" a ce que1 on dit vne mine d or.Voyez dans le liure du s. De Laet D Anuers la tableet le difcours de la nouuelle Belgie comme il 1 appellequelqueffois ou la mappemonde. Noua Anglia,Nouu Belgium et Virginia.II y a bien 50 ans que les Hollandois vont en cesquartiers.L an 1615 le fort fut commence depuisenuiron 20 ans on a commence" a 1 habituer et maintenantily deja quelque petit commerce de la Virginie et de la Nouuelle AngleterreLes premiers venus y ont trouu6 des terres toutespropres defert6es autrefois par les fauuages qui y


"1645-46] JOGUES S NOVUM BELGIUM 109settlement Catholics, English Puritans, Lutherans,Anabaptists, whom they call Mnistes, 4 etc.When any one comes for the first time to dwell inthe country, they furnish him horses, cows, etc., andall which he repays when hegive him provisions,is well settled ; and, as for lands, at the end of tenyears he gives the Company of the West indies atenth of the 5produce that he harvests.This country has for limits on the New Englandside a River which they call the Fresh River, whichserves as boundary between them and the English ; 6nevertheless, the English approach them very closely, preferring to have lands among the Dutch, whorequire nothing from them, to depending upon English Milords, who exact rents and like to put onairs of being absolute. On the other side, theSouthern, toward Virginia, it has for limits theRiver which they call South River, on which thereis also a Dutch settlement ;but at its entrance theSwedes have another, extremely well equipped withcannon and people. It is believed that these Swedesare maintained by Amsterdam merchants, incensedbecause the Company of the west Indies monopolizesall the trade of these regions. It is toward thisRiver that they have found, as is said, a gold mine. 7See in the book of sieur De Laet, of Antwerp, thetable, and the account of new Belgium, 8 as he sometimes calls it; or the great map of Nova Anglia,Novum Belgium, et Virginia.During fully 50 years the Dutch have frequentedthese regions. In the year 1615, the fort was begun; about 20 years ago, they began to make asettlement; and now there is already some littletrade with Virginia and New England.


110 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28faifoient leurs champs, ceux qui font venus depuisont defrich6 dans les bois qui font po r 1 ordinaire deschefnes, les terres font bonnes. La chaife des cerfsvers 1 automne abondante. IIy a quelques logisbaftys de pierre ils font la chaux auec des coquilles:d huiftres dont ily a de grans monceaux faits autrefoisTJ les fatmages qui viuent en partie de cettepefche.Le climat y eft fort doux comme eftant a 40, deuxtiers ily a force fruits d Europe comme pommes,poirls Cerifes. I y arriue" en odtobre et i y trouueencore quantity de PefchesMontant le long de la Riuiere iufques aux 43*degre vous trouuez la 2 e habitaon a laquelle le fluxet Reflux monte et ne paffe pas plus auant: lesnauires de 100 et fix vingts y peuuent aborder.II y a deux chofes en cette habitation qui s appelleRenfelaerfwick comme qui diroit 1 habitaon de Renfelaersqui eft un riche marchand d Amfterdam. Premierem1 un mefchant petit fort nomme le Fort d o-renge bafty de pieux auec 4 ou 5 pi[e]ces de canon deBreteuil et autant de pierriers que la Compag e deWeft-indes s eft referue et qu elle entretient. cefort etoit autreffois dans vne Ifle que faidt la Riviere,maintenant il eft en terre ferme du cofte des Hiroquoisun peu au deffus de la d te . Ifle Secondem 1 uneColonie qu y a enuoye ce Renfelaers qui en eft lePatron. Cette colonie eft compofe"ed enuiron centperfonnes qui demeurent en 25 ou 30 maifons baftiesle long de la Riuiere felon que chacun a trouue lacommodite. Dans la principale maifon eft logeceluy qui eft de la part du Patron, le Miniftre a lafienne a part dans laquelle fe faidt le Prefche. IIy a


"1645-46] JOGUES S NOVUM BELGIUM 111The first comers found lands quite suitable for use,cleared in former times by the savages, who tilledThose who have come since havetheir fields there.made clearings in the woods, which are commonly ofoak; the lands are good. Deer hunting is abundant toward autumn. There are some dwellingsbuilt of stone :they make the lime with oyster shells,of which there are great heaps made in former timesby the savages, who partly live by that fishery.The climate there is very mild ;as that region issituated at 40 and two-thirds degrees, there areplenty of European fruits, as apples, pears, Cherries.I arrived there in October, and even then I foundmany Peaches.Ascending the River as far as the 43rd degree, youfind the 2nd settlement, which the flow and Ebb ofthe tide reaches, but extends no further; ships of 100and a hundred and twenty tons can land there.There are two items in this settlement, which iscalled Renselaerswick, as if one should say, thesettlement of Renselaers, who is a wealthy merchantof Amsterdam: first, a wretched little fort, namedFort orange, built of logs, with 4 or 5 pieces ofBreteuil cannon, and as many swivel guns, whichthe Company of the West indies has reserved foritself, and which it maintains. This fort was formerly on an Island formed by the River; it is nowon the mainland on the side of the Hiroquois, alittle above the said Island. 9 There is, secondly, aColony sent thither by that Renselaers, who is itsPatron. This colony iscomposed of about a hundredpersons, who live in 25 or 30 houses built along theRiver, as each has found convenient. In the principal house is lodged the Patron s representative;


112 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28aufly comme un Baillif qu ils appellent Senechal quia foin de la luftice. toutes leurs maifons ne fontque de planches, et font cotmertes de chaume. II nyencor point de maffonerie finon dans les cheminees.Les bois portans beaucoup de gros pins, ils font deplanches par le moyen de leurs moulins qu ils ont acet effedtIlz ont trouu6 quelques terres toutes propres queles fauuages auoient autreffois prepares ou ils fementdu bled et de 1 avoine p r . la bierre et p r . les chevauxdont ils ont grande quantite. IIy a peu de teresppres pour eftre labourees etans preffez des coftesqui font mauuaifes terres cela les oblige de fefloignerles vns des autres et tiennent deja deux ou 3lieiies de pays.La traitte eft libre a tout le monde, ce qui faict queles fauuages ont toutes chofes a grand march6 vnchacun des Hollandois allant au deffus de fon compagnonet fe contentant pourueu qu il puiffe gangnerquelque petite chofeCette habitation n eft pas eloigne e de plus de 20lieues des Agniehronons, on y va ou par terre ou pareau la Riuiere fur laquelle font les Iroquois allanttomber en celle qui paile aux Hollandois, mais ily abeaucoup de baffes rapides, et un fault dune petitedemie lieiie ou il faut porter le canotII y a plufieurs nations entre les deux habitationsdes Hollandois eloignees 1 une de lautre de 30 lieuesd Allemagne c eft a dire de 50 ou 60 lieues Francoifes.Les Loups que les Iroquois appellent Agotfaganensfont les plus proche de laabitation Renfelaerfwickou du fort d orange. IIy a deja quelquesanne"es que la guerre etant entre les Iroquois et les


114 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28Loups les Hollandois fe loignirent a ces dernierscentre les atitres, mais 4 ayant ete pris et brufle"sla paix fe fit. Depuis quelques nations proche dela mer ayans tiie quelques Hollandois de la plus 61oigneehabitaon, les Hollandois tuerent 150 fauuagestant hoes que femtnes que petits enfans, eux ayantsbrufle" beau-tue a diuerfes reprifes 40 Hollandois,coup de maifons et faidl un eftime"dommage des leitemps que eftois la de 200000!! deux cens milleliures on leua des troupes en la Nouuelle Angleterre;au commencem 1 done de 1hyver les herbesetant abbattiies et quelques neiges etants fur terre onleur donna la chaffe de fix cens hommes y en ayanttou jours deux cens en courfe et fe relay ant continuellem1 les vns les autres de forte qu enfermes dansvne grandIfle et ne pouuants s enfuyr leftem* a caufedes femmes et des enfans ily en eut iufques a feizecens de tiies compris les femmes et enfans ce quiobligea la refte des fauuages a faire la paix quicontinue encor cela arriva en 1643 et 1644.Des 3 Riuieres en laNouuelle France,3 Augufti, 1646


1645-46] JOGUES S NOVUM BELGIUMbetween the Iroquois and the Wolves, the DutchJoined these latter against the others ; but, 4 havingbeen taken and burned, peace was made. Later,some nations near the sea having slain some Dutchof the most remote settlement, the Dutch killed 150savages, not only men and women, but little children. The savages having, in various reprisals, killed40 Dutch, burned many houses, and wrought damagereckoned, at the time when I was there, at 200, ooo//,two hundred thousand livres, troops were leviedin New England. Accordingly, at the beginning ofwinter, the grass being short, and some snow on theground, they gave the savages chase with six hundred men, two hundred being always on the marchand one set continually relieving another. Theresult was, that, being shut up on a great Island, andunable to flee easily, because of the women and children, there were as many as sixteen hundred killed,including women and children. This compelled theremainder of the savages to make peace, which stillcontinues. That occurred in 1643 and 1644.From 3 Rivers, inNew France,August 3, 1646.


114 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28Loups les Hollanders fe loignirent a ces dernierscentre les atitres, mais 4 ayant ete pris et brufl6sla paix fe fit. Depuis quelques nations proche dela met ayans tiie quelques Hollandois de la plus eloigneehabitaon, les Hollandois tuerent 150 fauuagestant h5es que femmes que petits enfans, eux ayantstue a diuerfes reprifes 40 Hollandois,brufle" beaucoupde maifons et faidt un eftime"dommage des leitemps que eftois la de 200000!! deux cens milleliures on leua des troupes en la Nouuelle Angleterre;au commencem 4 done de 1hyver les herbesetant abbattiies et quelques neiges etants fur terre onleur donna la chaffe de fix cens hommes y en ayanttoujours deux cens en courfe et fe relayant continuellem*les vns les autres de forte qu enfermes dansvne grand Me et ne pouuants s enfuyr leftem 1a caufedes femmes et des enfans ily en eut iufques a feizecens de tiies compris les femmes et enfans ce quiobligea la refte des fauuages a faire la paix quicontinue encor cela arriva en 1643 et 1644.Des 3 Riuieres en laNouuelle France,3 Augufti, 1646


1645-46] JOGUES S NOVUM BELGIUM 115between the Iroquois and the Wolves, the DutchJoined these latter against the others ; but, 4 havingbeen taken and burned, peace was made. Later,some nations near the sea having slain some Dutchof the most remote settlement, the Dutch killed 150savages, not only men and women, but little children. The savages having, in various reprisals, killed40 Dutch, burned many houses, and wrought damagereckoned, at the time when I was there, at 200, ooo//,two hundred thousand livres, troops were leviedin New England. Accordingly, at the beginning ofwinter, the grass being short, and some snow on theground, they gave the savages chase with six hundred men, two hundred being always on the marchand one set continually relieving another. Theresult was, that, being shut up on a great Island, andunable to flee easily, because of the women and children, there were as many as sixteen hundred killed,including women and children. This compelled theremainder of the savages to make peace, which stillcontinues. That occurred in 1643 and 1644.From 3 Rivers, inNew France,August 3, 1646.


116 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28Notice sur Rene Goupil (donne), par le P. IsaacJogues.REN Goupil Angeuin, e"toit qui en la fleurde fon age demanda auec preffe deftre receuen notre Nouitiat de Paris, ou il demeuraquelques mois auec beaucoup d edificaon.Ses indif-ofte"politions corporelles luy ayant le bonheur de feconfacrer en la s te .Religion, comme il en auoit degrands defirs, lorfqu il fe porta mieux il fe tranfportaen la Nouuelle France pour y feruir la compagnie,puifqu il nauoit pas eu le bien de s y donner dans1 ancienne. Et pour ne rien faire de fon chef quoyqu il fut pleinem 1 maiftre de fes actions, il fe foubmittotalem 1 a la conduite du superieur de la Miffionqu il 1 employa deux anne"es entieres aux plus vilsoffices de la maifon defquels il s acquitta auec beaucoupd humilit6 et de On Charite".luy donna auffyle foin de penfer les malades et les bleffe"s de 1 hofpitalce qu il fit auec autant d adreffe, etant bien intelligent en la chirurgie que d affedtion et d amourregardant continuellement N S. en leur perfonne.II laiffe une fi douce odeur de fa bont6 et de fesautres vertus en ce lieu, que fa memoire y eft encoreen benedictionComme nous defcendifmes des Hurons en luillet1642. nous le demandafmes au RP. Vimont pourI emmener auec nous, parceque les Hurons avoientgrand befoin d un Chirurgien.il nous 1 accorda.


1645-46] JOGUES S NOTICE SUR GOUPIL 117Account of Rene Goupil (donne), by Father IsaacJogues.RENE Goupil was a native of Anjou, who, inthe bloom of his youth, urgently requested tobe received into our Novitiate at Paris, wherehe remained some months with much edification.His bodily indispositions having taken from him thehappiness of consecrating himself to God in holyReligion, for which he had a strong desire, hejourneyed, when his health improved, to New France,in order to serve the society there, since he had nothad the blessing of giving himself to it in old France.And, in order to do nothing in his own right, although he was fully master of his own actions, hetotally submitted himself to the guidance of thesuperior of the Mission, who employed him twowhole years in the meanest offices about the house,in which he acquitted himself with great humilityand Charity. He was also given the care of nursingthe sick and the wounded at the hospital, which hedid with as much skill for he understood surgerywell as with affection and love, continually seeingOur Lord in their persons. He left so sweet an odorof his goodness and his other virtues in that place,that his memory is still blessed there.When we came down from the Hurons in July,1642, we asked Reverend Father Vimont to let ustake him with us, because the Hurons had greatneed of a ;Surgeon he granted our request.


118 LES RELATIONS DES JESUJTES [VOL. 28II ne fe pent dire la ioye que recent ce bon jetmehomme quand le fup r .luy dit qu il fe preparaft po. levoyage,il fcavoit bien neantmoins les grands dangers qu il y avoit fur la riviere, il fcavoit commeles Iroquois etoient enragez centre les Franois.Neantmoins cela ne fut pas capable qu au moindrefigne de la de vol[on]te" celuy auquelil s eftoit remisvolontairement de tout ce qui le touchoit, il ne femit en chemin pour aller aux 3 RivieresNous en partifmes le i r . d aoufl le lendemain de lafefte de N. B. P. Le 2 d . nous rencontrafm.es les ennemislef quels divifes en deux bandes nous attendoientauec 1auantage que peut avoir un grand nombre degens choifis par deffus un petit de toute forte, quicombattent a terre contre d autres qui font fur 1 eauen diuers canots d efcorces.Prefque tous les Hurons s eftoi[e]nt enfuis dans lebois et nous ayant laiffe nous fufmes pris. Ce fut laou fa vertu parut beaucoup car des qu il fe vit pris.O mon pere ce me dit il dieu foit beny, il 1 a permis,volonte foit faidte, ie 1 aime ie lail 1 a voulu, fa s te .veux ie la cheris et ie 1 embraffe de toute 1 eftendiie demon coeur. Cependant que les ennemis pourfuiuirentles fuyarts ie le confeffe et luy donne 1 abfolutionne fachant pas ce qui nous devoit arriver, enfuite de notre prife. Les ennemis eflant retournesde la chaffe fe ietterent fur nous comme des chiensenragez a belles dents, nous arrachant les onglesnous escrafans les doigts, ce quil enduroit auecbeaucoup de patience et de courage.Le prefence de fon efprit dans un fi facheufe accident, parut en ce pri[nci]palem t qu il m aydoit nonobflantla douleur de fes playes en ce qu il pouvoit a


he"1645-46] JOGUES S NOTICE SUR GOUPIL 119I cannot express the joy which this good youngman felt when the superior told him that he mightmake ready for the journey. Nevertheless, he wellknew the great dangers that await one upon theriver; he knew how the Iroquois were enragedagainst the French. Yet that could not preventhim at the least sign of the will of him to whomhe had voluntarily committed all his concerns fromsetting forth for 3 Rivers.We departed thence on the ist of August, theday after the feast of Our Blessed Father. On the2nd, we encountered the enemies, who, separatedinto two bands, were awaiting us with the advantage which a great number of chosen men, fighting onland, can have over a small and promiscuous band,who are upon the water in scattered canoes of bark.Nearly all the Hurons had fled into the woods,and, as they had left us, we were seized. On thisoccasion his virtue was very manifest ; for, as soonas he saw himself captured, he said to me: O myfather, God be blessed has; permitted it, he haswilled it, his holy will be done. I love it, I desireit, I cherish it, I embrace it with all the strength ofmy heart. Meantime, while the enemies pursuedthe fugitives, I heard his confession, and gave himabsolution, not knowing what might befall us afterour capture. The enemies having returned from theirhunt, fell upon us like mad dogs, with sharp teeth,tearing out our nails, and crushing our fingers, whichhe endured with much patience and courage.His presence of mind in so grievous a mishapappeared especially in this, that he aided me, notwithstanding the pain of his wounds, as well as hecould, in the instruction of the captive Hurons who


120 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [You 281 inftrudtion des Hurons prifonniers qui n eftoientpas xfliens. Comme ie les inftruifois feparem* etcomme ils fe trouvoient, me il fit prendre gardequ un pauure vieillard nomine" Ondb terraon, pourroitbien eftre de ceux qu on feroit mourir fur la place,leur couftume eftant d en facrifier ton jours quelqu una la chaleur de leur rage, ie 1 inftruiiis a loifir pendant que les ennemis eftoient attentifs a la diftributiondu pillage de 12 canots, dont une partie eftoientchargez des nec[essi]t6s de nos Peres des Hurons. Lebutin eftant partag6 ils tuerent ce pauure vieillardau mefme moment prefque que ie venois de luy donnerune nouvelle naiilance g les eaux falutaires du s l .Bapteme. Nous eufmes encor cette confolation durantIe chemin que nous fifmes allant au pays ennemyd eflre enfemble ou ie fus temoin de beaucoupde vertus.Durant Ie chemin il eftoit toujours occupe"dansDieu. Ses parolles et les difcours quil tenoiteftoient toutes dans une foubmiffion aux ordres dela D. providence, et une acceptation volontaire de larnort que dieu luy envoyroit. II Ie donnoit a luy enholocaufle pour eftre reduit en cendres p les feuxdes Iroquois que la main de ce bon Pere allumeroit.il cherchoit les moyens de luy plaire en tout et partout. Vn jour il me dit ce fut peu apres notre prifeeftans encor dans Ie chemin. Mon Pere Dieu m atoujours donne de grands defirs de me confacrer afon s 1 . feruice rj les voeux de la Religion en fa ste .compagnie, mes peches m ont rendu indigne decette grace iufques a ceft heure. I efpere neantmoinsque N S. aura pour agreables 1 offrande queie luy veux faire maintenant, et faire de la fagon la


"1645-46] JOGUES S NOTICE SUR GOUPIL 121were not Christians. While I was instructing themseparately, and as they came, he called my attentionto the fact that a poor old man, named Ondouterraon,was among those whom they would probably kill onthe spot, their custom being always to sacrificesome one in the heat of their fury. I instructed thisman at leisure, while the enemies were attending tothe distribution of the plunder from 12 canoes, someof which were laden with necessaries for our Fathersamong the Hurons. The booty being divided, theykilled this poor old man, almost at the same moment in which I had just given him a new birththrough the salutary waters of holy Baptism. Westill had this consolation, during the journey thatwe made in going to the enemy s country, that wewere together; on this journey, I was witness tomany virtues.Upon the road, he was always occupied with God.His words and the discourses that he held were allexpressive of submission to the commands of theDivine providence, and showed a willing acceptanceof the death which God was sending him. He gavehimself to him as a sacrifice, to be reduced to ashesby the fires of the Iroquois, which that good Father shand would kindle. He sought the means to pleasehim in all things, and everywhere. One day hesaid to me, it was soon after our capture, while wewere still on the way, My Father, God has alwaysgiven me a great desire to consecrate myself to hisholy service by the vows of Religion in his holysociety my sins have rendered me unworthy of this;grace until this hour. I nevertheless hope that OurLord will be pleased with the offering which I wishnow to make him, by taking, in the best manner that


122 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28meilleure que ie pourray les voeux de la compagnieen la prefence de mon dieu et devant vcms. luyay ant accorde il les fit auec beaucoup de devotion.Tout bleffe qu il eftoit il penfoit les autres bleffestant des ennemis qui dans la meflee auoient recuquelque coup que les prifonniers mefmes. il ouvritla veine a un Iroquois malade, et tout cela auecautant de charite que fil 1 euft faict a des perfonnesfort amies.Son humilite et 1 obeiffance quil rendoit a ceuxqui 1 avoient pris me confondoit. Les Iroquois quinous menoient tous deux dans leur canot me direntque i euffe a prendre un aviron et nager, ie n envoulus rien faire efhant fuperbe iufques dans la mort.Us s adrefferent a luy quelque temps apres, et toutincontinent il fe mit a nager et comme ces barbarespar fon exemple me vouloient reduire a en faire autant, luy s eftant apperceu de cela me demanda pardon. Ie luy fournis quelques fois durant Ie cheminla penfee de s enfuyr, comme la liberte qu on nousdonnoit luy en fourniffoit affez d occaon. car pourmoy ie ne pouuois pas laiffer les francois et 24 ou 25prifonniers hurons. il ne vouloit jamais Ie faire feremettant en tout a la volcnte" de N S. qui ne luydonnoit point de penfe"ede Ie faire.Dans Ie lac nous rencontrafmes 200 Iroquois quivindrent a Richelieu lors qu on commencoit & baftirIe fort, ils nous chargeoient de coups, nous mirenttout en fang, et nous firent experimenter la rage deceux qui font poffedez par Ie demon. II endura tousces outrages et ces cruautez auec grande patience etcharite a 1 endroit de ceux qui Ie mal traitoient.A 1 abord du premier bourg ou nous fufmes fi cru-


1645 - 46] JO G UES S NO TICE S UR GO UPIL 123myI can, the vows of the society in the presence ofGod and before you."This being granted to him,he tittered the vows with much devotion.Covered with wounds as he was, he dressed thoseof other persons, the enemies who had receivedsome blow in the fight, as well as the prisonersthemselves. He opened a vein for a sick Iroquois;and all that with as much charity as if he had doneit to persons very friendly.His humility, and the obedience which he renderedto those who had captured him, confounded me.The Iroquois who conveyed us both in their canoetold me that I must take a paddle, and use it; Iwould do nothing of the kind, being proud even indeath. They addressed him in the same way, sometime afterward, and immediately he began to paddle ;and when those barbarians tried to drive me, by hisexample, to do the like, he, having perceived it,asked my pardon. I sometimes suggested to him,along the way, the idea of escaping, since the libertywhich they gave us furnished him sufficient opportunities for this ;but as for myself, I could not leavethe french and 24 or 25 huron captives. He wouldnever do so, committing himself in everything tothe will of Our Lord, who inspired him with nothought of doing what I proposed.On the lake we met 200 Iroquois, who came toRichelieu while the French were beginning to buildthe fort; these loaded us with blows, covered uswith blood, and made us experience the rage of thosewho are possessed by the demon. All these outragesand these cruelties he endured with great patienceand charity toward those who ill-treated him.On approaching the first village, where we were


mais124 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES VOL. [ 28ellem 1 traites il fit paroiftre une patience et une douceur tout extraordinaire, eftant tombe fous la grefledes coups de bafton et de verge de fer dont on nouschargeoit et ne fe pouuant releiier, il fut apportecomme demy mort fur 1 echafaut ou nous eftionsdejd au milieu du bourg, mais dans un etat fipitoyablequ il euft faidt pitie a la cruaute mefme, il eftoittout meurtry de coups et dans le vifage on ne luyvoyoit que le blanc des ;yeuxil etoit d autantplus beau aux yeux des Anges qu il etoit defigure etfemblable a celuy duquel il eft dit Vidimus eum quafileprofum &c non erat ei fpecies nequeA decorpeine auoit il pris un peu d haleine auffy bienque nous qu on luy vint donner 3 coups fur lesefpaules d un gros bafton comme on nous avoit faictauparavant. Quand on m euft couppe" le poulcecomme au plus apparent, on s adreffe a luy et luycouppe on le poulce droidt a la i re .joindture difantinceflament durant ce tourment IESVS MARIAJOSEPH. Durant fix jours que nous fufmes expofeza tous ceux qui nous vouloient faire quelque malil fit pareftre une douceur admirable, il euft toute lapoitrine bruflee p les charbons et cendres chaudes queles ieunes garcons nous iettoient fur le corps, la nuidteftant lies a plate tere. la nature me fourniffoit plusd adreffe qu a luy pour efquiuer une partie de cespeines.Apres qu on nous eut donne la vie au mefme tempsqu un peu auparauant on nous avoit avertis de nouspreparer pour eftre bruflez, il tomba malade avec degrandes incommodites pour tout et nommern* pourle viure auquel il n efloit pas accouftume, c eft la ouon pourroit dire plus veritablem 1 non cibus vtilis


"1645 - 46J JOG UES S NO TICK SUR GO UPIL 125treated so cruelly, he showed a most uncommonpatience and gentleness. Having fallen under theshower of blows from clubs and iron rods with whichthey attacked us, and being unable to rise again, hewas brought as it were, half dead upon the scaffold where we already were, in the middle of thevillage but he was in so pitiful a condition that he;would have inspired compassion in cruelty itself.He was all bruised with blows, and in his face onedistinguished nothing but the whites of his eyes;but he was so much the more beautiful in the sightof the Angels as he was disfigured, and similar tohim of whom it is said : Vidimus eum quasi leprosum,etc. ;non erat ei species neque decor.Hardly had he taken a little breath, as well as we,when they came to give him 3 blows on his shoulders with a heavy club, as they had done to us before. When they had cut off my thumb, as I wasthe most conspicuous, they turned to him and cuthis right thumb at the ist joint, while he continually uttered, during this torment: JESUS, MARY,JOSEPH." During six days, in which we wereexposed to all those who wished to do us some harm,he showed an admirable gentleness; he had hiswhole breast burned by the coals and hot cinderswhich the young lads threw upon our bodies atnight, when we-were bound flat on the earth. Nature furnished more skill to me than to him for avoiding a part of these pains.After they had given us life, at the very timewhen, a little before, they had warned us to preparefor being burned, he fell sick, suffering greatinconveniences in every respect, and especially inregard to the food, to which he was not accustomed.


126 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28segro. le ne le pouuois foulager eftant auffy bienmalade et n ayant aucun de mes doigts fain et entier.Mais ie me preffe pour venir & fa mort a laquelley ny a rien manque pour le faire d un Martyr.Apres fix femaines que nous eufmes efte dans lepays comme la confufion ce fut mis dans les confeilsdes Iroquois dont une partie vouloit bien qu on nousremenat. nous perdifmes 1efperance que ie n auoisguere grande, de reuoir cette anne"e la les 3 Rivieres.Nous nous confolions done 1 un 1 autre dans la difpofitiondivine et nous appreflions a tout ce quelleordonneroit de nous. II n auoit pas tant de veiie dudanger dans lequel nous eftions, ie le voyois mieuxque luy. ce qui me faifoit fouuent luy dire que nousnous tinffions prets. Vn jour done que dans les peinesde notre efprit nous eftions fortis hors du Bourgpo prier plus decemm* et auec moins de bruict. Deuxjeunes hommes vinrent apres nous nous dire quenous euffions a retourner a la maifon. I eus quelqueprefentim 1 de ce qui devoit arriuer et luy dit Montres cher f. recommandons nous a N. S. et nre bonnemere la s te .Vierge ces gens ont quelque mauvaisdeffein comrne ie penfe, nous nous eftions offerts aN. S. peu auparavant auec beaucoup d affection, lefuppliant de receuoir nos vies et nre fang et de lesvnir a fa vie et h fon fang pour le falut de cespauures peuples. nous nous en retournons done versle Bourg recitant nre chappellet duquel nous auionsdeja dit 4 dixaines. Nous eftants arreftes vers laporte du Bourg pour voir ce qu on nous voudroit direun de ces deux Iroquois tire une hache ilqu tenoitcachee foubs fa couuerture et en donneun coup furla tefte de Rene qui eftoit devant luyil tombe roide


1645 - 46] JO G UES S NO TICE S UR GO UPIL 127In that, one might say most truly, Non cibus utiliscegro.I could not relieve him, for I was also verysick, and had none of my fingers sound or entire.But this urges me to come to his death, at whichnothing was wanting to make him a Martyr.After we had been in the country six weeks, asconfusion arose in the councils of the Iroquois, someof whom were quite willing that we should be takenback, we lost the hope, which I did not considervery great, of again seeing 3 Rivers that year. Weaccordingly consoled each other in the divine arrangement of things ; and we were preparing for everything that it might ordain for us. He did not quiterealize the danger in which we were, I saw it better than he ;and this often led me to tell him thatwe should hold ourselves in readiness. One day,then, as in the grief of our souls we had gone forthfrom the Village, in order to pray more suitably andwith less disturbance, two young men came after usto tell us that we must return home. I had somepresentiment of what was to happen, and said tohim :My dearest brother, let us commend ourselvesto Our Lord and to our good mother the blessedVirgin; these people have some evil design, as Ithink." We had offered ourselves to Our Lord,shortly before, with much devotion, beseechinghim to receive our lives and our blood, and to unitethem with his life and his blood for the salvation ofthese poor peoples. We accordingly return towardthe Village, reciting our rosary, of which we hadalready said 4 decades. Having stopped near thegate of the Village, to see what they might say to us,one of those two Iroquois draws a hatchet, which heheld concealed under his blanket, and deals a blow


128 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28la face fur terre, pronon9ant le s 1 . nom de IESVS(fouuent nous nous auertiffions que ce s 1 . nom fermaftet nre voix et fire vie) au coup ie me tourne et;vois une hache toute enfanglantee,ie me mets agenoux pour recevoir le coup qui me devoit joindre amon cher compagnon, mais comme ilz tardoient ieme releue ie cours au moribond qui eftoit tout proche,auquel ils donnerent deux aues coups de hachefur la tefte et 1 acheuerent, luy ayant premierem1donne 1 abfoluon que ie luy donnois depuis nrecaptivite touiours de deux jours1 un apres s eftreconfeife".Ce fut le [deux afterward erased, in orig.~\de Septemb.fefle de s 1 . Michel que cet Ange en innocence etce Martyr de I. C. donne fa vie pour celuy qui luy auoitdonne la lienne. On me fit commandem 1 de meretourner en ma cabane ou jattendis le refte du jouret le lendemain le mefme traitem*. et c eftoit bien lapenfee de touts que ie ne la ferois pas longue puifqueceluy la avoit commence et en effedt ie fus plufieursjours qu on venoit pour me tuer mais N. S. ne lepermit pas par des voyes qui feroient trop longues aexpliquer. Le lendemain matin ie ne laiffe pas defortir, de m enquefter ou on avoit iette ce B. corps,car ie le voulois enterrer a quelque prix que ce fuft.Quelques Iroquois qui avoient eues quelque enuie deme conferuer me dirent. Tu n as pas d efprit tuvois qu on te cherche par tout pour te tuer et tu forsencor tu veux aller chercher un corps deja demygrefle qu on a traine loin d icy. ne vois tu pas cettejeuneffe qui fort, qui te tuera quand tu feras horsdes pieux. Cela ne m arrefta pas et N. S. me donna affez de courage pour vouloir mourir dans cette


Thou1645-46] JOGUES S NOTICE SUR GOUPIL 129with it on the head of Rene", who was before him.He falls motionless, his face to the ground, pronouncing the holy name of JESUS (often we admonished each other that this holy name should endboth our voices and our lives). At the blow, I turnround and see a hatchet all bloody; I kneel down,to receive the blow which was to unite me with mydear ;companion but, as they hesitate, I rise again,and run to the dying man, who was quite near.They dealt him two other blows with the hatchet,on the head, and despatched him, but not until Ihad first given him absolution, which I had beenwont to give him every two days, since our captivity; and this was a day on which he had alreadyconfessed.It was the [29th] of September, the feast of st.Michael, when this Angel in innocence, and thisMartyr of Jesus Christ, gave his life for him whohad given him his. They ordered me to return tomy cabin, where I awaited, the rest of the day andthe next day, the same treatment; and it was indeedthe purpose of all that I should not long delay, sincethat one had begun. Indeed, Ipassed several dayson which they came to kill me but Our;Lord didnot permit this, in ways which it would be tediousto explain. The next morning, I nevertheless wentout to inquire where they had thrown that Blessedbody, for I wished to bury it, at whatever cost. Certain Iroquois, who had some desire to preserve me,said to me : hast no sense ! Thou seest thatthey seek thee everywhere to kill thee, and thou stillgoest out. Thou wishest to go and seek a bodyalready half destroyed, which they have dragged farfrom here. Dost thou not see those young men


130 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28office de charite". le vais ie cherche et a 1ayde d unAlgonquin pris aueffois et maintenant vray Iroquoisie le trouue. Les enfans apres qu on 1 euft tue"1 auoient de pouille et traine" la corde au col dans vntorrent qui paffe au pied de leur Bourg. Les chiensluy avoient deja mange une ptie des reins, ie nepus tenir mes larmes a ce fpedtacle ie pris ce corpset a layde de cet Algonquin ie le mis a fond de 1 eaucharge de groffes pierres affin qu on ne le vit, faifantmon conte que ie viendrois le lendemain auecun hoyau lors qu il ny auroit perfonne que ie feroisvne foffe et que ie 1 y mettrois. Ie croiois que cecorps fut bien mais cache"peuteftre quelques uns qujnous virent pripalem 1 de la jeuneffele retirerent.Le lendemain comme on me cherchoit pour metuer ma tante m envoya a fon champ pour ef quivercomme ie penfe, ce qui fut caufe que ie remis au lendemain jour auquelil pint toute la nuidt, de forteque ce torrent groffit extraordremt . I emprunte unhoyau hors de chez nous pour mieux cacher mondeffein mais comme iapproche du lieu ie ne trouveplus ce B. depoft ie me mets a leau qui eftoit dejabien froide ie vais et viens ie fonds auec mon piedfileau n a point foufleve et entraifne le corps, ie netrouue rien. Combien verfe-je de larmes qui tomboientiufques dans le torrent chantant comme iepouvois des pfeaumes que 16glife a couftume de reciter p r . les morts. En fin ie ne trouue rien, et unefemme de ma connoiffance qui paffa pdemande fi elle nela et me viten peine,me dit lorfque ie luyfcavoit point ce qu on en avoit faidt, qu on 1 avoittraine a la riuiere qui eftoit un quart de lieiie de laet que ie ne connaiffois pas. Cela eftoit faux la jeu-


>:1645-46] JOGUES S NOTICE SUR GOUPIL 131going out, who will kill thee when thou shalt be outside the stockade? That did not stop me, and OurLord gave me courage enough to wish to die in thisact of charity. I go, I seek ; and, with the aid of anAlgonquin, formerly captured, and now a true Iroquois,I find him. The children, after he had beenkilled, had stripped him, and had dragged him, witha rope about his neck, into a torrent which passes atthe foot of their Village. The dogs had alreadyeaten a part of his loins. I could not keep back mytears at this sight;I took the body, and, by the aidof that Algonquin, I put it beneath the water,weighted with large stones, to the end that itmightnot be seen. It was my intention to come the nextday with a mattock, when no one should be there, inorder to make a grave and place the body therein.Ithought that the corpse was well concealed;but perhaps some who saw us, especially of theyouths, withdrew it.The next day, as they were seeking me to kill me,my aunt sent me to her field, to escape, as I think;this caused me to delay until the morrow, a day onwhich it rained all night, so that the torrent swelleduncommonly.I borrowed a mattock from anothercabin, the better to conceal my design; but, when Idraw near the place, I no longer find that Blesseddeposit. Igo into the water, which was already verycold; Igo and. come, I sound with my foot, to seewhether the water has not raised and carried awaythe body; I find nothing. How many tears did Ished, which fell into the torrent, while I sang, aswell as I could, the psalms which the church is accustomed to recite for the dead. After all, I find nothing; and a woman of my acquaintance, who passed


Maiscaufe132 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VoL. 28neffe 1 avoit retire et train6 dans vn petit bois procheou 1 automne et 1hyuer les Chiens les Corbeaux et lesRenards le mangoient le Printemps coe on me dit;que c eftoit la quon 1 avoit train6 i y alle plufieursfois fans rien trotmer en fin la 4 me . fois ie trouue latefte quelques os demy range s que ienterrS dans ledeffein de les emporter on me remenoit aux fi 3 R.coe on en parloit, ie les baiff6 bien devoten 1 parplufieurs fois coe les os d un martyr de I C.Ie luy donne ce titre non feulem* par ce qu il a efl6tu6 par les ennemis de dieu et de fon Eglife et dans1 employ d une ardente charite a lendroit du prochain,fe mettent dans le peril evident p r . 1 amour de1dieu; particulierem parcequ il a eft6 tu6 po r lesprieres et nommem 1 pour la ste Croix.II eftoit dans vne Cabane ou il faifoit prefque toujoursdes prieres cela ne plaifoit gueres a vn vieillardfupfticieux qui y etoit. Vn jour voyant un petitenfant de 3 ou 4 ans de la cabane, par un exces dedevotion et d amour a la Croix, et par une fimplicit6que nous autres qui fommes plus prudents felon lachair que luy n euffions pas faidte, ofta fon bonnet lemit fur la tefte de cet enfant et luy fit un grand fignede croix fur le corps ce vieillard voyant cela commandek vn jeune homme de fa cabane qui devoitpartir pour la guerre de le tiier, ce ilqu executacomme nous avons dit.La mere mefme de 1 enfant dans un voyage ou iede ceme trouu6 auec elle me dit que c eftoit .figne de Croix qu il auoit eft6 tiie, et le vieillard quiavoit faict le commandemS qu on le tuaft, un jourqu on m appella dans fa cabane pour manger, commede la Croix devant, me dit. Voylaie faifois le figne


1646-46] JO G UES S NO TICE S UR GO UPIL 133there and saw me in pain, told me, when I asked herwhether she knew what they had done with him,that they had dragged him to the river, which was aquarter of a league from there, and which I was notacquainted with. That was false: the young menhad taken away the body, and draggedit into a littlewood near by, where, during the autumn andwinter, the Dogs, Ravens, and Foxes fed upon it. Inthe Spring, when they told me that it was there thatthey had dragged him, I went thither several timeswithout finding anything. At last, the 4th time, Ifound the head and some half-gnawed bones, whichI buried with the design of carrying them away,ifshould be taken back to 3 Rivers, as they spoke ofdoing. I kissed them very devoutly, several times,as the bones of a martyr of Jesus Christ.I give him this title not only because he was killedby the enemies of God and of his Church, and in theexercise of an ardent charity toward his neighbor,placing himself in evident peril for the love of God,but especially because he was killed on account ofprayer, and notably for the sake of the holy Cross.He was in a Cabin where he nearly always saidthe prayers, which little pleased a superstitious oldman who was there. One day, seeing a little childof 3 or 4 years in the cabin, with an excess of devotion and of love for the Cross, and with a simplicitywhich we who are more prudent than he, accordingto the flesh, would not have shown, he took off hiscap, put it on this child s head, and made a greatsign of the cross upon its body. The old man, seeing that, commanded a young man of his cabin, whowas about to leave for the war, to kill him, whichorder he executed, as we have said.I


134 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28ce que nous haiffons, voila pourquoy on a tu& toncompagnon, et pourquoy on te tiiera. Nos voyfmsles Europeans ne font point cela. Quelques fois auffycomme ie priois a genoux durant la chaffe, on medifoit qu on haiffoit cet facon de faire pour lefquelleson auoit tue" 1 autre Francois, et que pour cette raifonon me tueroit quand ie revenois dans le Bourg.Ie demande pardon a V. R. de la precipitationauec laquellei efcris cecy et du manque de refpedlque iy commets m elle excufera s il luy plaift ie craignoisde manquer a cette occaon a m aquiter d undevoir duquel ie deurois m eftre deja aquit6 il y along temps.


"and1645-46J JOG UES S NOTICE SUR GOUPIL 135Even the child s mother, on a journey in which Ihappened to be with her, told me that it was becauseof this sign of the Cross that he had been killed;and the old man who had given the command thathe should be slain, one day when they called meto his cabin to eat, when I previously made the signof the Cross, said to me: That is what we hate;that is why they have killed thy companion, and whythey will kill thee. Our neighbors the Europeansdo not do so."Sometimes, also, when I was praying on my knees during the hunt, they told me thatthey hated this way of doing, and on account of itthey had killed the other Frenchman; that, forthis reason, they would kill me when I came back tothe Village.I ask Your Reverence s pardon for the haste withwhich I write this, and for the want of respect ofwhich I am thus guilty. You will excuse me, ifyouplease I feared lest I should fail at this opportunity,;to discharge a duty which Iought to have performedlong ago.


136 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VoL. 28[450] Lettre du R. P. Jogues au R. P. AndreCastillon, de la Compagniede Jesus.Montr6al ce 12 septembre 1646.MON R. PERE, P. C.J ai re$u celle qu il a plua votre R. dem escrire; elle nous oblige de vous mander quelquechose de notre nouvelle France et nommement de cequi me concerne en particulier.J ai passe* 1 hyver a Montreal avec le P. Le Jeune;a la demy-may, je partis des trois Rivieres en compagniede M. Bourdon ingenieur de la Nouvelle- France,pour faire un voyage aux Iroquois, desquels nousretournames en bonne sante" au commencement deMons. notre Gouverneur fut bien aise qu ilJuillet.m accompagnast affin qu il connust le pays; nousfismes une carte assez exacte de ces centre" es, 1et fusmesbien re9us tant des Hollandais par lesquels nouspassames que par les sauvages. Les principaux desEuropeans ny estoient pas, estant allez ^ 1 autre habitation qui est vers la mer et qui est la principale pourles affaires. Nous ne manquames pas d exercice ence voyage tant sur 1 eau que sur terre; nous fismespour le moins 100 lieues a pied et pour 1 ordinairebien charges. Je baptizai dans le bourg ou nous demeurasmesquelques jours, quelques enfants malades1Nous n avons pu retrouver cette carte.


1645-46] JOGUES TO CASTILLON 137[450] Letter from the Rev. Father Jogues to theRev. Father Andre Castillon, ofthe Society of Jesus.MYMontreal, this I2th of September, 1646.REVEREND FATHER,Pax Christi.I have received what it has pleased yourReverence to write me. It obliges us to give yousome information of our new France, and especiallyof what concerns me in particular.I passed the winter at Montreal with Father LeJeune. In the middle of May, I departed from threeRivers in company with Monsieur Bourdon, engineerof New France, 11 to make a journey to the Iroquois,from which we returned in good health at the beginning of July. Monsieur our Governor was very gladto have him accompany me, that he might becomeacquainted with the country. We made a tolerablyaccurate map of these regions,* and were well received both by the Dutch, through whose territorywe passed, and by the savages. The principal Europeans were not there, having gone to the othersettlement, which is toward the sea, and is the chiefone for business. We did not lack exercise in thisjourney, either on water or on land we made at least;100 leagues on foot, and were usually well laden. Ibaptized, in the village where we remained a fewdays, some sick children who, as I believe, are now*We have not been able to find this map. [Rochemonteix.]


138 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 28qui sont maintenant devant Dieu, comme je crois; jeconfessai des chrestiens Hurons qui y estoient, nousfismes des presens et en resumes de re"ciproques.suis sur le point d y retourner pour y passer 1 hyver,et ne revenir, sije ny [451] meurs, qu au mois de juinde Tan prochain;1 affaire se traite maintenant aux3 rivieres, que si on ne m y envoyait pas maintenant,ce seroit, Dieu aydant, pour le printemps. Mais jevoys les affaires bien disposees pour partir bientot etnotre R. P. Superieur y est bien il port6 n y a que;mes lachete s et mes miseres qui forment de puissantsobstacles au dessein que Dieu a dessus moy et sur cepays.Priez le, mon R. P., quil me fasse selon cequ il d6sire, et que je sois un homme selon son cceur,det mihi dominus latitudinem cordis sicut arenam qua estin littore marts. Qu il 61argisse un peu mon pauvrecoeur qui est si 6troit, et que par 1 experience dupass6 et des profusions de ses bonte"s et mis6ricordesdessus moi, j apprenne a me confier totalement enluy, estant tres assure qu il ne se retirera pas pourme laisser tomber, quand je me jetterai amoureusementdans les bras de sa divine et paternelle providence. N. S. nous a fait un beau present que lapaix; priez sa divine bonte" qui nous 1 a faite, qu ellecontinue, car c est d elle que nous en esperons 1 a-chevement. Cette paix jointe a la traitte que le paysa maintenant, fait qu il change de face notablement,qu il croit en nombre d habitants et que tout s addoucit.II ne paroist plus si rude qu auparavant eton connoit par experience qu il peust porter de bonsbleds et autres commodites pour la vie, principalementcet endroit de Montreal ou nous sommes, quiest bien plus doux et tempere" ;que Quebec aussi est-Je


and1645-46] JOCUES TO CASTILLON 139with God. I confessed some Huron Christians whowere there, to whom we made presents and receivedsome in return. I am about to go back there to passthe winter, and not to return, unless I [45 1] die there,until the month of June next year. The matter isnow being- discussed at 3 rivers ; they think that, if Iam not sent there now, I shall be, God helping, inthe spring. But I see considerable preparations madefor an early departure, and our Reverend Father Superior is favorably inclined to it. It is only my owncowardice and bodily weakness which form powerfulobstacles to the designs God has for me and for thiscountry. Pray him, my Reverend Father, that hewill make of me what he desires, and that Imay be aman after his own heart, det mihi dominus latitudinemcordis sicut arenam qua est in littore marts. Wouldthat he would somewhat enlarge my poor heart,which is so narrow that;by the experience ofthe past, and by the abundance of his goodness andmercy toward me, I may learn to trust myself entirely to him, being very sure that he will not draw backand let me fall, when I shall cast myself lovinglyinto the arms of his divine and paternal providence.Our Lord has made us a noble gift in giving uspeace; pray his divine goodness, which has given itto us, that it may continue, for it is from this goodness that we shall hope for the fulfillment of thisprayer. This peace, together with the trade whichthe country now has, causes a notable change in itsappearance, an increase in the number of inhabitants,and greater comfort in all respects. The countryno longer seems as rough as before; and we knowthrough experience that it can produce good wheatand other necessaries of life, especially this locality


140 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28il an milieu du temperament, savoir est k 45 degre"s.Plus^de 80 canots hurons viennent de descendre avecquantity de pelleteries, ce qui fait esperer une anne"eencore meilleure que la precedente qui estoit fortbonne. Je ne sais pas si cela ne donnera pas dans laveiie de Messieurs de la Compagnie, qui & peinepouvoient-ils fournir aux embarquements, quand ilsavoient la traitte. C est un bon rencontre que Dieua donne la paix dans ce changement qui est fortavantageux pour le pays. Dieu la fasse croistre enbe"ne"dictionsspirituelles encore plus qu en temporelieset si Magnificat quietem, magnificet et latittam,mais principalement quilr6pande une abondance deson Saint- Esprit sur ceux qui travaillent au spirituelde ces contre*es. C est ce dont je supplie V. R. deprier N. S., et de vous souvenir nommement a 1 auteld un pauvre prestre, qui est ^ la veillej d estre 8ou 9 mois sans sacrifice. Ce me sera un surcroitd obligation de luy estre plus que [452] jamais, monR. Pere, son tres humble et obe"issant serviteur selonDieu.A Montreal ce 12 sept. 1646.Is. JOGUES.Je partirai dans 2 ou 3 jours pour le voyage desIroquois.Encore pour vie tout en N. S.21 sept, aux 3 Rivieres.


1645-46] JOGUES TO CASTILLON 141of Montreal, where we are, which is much milderand more temperate than Quebec besides it is in a;middle latitude, namely, 4$ degrees. More than 80huron canoes have just come down bearing a quantity of skins, which gives hopes of a still better yearthan the preceding one, which was very good. I donot know whether this will catch the eyes of theGentlemen of the Company, who could scarcely furnish shipping when they had the trade. It is a fortunate occurrence that God has bestowed the peacewith this change, which is very advantageous to thecountry. May God make itgrow in spiritual blessings even more than in temporal, and if Magnificatquietem, magnificet et l&titiam; but principally mayhe bestow an abundance of his Holy Spirit upon thosewho labor for the spiritual interests of these countries. It is this for which Ibeg Your Reverence toentreat Our Lord, and especially to remember at thealtar a poor priest, who is about to remain 8 or 9months without mass. It will be to me an increaseof obligation to be, more than [452] ever, my Reverend Father, your very humble and obedient servantin God,Montreal, this I2th of September, 1646.ISAAC JOGUES.I shall depart in 2 or 3 days for the Iroquois journey.Still, for life, all in Our Lord.September 21, at 3 Rivers.


142 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VoL. 28Journal des Peres Jesuites, en 1 anneeO1646.IANUIER 1646.salua Mons r . le Gouuerneur scauoirla soldatesque auec leur arquebuse, Iteles Habitans en corps: il nvf preuint& estoit icy a 7. h. pour saluer tous nos pp.qu il demanda les vns apres les autres: ieExtremes saluer Talle"apres la grande messe :(vne autrefois il le faut preuenir) Monsr .giffar aussy nvfvint voir & les religieuses enuoyerent leslettres de grand matin p r . faire leur Compliment; & les Vrsulines force belles estreinesauec bougies, chapelets, crucifix &c. & sur ledisner deux belles pieces de tourtiere. Ieleur enuoye deux Images de S 1 .Ignace & deS 1 . fr. Xauier en email : on donna a Mons r .Giffar vn liuredu p. bonnet de la vie de fireSeign r . a Mons r . des Chastelets, vn des petitstomes de Drexellivf de ^Eternit e . a Mons r .bourdon vne lunette de galilee ou ily auoitvne boussole, & a d autres des reliquairesChapelets Medailles Images &c. on donna vnCrucifix a celle qui blanchit le linge de 1 E-glise. 4. mouchoirs a la femme d Abraha &a luy vne bouteille d eau de vie & a d autres


1645-46] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 143Journal of the Jesuit Fathers, in the year1646.JANUARY, 1646.THEY saluted Monsieur the Governor,to wit, the soldiery with their arquebuses; Item, the Habitans in a body.He forestalled us, and was here at 7 o clockto greet all our fathers, for whom he inquired,one after another; I went to greet him afterhigh mass; (another time we must anticipatehim). Monsieur giffar also came to see us, andthe nuns sent letters early in the morning, tooffer their Compliments. The Ursulines alsosent many beautiful New-year s gifts, withtapers, rosaries, crucifix, etc. ; and, towardthe dinner, two handsome pieces of pastry. Isent them two Images of St. Ignace andSt. franois Xavier in enamel. We gaveMonsieur Giffar a book of father bonnet sabout the life of our Lord; to Monsieur desChastelets one of the little volumes of Drexelliusde ALternitate; 12 to Monsieur bourdon agalilean telescope, 13 in which there was a compass; and to others, reliquaries, Rosaries,Medals, Images, We etc. gave a Crucifix tothe woman who washes the Church linen; 4handkerchiefs to the wife of Abraham, 14 andto him a bottle of brandy and to others some;little books of devotion : two handkerchiefs toNew-year s gifts.


144 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VoL. 28quelques liurets de deuoon, deux mouchoirsa robert hache & puis deux autres quil demanda.le fus voir M. giffar, M. Couillar, &Madatnoys. de repentigny. les Vrsulinesm enuoyerent prier que ie les allassent voirdeuant la fin de la lourne e, iy a!16 & salue"aussy Mad. de la pelleterie qui enuoya Es-obmettre cela & il n est pas atreines ie pensepropos de 1 obmettre. Ie ne donne rien lesoir d auparauant aux Litanies, mais le lourie donne" a nos pp & ff. ce que ie peus, & ceque ie pense leur pouuoir estre aggreable.I auois donne au p. de Quen auparauant p r .Sillery tout ce qu il iugea a propos de ce queri auois en ma chambre particul. p. le p. masse.Deudons extraordin. Pour entretenir la deuoon le reste de 1hy-Saluts des jeudys. uer Qn declara que les saluts du gt> Sacrement&*cse feroient le leudy a la paroisse, & les festes& Dimanches aux maisons religieuses entrequatre & cinq: outre la deuoon ordinaire desSamedys a la paroisse ; depuis Noel iusques ala purificaon les Vrsulines faisoient le salut ala Cresche.present de mr. le le 3. ou quatre de lanuier M. le Gouuerneurgouuemr.enuoya 3. chapons & 6. pigeons.Traitemt. des MM. le 5. au soir M. Giffar donna vne bouteillehospital. d hypocras, les M. hospitalieres vn gasteau& 6 Chandeles de Cire & le lendemain ellesenuoyerent vn beau disner.lour des roys. le 6 lour des roysil n y eut point de pain


ut1645-46] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 145robert hache and then two more that he askedfor. I went to see Monsieur giffar, MonsieurCouillar, and Madamoyselle de repentigny.The Ursulines sent to beg that I would go tosee them before the end of the Day; I wentthither and alsogreeted Madame de la pelleterie,who sent New-year s gifts: I came nearomitting that, and it is not proper to omit it.I gave nothing the evening beforehand, atthe ;Litany on the Day itself I gave toour fathers and brethren what I could, andwhat I thought might be agreeable to them.I had previously given father de Quen for Silleryeverything that he judged suitable, fromwhat I had in my private room, for fathermasse.To maintain devotion during the remainder Devotions extraordiofthe winter, it was declared that the bene- nary.dictions of the Blessed Sacrament should beon, tions, etc.Thursday at the parish church, and onfeasts and Sundays at the religious houses,between four and five, besides the ordinarySaturday devotion at the parish church. FromChristmas until the purification, the Ursubenedic-Thursd<*ylines made the benediction before the Manger.On the 3rd or fourth of January, Monsieur Presentfrom montheGovernor sent 3 capons and 6 sieur pigeons. the governor.At evening on the 5th, Monsieur Giffar gave Entertainment froma bottle of hippocras; the hospital Mothers, a the hospital Mothers.cake and 6 Wax Candles ;and the next daythey sent a fine dinner.On the 6th, the Day of the kings, there Epiphany.was no bread consecrated, and not until theSunday following. The two churchwardens


146 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28Nouuelles des habitaonsd en hautbruit <Sr*conseilbenit, mais seulem 1 . le Dimanche d apres,tous les deux marguillers le firent ensemble,scauoir M. des Chastelets & M. Giffar; & puison le donna a M. Maheu la plvf proche maisonsur le Costeau de S 1 .geneuieue p r . continuer.le 8 arriua vn Huron nomm6 Tandihetsides 3. riu. qui apporta lettres de Montreal derichelieu & des 3. riuieres qui contenoient ensubstance qu a Montreal tout se portoit bien,& quily auoit quatre Cabanes de sauuages.qu aux 3. riu. ily en auoit 12. mais que lemeslange des fideles auec des Infideles &Apostats y estoit tousiours fascheux: que lesAnniehronons qui y estoient en estoient partisp r . s en retourner; qu ils auoient este poursuiuispar Vn Algonquain enyure deau de viedont ceux qui 1 auoient traite"e auoient este"mis a de grosses amendes, qu on n auoit puempescher que 1 yurongne ne donnast vn coupde baston a vn Annieronon, qui s en pleignistencores en partant, les Algonq. les vouloientretenir par force iusques au retour deCousture, mais nos PP. 1empescherent disantqu ils n estoient point captifs mais libres, &que le de traite" paix ne paroissoit point encores rompu vn d entr eux resta qui deuintcomme possede a ce que 1 on disoit.Ce huron Tandihetsi ne vint pas expres p r .d* Importance, quiappor ter des lettres, mais p r . inuiter Atirontaaboutit a rien. ,qui hyuernoit icy & estoit loge a 1 hospital,


1645-46] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 147prepared it together, to wit, Monsieur desChastelets and Monsieur Giffar; and thenthey gaveit to Monsieur Maheu, the nearesthouse on the Costeau de St. gene vieve, 15 toproceed with it thence.On the 8th, a Huron named Tandihetsi arrivedfrom 3 rivers ;he brought letters fromMontreal, from richelieu and from 3 rivers,which contained, in substance, that all waswell at Montreal, and that four Cabins of savages were there ;that at 3 rivers there were12 of these, but that the mingling of the faithful with Infidels and Apostates there wasalways injurious. They informed us thatthe Anniehronons who were there had goneaway, to return home; that they had beenpursued by An Algonquain, drunken withbrandy for which those who had supplied itto him had been heavily fined that ;they hadnot been able to prevent the drunken manfrom dealing a blow with a club to an Annieronon,who stillcomplained of it on goingaway. The Algonquains wished to detain himforcibly until Cousture s return, but our Fathers prevented this, saying that these werenot captives, but free ;and that the treaty ofpeace was apparently not yet broken. Oneof them stayed behind, and became like onepossessed, according to what they said.This huron Tandihetsi did not come exNews from the uppersettlements.Important rumorpressly to bring letters, but to invite Atironta,whoand council, whichends was wintering here, and was lodgedin nothing.at the hospital, to come to the Council at 3rivers, on the part of Annerahwy and of


148 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28de venir au Conseil aux 3 riu. de la part d AnnerahHy& de ceux de sa nation parens d A-tironta ou des Arendaer. le suiet du Conseilfut publi6 par touts les Algonq. & estoit tel ;les Annier. au nombre de 3. ou 4. s en retournantparlerent en confiance a Tandihetsi quiles accompagnoit, & luy dirent le secret deleur pays scauoir qu on n y vouloit point depaix auec les Aticha^ata, si bien auec les Hurons& les frangois que les francois y auoient;consenti, & qu en suite on n atendoit plvf que1 occasion d exterminer les Atichatfata, & que300. Annier. pouroient bien venir a la myfebur.p r . 1 execuon de ce dessein.Tandihetsi ayant quitte les Annier. a richelieupoursuit son chemin iusques a Montreal,& donne aduis de cecy a Annerahtfy qui vintaux 3. riu. & deputa celuy-cy pr. venir querirAtironta.le mesme Tandihetsi adioustoit que M. dela poterie ayant entendu la Confirmaon de celapar 1 Annier. qui restoit aux 3. riu. il auoitassemble le Conseil des Algonq. qui sont la,& leur auoit declare" le tout affin qu ils prissentgarde a leurs affaires ce; qui estoit admirable la dedans estoit quemandoient rien de tout cela.nos PP. ne nvfMais le plvf considerable estoit qu eratfundamentu in re : Vbi enim ista a nobis s 1 .relata a me silicet & P. de Quen, D. Gubernatori,ipse nobis totu negotiu aperuit, scilicet


1645-46] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 149those of his nation who were kinsmen of Atirontaor of the Arendaeronons. The reasonfor the Council was published by all the Algonquains,and was as follows : the Annieronons,to the number of 3 or 4, while returning, spoke in confidence to Tandihetsi, whowas accompanying them, and told him thesecret of their country, to wit, that no peacewas desired with the Atichawata, but it wasdesired with the Hurons and the french ;thatthe french had consented thereto, and thatconsequently nothing but the opportunitywas now awaited for exterminating the Atichawata, and that 300 Annieronons couldcertainly come by the middle of february forthe execution of this plan.Tandihetsi, having left the Annieronons atrichelieu, continued his way as far as Montreal, and gave notice of this to Annerahwy,who came to 3 rivers, and commissioned thisman to come in quest of Atironta.The same Tandihetsi added that Monsieurde la poterie, having heard a Confirmation ofthat through the Annieronon who remainedat 3 rivers, had assembled the Council of theAlgonquains who are there, and had declaredto them the whole matter, to the end thatthey should look to their affairs. What wassurprising therein was that our Fathers sentus no word of all that.But the most important was that, eratfundamentum in re: Ubi enim ista a nobis suntrelata, a me scilicet et Patre de Quen, DominoGubernatori, ipse nobis totum negotium aperuit,


150 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VoL. 28superior! aestate du venere legati Annier. cuCousture tractaturi de pace, cu pala multadixissent & fecissent, petierunt dux sell. eormcognominatus le crochet vt singular! congressusib! liceret D. gub m .alloqui; habebat insignemunvf faciendu D. Gubernat 1 . vt pro settum. & pro Huronib. pace vellet, Algonq 08 .in medio relinqueret: hsec vbi resciuit Onontione videre quide voluit tale munvf nee passvfe extrahi, & dixit re non es possibile: grauitertulit hanc repulsa le crochet, & pax exinde visa e nutare, haec vbi vidit D. gub. & P.Vimont sup. & p. le leune censuerunt remmitiganda, & 2. priuato congressu in quosicut & in priori erant ttm. d. gub. le Crochet& Cousture, dixit d. gub. duo es Algonq. g ra .Vnu simile nobis Xstiani intelligebantur;alteru dissimile; sine priorib. nobis certu espace non facere: de posteriorib. ipsos es dnossuaru actionu, nee nobis ita esse coniunctossicut & priores: vt dictu a d no Gub r . Ita &forte peiori raoe [i.e., ratione] relatu suis alegato, qd. ab oib. Annier. in sua patria rescituab his exeuntib. propalatu e; sed merito agallis negatu e.depart d Atironta Atironta partit d icy le 12. de lanu. & s enalia auec Acharo & Tandihetsi, il laissa safemme & son fils a 1 hospital, il fut equipp6de toute piece luy & laques ils eurent chaquvn vn Tapabor, des raquettes, victuailles,&c partie du magasin partie de 1 hospital &c.


"1645-46] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 151scilicet: superiori testate, dum venere legati Annieronensescum Cousture tractaturi de pace, cumpalam multa dixissent et fecissent, petierunt, duxscilicet eorum cognominatusle crochet,"ut singularicongressu sibi liceret Dominum gubernatoremalloqui; habebat insigne munus faciendum,Domino Gubernatori, ut pro se tantum et proHuronibus pacem vellet, Algonquinos in mediarelinqueret. Hcec ubi rescivit Onontio, ne viderequidem voluit tale munus, nee passus est extrahi,et dixit rem non esse possibilem. Graviter tulithanc repulsam le crochet, et pax ex inde visa estnutare. Hcsc ubi vidit Dominus gubernator, etPater Vimont, superior, et pater le Jeune, censueruntrem mitigandam; et 2do private congressu, inquo sicut et in priori erant tantum dominus gubernator, le Crochet, et Cousture, dixit dominus gubernator duo esse Algonquinorum genera, Unumsimile nobis, Christiani intelligebantur; alterumdissimile. Sine prior ibus nobis certum esse pacemnon facere; de posterioribus ipsos esse dominos suarumactionum, nee nobis ita esse conjunctos sicut etpriores. Ut dictum a domino Gubernatore Itaet forte pejori ratione relatum suis a legato; quodab omnibus Annieronensibus in sua patria rescitumab his exeuntibus propalatum est, sed merito agallis negatumAtironta left here on the 1 2th of January, Departure ofand went away with Acharo and Atironta.Tandihetsi;he left his wife and his son at the hospital.He was equipped with every requisite; heand Jaques each had a Storm-cap, snowshoes,victuals, etc., partly from the warehouse,est.16partly from the hospital, etc.


152 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28IAnnier. demandede s en aller.temps quirestoit demanda son conge,ilhiy auoit esterdonne p pays auec soncompagnon des 3. riu. qui le demandoit p r . s enretourner de Compagnie, mais le p. de Quenayant donne" aduis que les Algonq. de Silleryestoient p r .luy ioiier vn mauuais tour passantpar leur quartier, M. le Gouu. trouua bon de1 arrester & il fut remis ou magazin p r .y demeurerla compagnie de la femme d Atirontaa 1 hospital ne pouuant estre que dangereuse.La nuit du 10. ou n.de lanuier fut estouffedans le lict vn petit enfant de 4. moysfils dela niepce de Mathurin gangnon.depuis le 15. iusques au 21. les sauuagespartirent p r . s en aller a la chasse resterent aSillery enuiron 22. sauuages; que 1 hospital &nvf PP. entreprirent d assister, ils demeurerentpartie proche de 1 hospital partie a Sillery, & furent assistes de plusieurs endroitsmais sur tout de Sillery & de 1 hospital.le Dimanche deuant la ;g e . Madame Marsoletdeuant faire le pain benit desira le presenEnfant Estouffesauuages vont a lachasse.Nouueaute touchantter auec le plvf d apareil qu elle pouroit; elleyfit mettre vne toilete, vne couronne de bouillons de gaze ou de linge a 1 entour, elle desiroity mettre des cierges & des quarts d escvfaux Cierges au lieu d escu d or qu elle eutbien desir6 y mettre, mais voyant qu on neluy vouloit point permettre, elle ne laissa pas


1645-46] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 153At this same time, the Annierohron whostayed behind asked for his dismissal ;it hadbeen granted him, in order to return to hisown country with his companion of 3 rivers,who also asked leave to go, that they mightreturn in Company. But father de Quenhaving given notice that the Algonquains ofSillery were intending to play him an evil trick,while passing through their district MonThe Annieronon asksto go away.sieur the Governor found it desirable to stophim, and he was sent back to the warehouseto remain there, as the company of Atironta swife at the hospital could only be dangerous.In the night of the loth or nth of January, a little child of 4 months was smotheredin bed, a son of Mathurin 17gangnon s niece.From the igtli to the 2ist, the savages departed to go to the chase ; there remained at Sillery about 22 savages, whom the hospital andour Fathers undertook to assist. They livedpartly near the hospital, partly at Sillery, andwere assisted from several quarters, but esChild Smothered.Savages go to thechase.pecially from Sillery and from the hospital.On the Sunday before Septuagesima, Madame Marsolet, having to prepare bread forconsecration, desired to present it with thegreatest possible display she had it furnished;with a toilet, a crown of gauze or linen puffsaround it. She wished to add candles, andquarter-e"cus at the Tapers, instead of thegold e"cus pieces which she would indeedhave desired to place thereon ;but seeing thatwe were not willing to allow her this, shenevertheless had it carried with the toilet andInnovations regarding the consecratedbread.


Pierre boucher.154 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VoL. 28de le faire porter auec la toilete & la Coronnede bouillons ;mais deuant que le benir ie fistout oster & le benis auec la tnesme simpliciteque i auois fait les precedens & particul. celuyde M. le Gouuerneur, crainte que ce changem*.n aportast de la lalousie & de la Vanite".le 23. arriua Pierre boucher, & Toupin sonbeau frere, auec vn Annier. des 3. riu. quiuoiage du p. de Quenchez M. de Chauigny.retour d A tirontacommencemt. de remuemententre leshabitans.venoit voir son compagnon & le venoit querir;ils aporterent lettres & Confirmoient que toutce qu auoit dit le Huron Tandihetsi estoitrfaux au moins p la .plvf part.le 25. partit le P. de Quenp r . aller chez M.de Chauigny a 1 occasion de son seruitr . malade;& en outre p r . leur faire gangner leIubil6 & assister spirituellem 1 . la famille ;roberthache accompagna le pere, & vn Chirurgien& deux autres soldats y allerent aussy deComp ie .le 27. retourna Atironta & Acharo: leConseil p r .lequel il estoit all 6 aboutit a rien,chaqu vn nioit auoir este autheur des bruits &en reiettoient la faute sur son Compagnonle dernier de lanuier retourna le p. de Quen,qui raporta p r . nouuelle que M. de Chauignyauoit pense mourir aussy bien que son seruiteura son retour d icy a faute d auoir assezde monde pr. trainer sa traisne.Sur la fin de ce moys les petits habitanssembloient se vouloir mutiner centre ceux quiauoient les charges & offices; on tenoit M.


1645-46] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 155the Crown of puffs. However, before consecrating it, I had all that removed, and blessedit with the same simplicity that I had observedwith the preceding portions, especially with thatof Monsieur the Governor, fearing lest thischange might occasion Jealousy and Vanity.On the 23rd, Pierre boucher arrived, and Pierre boucher.Toupin his brother-in-law, also an Annierononfrom 3 rivers, who came to see his companion and take him away. They broughtletters and Confirmed the idea that everythingwhich the Huron Tandihetsi had said wasfalse, at least, in the main.On the 25th, Father de Quen set out to go Father de Quen sto Monsieur de Chavigny s, on account of his Journey to Monsieursickde servant, and, besides, to have themCha<viS n y gain s -the Jubilee, and to be of spiritual assistanceto the family; robert hache accompanied thefather, and a Surgeon and two others, soldiers, also went thither in their Company.On the 27th, Atironta and Acharo returned ;the Council, for the sake of which he hadgone, ended in nothing each one denied hav;ing been the author of the rumors, and castback the blame upon his Companion.On the last of January, father de Quenreturned; he reported, by way of news, thatMonsieur de Chavigny, as well as his servant,had come near dying upon his return fromAtlanta s return.here, for want of having enough people todraw his sledge.Toward the end of this month, the petty Beginning of a dishabitansseemed disposed to rebel against turbance among thethose who had the public duties and offices ;habitant.


156 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28Marsolet et Maheu. Marsolet & surtout la femme & M. Maheuauertit apres la benediction chantee d esteinfestede la Chandeleur.autheurs de cela; le tout fut apaise" par M. leGouuerneur ces mentis habitans auoient tort,;n y ayant aucun fondement raisonable en leurilspleinte:disoient que M. des Chasteletscommis g nal faisoit trop bonne cheire &c. Vnleune homme de chez M. le Gouuerneur nommeM. robineau se porta p r . les mescontens;de la vinrent bien des peines & des paroles&des mescotentemens on fit des pasqttains:Mons r . le Gouuerneur ayant fait punion descoulpables, tout fut apais6.FEBURIER. 1646.A la purificaon on disposa trois pains debougie en 115. pieces qui furent benistes auec6. chandeles de Cire, & deux cierges; desdeux Cierges vn seruit p r le .prestre qui disoitla messe, 1 autre fut porte* par vn de nos ff en.surplis a M r . le Gouuerneur a sa place & apresque ce frere & vn autre de nos ff qui seruoitaussy en surplis auec luy eurent pris deux deschandeles de cire selon les ceremonies desrubriques; apres done le Cierge presente* a M.le Gouuerneur on donna a celuy qui distribuele pain beny, vn petit panier ou estoient les115. pieces qui furent distributes a tout lemonde qui estoit la; il n y en eut pas assez,mais cela fut fort aprouu6 & alia bien; on les


1645-46] JOURNAL DES PP. jASUITES 157Monsieur Marsolet, and especially his wife, MarsoletandMaheu.and Monsieur Maheu were accounted theauthors of that; but the whole trouble wasquieted by Monsieur the Governor. Thesepaltry habitans were in the wrong, having noreasonable foundation for their complaint;they said that Monsieur des Chastelets, general agent, was living too high, etc. AYoung man from Monsieur the Governor shouse, named Monsieur robineau, was on theside of the malcontents, thence arose manydifficulties, and offensive words, and dissatisfactions; and pasquinades were composed.Monsieur the Governor having punished theguilty, everything became quiet.FEBRUARY, 1646.At the purification, we arranged three cakes Feast of Candlemas.of candle-wax in 115 pieces, which were consecrated with 6 Wax candles and two tapers.Of the two Tapers, one served for the priestwho was saying mass; the other was borneby one of our brethren in surplice, in thepriest s place, to Monsieur the Governor.After this brother and another of our brethren, who also served in surplice with him,had taken two of the wax candles according tothe ceremonies of the rubrics, and had presented the Taper to Monsieur the Governor,we gave to the one who distributes the consecrated bread a little basket, in which werethe 1 1 5 pieces, which were distributed amongall who were there. There were not enoughof these pieces, but the proceeding was much


158 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28dre leurs lumieres & les rallumer p r . 1 Euangile& pr. 1 Eleuaon iusques apres la Comiondu prestre, ce que fut fait. II e necessaire defaire comme cela crainte de tomber dans lesIntrigues des preseances & preferences.depart des Annie- le 3 e - s en retournerent les deux Annier.nomme"s 1 vn soentiakonk qui auoit este icylong temps selon qu il e marque cy dessus ;1 autre ho ou sta venu des( 3. riu. depuis peu,qui estoit venu querir son Compagnon ils faisoientestat de s en retourner aux 3. riu. maison se doutit qu il dusse passer outre il;y auoitlong temps qui faisoient instance p r . s en retourner, on eut bien de la peine de les arrester iusques a ce lour qui partirent enfin bienaiustes de tout; ils se pleignirent toutesfoisqu on ne leur auoit pointdonne" de Cornier -tures; 1 vn & 1 autre firent les endiable"s p r .se faire donner leur conge,1 vn aux 3. riu.1 autre icy.Atironta auec sa femme & sonAttronta a la chasse. le 6. partitpetit mathieu & rlaques Acharo p. la chasse,ils furent equipped de tout reuint le 16.saluts aux lours le ii. qui estoit le Dimanche gras on futras -aduerti de trois choses au prosne: la i re .quily auroit salut les 3. lours de Quaresmeprenant: le Dimanche done a la paroisse futexpose le S*. Sacrem 1 . des le commencem 1 . deVespre, & a Tissue on chanta Tantu ergo &c


1645-46] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 159approved and went well. They were notified, after the benediction had been sung, toput out their lights, and to light them againfor the Gospel and for the Elevation, untilafter the Communion of the priest, whichwas done. It is necessary to do thus, for fearof falling into the Complications of precedences and preferences.On the 3rd, the two Annieronons returned Departure of thehomeward, the one, named soentiakonk,Annieronons.who had been here for a long time, as wasnoted above; the other, ho (ou sta, recentlycome from 3 rivers, who had come to seekhis Companion. They were professing toreturn to 3 rivers, but it was suspected thatthey would pass beyond. For a long timethey had been urging that they might return ;it was very difficult to detain them until thisDay when they finally started, well furnishedwith everything; they nevertheless complained that no Blankets had been giventhem. Both acted as if possessed, in order toprocure their dismissal, the one at 3 rivers,the other here.On the 6th, Atironta left with his wife and Atironta goes hunthislittle mathieu, and Jaques Acharo, for the in s-chase: they were fully equipped; they cameback on the i6th.On the nth, which was the Sunday before Benedictions on theLent, three things were published at the shrove Days.sermon: ist, that there would be benedictionon the 3 Days of Shrovetide. On Sunday,then, at the parish church the Blessed Sacrament was exposed at the beginning of


160 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28festes de deudon icy& apres1 oraison du S l . Sacrem 1 .quelques oralsonsde penitence & puis les ordinaires du S*.Esprit, In gratiaru actione, & pro deuotis amicis: le lendemain entre trois & quatre on fitle salut a 1 hospital les religieuses commencerentle pange lingua & le magnificat & laparoisse disoit 1 autre verset, le magnificat futchante en fauxbourdon cela reussit fort bienla paroisse chanta 1 Antienne o sacra &c leMardy le mesme se fit aux Vrsulines exceptequ elles chanterent deuant le magnificat 1 Antienneo sacra & nvf apres; pour signal departir de sa maison on sonna le i er .coup dusalut a la paroisse & le 2 on . aux maisons religieuses.le mardy nos pp. de Sillery vinrentdisner auec nvf, la rIourne"e e bien pre. p. lesInuiter.la 2. chose dont on aduertit fut que le mercredydes cendres, il n y auoit point d obligaonde cesser le trauail, entendre la messe &prendre des cendres soubs peine de p. m. sedtantu sub veniali: & que tels lours commeencore celuy des morts le leudy Vendr. &samedy s 1 . estoient festes de deuoon iusques1apres office Vbi Consuetude aliud non Induxit,nihil a. aliud hie induxit.eParticularity es- La 3. fut de satisfaire a toutes les difficulclairciespr le leusne ,, . , T ^ ~,dut6s sur le Ieusne du Quaresme. Quaresme ce ; qui se fiten lisant ce qu en a le petit bertaut.


1645-46] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 161Vespers ; and at the end was sung the Tantumergo, etc. ; and, after the prayer of the BlessedSacrament, some penitential prayers, and thenthe usual prayers to the Holy Ghost, In gratiarumactionem, and pro devotis amicis. On thenext day, between three and four, the benediction was held at the hospital: the nunsbegan the pange lingua and the magnificat, andthe parish said the other verse. The magnificat was sung in faux-bourdon, that succeeded very well ;the parish sang the Anthemo sacrum, etc. On Tuesday, the same wasdone at the Ursulines ,except that they sangbefore the magnificat, the Anthem o sacrum,and we after it. For signal to leave one shouse, the ist stroke of the benediction wasrung at the parish church, and the 2nd atthe religious houses. On tuesday, our fathersat Sillery came to dine with us; the Day wasvery appropriate for Inviting them.The 2nd thing of which they were informed was, that on ash Wednesday therewas no obligation to cease from work, to hearmass, and to take ashes, under penalty ofpeccatum mortale, sed tantum sub veniali: andthat such Days as also that of all souls,and Thursday, Friday, and Saturday in holyweek were feasts of devotion until after theoffice, Ubi Consuetude aliud non Induxit, nihilautem aliud hie induxit.The 3rd was to satisfy all difficulties about Details explainedFasting in Lent, which was done by reading concerning the Lentwhatthe small manual of bertaut gives onthis subject.Feasts of devotiondown here.


162 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28nouuelle de la mort Le 12. retournant du salut de 1 hospital, iedup. Anne denote.fig rencontre de deux Hurons venant des troisriuieres; qui rapportoientla nouuelle de lamort du p. Anne de noiie: il partit de 3. riu. p r .s en aller a richelieu consoler & assister spirituellem1 . la garnison le 30. de lanuier encompagnie de deux soldats & d vn Huron: ilscoucherent a 6. lieiies au dessus des 3. riu.mais le P. voyant ses compagnons vn peu pesants& qui alloient difficilem 1 . a raquettes &partant qu ils [ne] pouroient y arriuer a tempsles quitta apres la minuit pour faire venir audeuant d eux & les soulager de leur traisne &se mit en chemin a la liieur de la lune. maiscoe il fut auance, le ciel se chargea & se mit aneiger, ce qui luy derobant la veiie des Isles& de tout il s esgara sans se pouuoir retrouuer;ses compagnons quil auoit laisse arriuesqu ils furent le i er . du moys de febur. a richelieu furent bien estonne"s de n y point voir lePere, on le suit a la piste de ses raquettes &en fin on le trouue quatre lieiies au dessvf derichelieu,a genoux dans vn creux de neigeles bras en croix & les yeux esleues au Ciel,son chapeau & ses raquettes proche de :luyilfut ramene sur vne traisne par vn nomine Caron,m re . valet p r . lors de richelieu qui 1 auoiteste chercher auec deux Hurons qui se comporterentdignem*. en cette occasion, le samedy3 e . de febur. & mene aux 3. riu. le 5. ou


1645 -46J JOURNAL DES PP. J&SUITES 163On the 1 2th, while returning from the News of the death ofbenediction at the hospital, I met two Hurons father Anne de noue.coming from three rivers, who reported thenews of the death of father Anne de none. Hestarted from 3 rivers to go to richelieu, toconsole and spiritually assist the garrison, onthe 3oth of January, in company with twosoldiers and a Huron. They lay down for thenight, 6 leagues above 3 rivers ;but the Father, seeing that his companions were ratherslow, and with difficulty making their way onsnowshoes, and that, consequently, they couldnot reach their destination in time, left themafter midnight, in order to send people tomeet them and relieve them of their sledge ;and he set forth by the light of the moon. But,as he proceeded, the sky became overcast,and itbegan to snow this ;shutting out fromhis sight the Islands and all other objects, hewent astray, without being able to recover hisHis companions whom he had left,bearings.having arrived at richelieu on the ist of themonth of february, were much astonished notto see the Father there. They follow himby the trail of his snowshoes, and at last theyfind him, four leagues above richelieu,kneeling in a hollow of the snow, with hisarms crossed and his eyes raised to Heaven,his hat and his snowshoes near him. He wasbrought back on a sledge by one Caron,master- valet at richelieu just then, who hadgone to seek him on Saturday, the 3rd offebruary, with two Hurons, who conductedthemselves worthily on that occasion, and


1645-46] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 165on the 5th was taken to 3 rivers, where hearrived on the 7th, and was buried the sameDay in the Cemetery.This news, then, having arrived on mondayEvening, on tuesday we said our Masses, andat the close a De profundis, also a De profundisduring the Benediction at the Ursulines .On the 14th, Ash Wednesday, three strokeswere rung for high Mass, the ist at 6o clock, which was also the signal for the istlow Mass, at which the blessing of the ashestook place, more solito societatis; the last, at 7o clock; at the end of high mass, after theCommunion, we gave Ashes. The peoplehad been notified that these would be placedneither on the men s Caps nor on the women s Headdresses, but that it was necessaryto present the hair; this was neglected, butAsh Wednesday.it is easy for the priest to accomplish it byputting the ashes under the Headdress.On the same Ash Wednesday, notice was Lenten sermons.given that on Wednesdays there would bepreaching in Lent at the Ursulines and on,Friday at the hospital, and this about ^ past7, with mass following; that for this Day thepreaching would take place at the Ursulines ,about 3 o clock, and that afterward the nuns,according to their devotion, would solemnlysay the vespers of the dead, and the next day office of the dead fora requiem high mass for father de noiie. They father de none, bydesired to do more, and, among other the nuns.things,to sing the Vigils but I would not allow ; it,except to say these in a low tone. The samedecision was made for the Hospital nuns. On


166 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28retour des Huronsaux 3. riu. &* leurrecopecebateriearreste"p r . les Hospitalieres. les lours suiuans;sur la fin de la predicaon, il y eut quelquepetit bout d oraison funebre p r . le p. denoiie.le preschois ce Caresme aux Vrsulinesles Mercredys & Dimanches, & le p. Vimontles Vendredys a 1 hospital & le p. Dendemareles Dim.Ce mesme lour repartirent les Hurons quiauoient aporte"les lettres de la mort du P. denoiie en compagnie de Pierre boucher, & Toupin& Gabr. du Clos : Tandihetsi eut vn tapabortout neuf Atfenhas Catecumene de quoyfaire vne paire de chauffes le tout donne"parles Vrsulines & en outre chaqu vn vn calumetd Estain: M. des chastelets Commis gnal auMagazin leur fournit leur viures.La nuit du Mardy gras au mercredy desCendres quelques homines de 1 hospital estantvenus visiter ceux de m. Couillar, vn de chezm. Couillar nomine" lean le blanc prit querellelustice d -vn blasphemateur.auec vn de ceux de 1hospital nomine" laquespairieu & apres quelques houspillades s estantsepares, lean le blanc accourt apres Tautre &le pensa assommer sur la place a coups de baston,il auoit plusieurs trous a la teste. il engarit,& lean le blanc condamne a la reparaondu Ciuil; & au Cheualet;le 1 . 5 fut mis sur le Cheualet vn Domestiquede M. Couillar blasphemateur public; ilreconnut sa faute, 1 auoir bien merite, & vint


1645-46] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 167the following Days, toward the end of thesermon, there was some little passage offuneral prayer for father de noiie. I preached,this Lent, to the Ursulines on Wednesdaysand Sundays; and, at the hospital, father Vimontpreached on Fridays, and father Dendemareon Sundays.This same Day, the Hurons who had Return of thebrought the letters concerning the death of Hurons to 3 rivers,Father de noiie departed in and theircompany withreward.Pierre boucher and Toupin, and Gabriel duClos. 19 Tandihetsi had a brand-new stormcap;Awenhas, a Catechumen, the materialsfor making a pair of breeches ;all was givenby the Ursulines. Each one had, besides, aPewter calumet ;and Monsieur des chastelets,general Agent at the Warehouse, furnishedthem their provisions.On the night of shrove Tuesday to Ash A fight.Wednesday, some men from the hospital having come to visit those at monsieur Couillars, one of monsieur Couillar s, named Jeanle blanc, began to quarrel with one of thosefrom the hospital, named Jaques pairieu.When they had been separated, after somegrappling and struggling, Jean le blanc ranafter the other, and came near beating himto death on the spot, with a club. Pairieu hadseveral gashes on his head, but recoveredfrom them and; Jean le blanc was sentencedto make reparation, by the Civil authority,and to mount the Chevalet.On the isth, a Domestic of Monsieur Couiljusticeto a biaslars, a public blasphemer, was put on the phemer.


168 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28itr.Liberalites des religieuses.Dim. duQuaresme.presens de M legouuern r .sauuages de Sillery.Xstiennot sort de noeseruice.de soy mesme se confesser le soir ou le lendemain.Pendant les lours gras les Vrsulines & particul.1 hospital nvf enuoyerent plusieurs foisdes pieces de four Vin d Espagne &c.le i er . Dimanchede Quaresme fut publi6e1Indulgence des stations de rome qu on pouuoitgangner a 1 Eglise; & la copie des Indulgences de cette nature fut leiie & affigee.Simeon & la neigerie nos homines de Sillery vinrent icy trauailler p r . nvf trois sepmainesdurant ils s en retournerent le 10. de Mars.Mons r . le Gouuerneur enuoya pendant leQuaresme du poisson fraitsenuiron deux foisla sepmaine; on luy enuoya deux fois pleinvn pot de terre d oliues.les sauuages de Sillery abandonnerent leurmaisons & toute la demeure des le commencein1 , du moys & s en vinrent demeurer assesproche de Quebek.Enuiron ce temps, Xstiennot Cuisinier aux3. riuieres quitta noe seruice & fut mis auretour de Cousture.fort, & a sa place le pere buteux Sup. aux 3.riu. choisit quiil voulut de ceux du fort. CeXstiennot fit tant du sol au fort qu on le mitsur le Cheualet ou il se rompit.1646. MARS.Le 10. arriua des trois riuieres vn fran9ois& vn Huron oatentak apportant lettres &


1645-46] JOURNAL DES PP. J&SUITES 169Chevalet. He acknowledged his fault, sayingthat he had well deserved punishment, andcame of his own accord to confess, that evening or the next day.During the shrove Days, the Ursulines, Liberalities of theand especially the hospital nuns, often sent nuns.us pastries, Spanish Wine, etc.On the ist Sunday in Lent was published ist Sunday in Lent.the Indulgence of the stations of rome, whichone might gain at the Church and the ;copyof the Indulgences of this nature was readand posted.Simeon and la neigerie, our men at Sillery,came here to work for us during three weeks ;they returned on the loth of March.Monsieur the Governor sent fresh fish about Gifts of Monsieur thetwice a week during Lent ;we twice sent him governor.an earthen jar full of olives.The savages of Sillery abandoned their Savages of Sillery.houses and the whole residence, at the beginning of the month, and came to dwell quitenear to Quebek.About this time, Chrestiennot, Cook at 3 Chrestiennot leavesrivers, left our service, and was put in the our service.fort ;and in his place father buteux, Superiorat 3 rivers, chose one to his liking from thoseof the fort. This Chrestiennot acted at thefort as such a glutton, that he was put on theChevalet, on which he was ruptured.1646, MARCH.On the loth, a frenchman and a Huron, Return of Cousture.oatentak, arrived from three rivers, bringing letters and news of the return of Cous-


170 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28nouuelles du retour de Cousture auec 7.departa"AtirontaTitulaire de lae de ital.OatentakAnnier. & les Hurons qui estoient partis d icy.ils apportoient force presens p r . la Confirmaonde la paix &c & entr autres vn desadueumanifeste des meurtres de 1 Automne faitpar les Soriquois ou sokokiois.Le lendemain qui estoit Dimanche onexposa le S 1 . Sacrement au Commecem 1 . devespres & dit on le Tantu ergo a la fin p r . lesalut in gratiaru actione.le 13. partit Atironta & sa famille p r .s en retourner aux 3. riu. ils s en allerentcharges de biens, ils receurent & donnerentcontentem 1 .iusques au bout, on leur donnaleur Viatique au magazin, & partout ailleursforce biens.le 1 6. fut beniste la chapelle de 1 hospitalau sang du fils de Dieu par le p. Vimont, lesamedy fut posee la pierre de marbre audessus de la porte qui en contient 1 escriteau;& le Dimache de la passion choisy p r . la festede la dedicace ou Titulaire : on y alia apresVespres dire vn salut de la passion : vexilla,Antiph. festi Exalt, magnificat, Aue regina &c.Ce mesme iour partit oatentak & le fran9oisMort de Vincentsauuage.qui auoient apport6 les nouuelles cy dessvf ;oatentak quitta le frangois a Sillery.le 14. mourut sainctem 1 . Vincent le sauuagequi en 1 Automne auoit este" surpris par lesSouriquois & Iaiss6 pour mort en mesme temps


1645-46] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 171ture, with 7 Annieronons and the Huronswho had gone hence. They brought manygifts for the Confirmation of the peace, etc.,and, among others, an explicit disavowal ofthe murders in the Autumn, perpetrated bythe Soriquois or the sokokiois.The next day, which was Sunday, we exposed the Blessed Sacrament at the Beginning of vespers and said the Tantum ergo atthe close, for the benediction in gratiarumactionem.On the 1 3th, Atironta and his family wentaway, to return to 3 rivers. They wentaway laden with goods; they received andgave satisfaction even to the end. Provisionsfor the journey were given them at the warehouse, and, everywhere else, abundance ofgood things.On the i6th, the chapel of the hospital wasblessed, in honor of the blood of the son ofGod, by father Vimont; on Saturday themarble slab was put in position above thedoor, containing the inscription and passion;Sunday was chosen for the feast of the dedication or Titulary patron. We went thitherafter Vespers to say a benediction of the passion, the vexilla, Antiphona festi Exaltationis,Departure ofA firon fa.Titulary patron ofthe hospital chapel.magnificat, Ave regina, etc.This same day, oatentak and the frenchman Oatentak.who had brought the aforesaid news wentaway oatentak left the;frenchman at Sillery.On the 1 4th, piously died Vincent, the sav- Death of Vincent, aage, who in the Autumn had been surprised savage.by the Souriquois and left for dead at the


&172 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [Vou 28qu vn nomine" robert excellent Xstien vn siennepueu & vn fils furent tues; la femme dumesme Vincent eut la cheuelure enleue"e, elles en porta bien & assista constament son maryiusques au bout : Vincent fut enterre au Cimetierede Quebek ou son feu Pere, mort aussysaintem 1 ., scauoir fran9oisboule" vn des premiers & excellens Xstiens auoit este" enterr65. ou 6. ans auparauant.S*. Joseph le 1 8. veuille de S 1 .Joseph (laquelle veuilletomboit le Dimanche de la passion selon quedessvf) entre sept & huict du soir se fit le feude loye de la S 1 .Joseph ; Mons r . le Gouuern r .nvf vint querir, nvf soupions. le p. Vimonty alia qui mes fit excuses sur quelque Incommoditeique auois. Monsr . le Gouuerneurmit le feu les soldats firent 3 salu6s, & quatrecoups de Canon furent tires; il y eut aussyquelque fusee.le 19. quand on sonna 1 Angelvf on tira vncoup de Canon a la messe a 1 Eleuaon trois;ou quatre auec quelques salues de mousquets ;la grande messe se commenga sur les 10. h. &les vespres ensuite; mais M. le Gouuern 1 ". s entrouua Incommode* & trouua ilqu eut este"plvfa propos de separer la messe du Vespres,dire la messe a 1 ordinaire & les vespres surles ii. heures les :Complies se dirent entredeux & trois, le sermon ensuite & puis on aliaaux Vrsulines faire le salut de S 1 .Joseph, IsteConfessor, hie vir despiciens, magnificat,


1645-46] JOURNAL DBS PP. J&SUITES 173same time with one robert, an excellent Christian ;his nephew and a son were killed. Thewife of this same Vincent had her scalp tornoff; she bore it well, and steadfastly assistedher husband, even to the end. Vincent wasburied in the Cemetery of Quebek, where hislate Father, who had also died holily, towit, francois boule",one of the first and excellent Christians, had been buried 5 or 6 yearsbefore. 30On the 1 8th, eve of St. Joseph (which eve St. Joseph.fell on passion Sunday, as above), betweenseven and eight in the evening, St. Joseph sBonfire was made. Monsieur the Governorcame to get us; we were at supper; fatherVimont went thither, and made my excuses,because of some Inconvenience that hinderedme. Monsieur the Governor lit the fire ;thesoldiers gave 3 salvos, and four Cannon shotswere fired ;there were also some rockets.On the iQth, when the Angelus was rung,they fired one Cannon shot, and at the mass,at the Elevation, three or four, with somesalvos of musketry. High mass began about10 o clock, and vespers followed; but Monsieur the Governor was Inconvenienced bythis, and thought that it would have beenmore suitable to separate mass from Vespers, to say mass as usual, and vespersabout 1 1 o clock. Compline was said betweentwo and three; the sermon followed; andthen we went to the Ursulines to have thebenediction in honor of St. :Joseph Iste Confessor, hie vir despiciens, the magnificat, alternis


174 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VoL. 28Sepmaine SaincteAnnonciaon.alternis vocib. les religieuses & la paroisse;puis le Taiitu ergo pendant lequel on descenditle S*. Sacrem 1 . & le reste a 1 ordinairele Dimanche de rameaux qui estoit le 25.de mars (& par consequent concouroit auec1Annonciation), on ne prescha pas a la grandemesse, mais a Tissue de 1 eau beniste, ondonna vn mot d aduis sur la benediction desrameaux & la distribuon qui s alloit faire &comme il les falloit tenir en main pendant lapassion p r .tesmoigner sa foy que cette mort& passion n estoit pas vne victoire par la mortsur le sauueur du monde, mais plustost dusauueur du monde sur la mort: ensuite onchanta au leutrin ce qu il y auoit a chanterpendant quoy se fit la benediction du painbenit & se chanta en suite toute la benediction des rameaus: la distribuon s en fit commedes chandeles a la chandeleur: & puis onchanta Veni creator: pendant la passion ietenois mon rameau a la main gauche, ce quine faut pas quand on la chante.le soir apres vespres nvf dismes les litaniesde noe Dame en consideraon du lour qui luyestoit dedie, son Image fut mise au milieu de1 Autel vtroq. choro ide simul respondente.les Vrsulines & Hospitalieresdirant lesTenebres sur les 3. heures: les Hospitalieresvn nocturne & laudes; les Vrsulines toutesentieres.


theand1645-46] JOURNAL DES PP. J&SUITES 175vocibus, by the nuns and the parish then the;Tantum ergo, during which the Blessed Sacrament was taken down the; rest, as usual.On palm Sunday, which was the 25th ofmarch (and consequently coincided with theAnnunciation), there was no sermon at highmass but at the end of the;asperges we gavea word of advice concerning the blessing ofthe palms, and the distribution of them whichwas about to be made, and how they must bekept in the hand during the passion, in orderto testify one s faith that this death and passion was not a victory for death over thesavior of the world, but rather for the saviorof the world over death. Then the choristerssang what there was to be sung, during whichthe blessing of the bread occurred. Afterthat, the whole blessing of the palms wassung; the distribution of them took place aswith the candles at candlemas ;and then wesang the Veni creator. During the passion Iheld my palm in the left hand, which is notthe rule when that is sung.At evening, after vespers, we said the litany The Annunciation,of our Lady, in consideration of the Day,which was dedicated to her; her Image wasplaced at the middle of the Altar, utroquechoro idem simul respondente.The Ursulines and Hospital nuns said theTenebrcB about 3 o clock, the Hospital nuns,a nocturn and lauds; Ursulines, the fulloffice.On Holy Thursday, the paradises weremade, with us, at the Corner of the Altar,Holy Week.


176 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28le leudy S 1 . les paradis furent fails ;cheznvf au Coin de 1 Autel du coste de 1Epistre,cela estoit bien : ily cut quelque manque auxHospitalieres en ce qu ilestoit en noir.on commenga icy ce lour la la messe a 7^c eft trop tost il ne 1 a faut commencer qu adix & demie, tant affin que la paroisse sonnela derniere que parcequ il e dauantage con^forme au commun vsage. elle fut chante"e.il n y auoit que nos ff. a seruir.II n y eut point de salut chez nvf, c estoitassez qu il y eut pour lors tenebres aux deuxmaisons religieuses ;peu communieret il eut;este souhaitable qu il y en eut eu dauantage.IIy eut lauement des pieds a 1 hospital ouassista le p. Vimont M. des chastelets & autresy lauement les pieds a 18. sauuages, quifurent ensuite regales.leVendredy S 1 . le p. Vimont commenca vnpeu apres 7. h. a prescheril finit apres 9. h.ensuite on fit le seruice ou la passion futchantee a trois scauoir, deM.de S*. SauueurEuangeliste, & de M. le prieur qui faisoit lasynag. & de :moy ie pense pour lors que lep. de Quen eut mieux fait que M. de S*. Saurueurrp. cet article, mais non pas p. le restedu seruice: apres1 Adoraon de la Croix M. deS 1 . Sauueur& M r le .prieur allerent au lutrein,i acheue le seruice auec nos deux ff. a 1 Autel;on retira la Croix & la reporta-t-on apresle seruice: le tout fut fait a u. h.


1645-46] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 177on the Epistle side; that was a success.There was some lack with the Hospital nuns,as their paradise was in black.On that Day, we beg an mass here at ^past 7. This is too soon; itought not to bebegun till half-past ten, both so that theparish church may ring last, and also becausethis is more conformable to the commonusage. It was sung; there were only ourbrethren to serve it.There was no benediction with us : it wasenough that there were tenebrcz at that timeat the two religious houses. Few receivedcommunion : it would have been desirablethat there had been more.The washing of feet took place at thehospital, at which father Vimont was present.Monsieur des chastelets and others washedthe feet of 18 savages there, who were afterward regaled with food.On Good Friday, father Vimont began topreach a little after 7 o clock; he finishedafter 9 o clock. Then the service took placeat which the passion was sung by threevoices, to wit, by Monsieur de St. Sauveur,;Gospeller by Monsieur the prior, whorepresented the synagogue; and by me. Ithought at the time that father de Quen wouldhave done better than Monsieur de St. Sauveur,in this part, but not for the rest of theservice. After the Adoration of the Cross,Monsieur de St. Sauveur and Monsieur theprior went to the lectern ;I finished the service with our two brethren at the Altar ;the


178 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28le samedy S 1 . le feu & sa benediction sefirent a la sacristie & le reste auec les mesmesministres que le lour ilprecedent me sembla;derechef que p r . 1 Exultet le p. de Quen 1 eutmieux chante" ;on ne parla point de TEmpereurny le Vendredy ny le Samedy: le fustrouuer M. le Gouuern r . a sa place p r . commencerpar luy a donner de 1 eau beniste desfonds de baptesme le a : manque" dire vn petitmot deuant la procession aux fonds p r . inuitera prier Dieu p r . la benediction, on commengavne heure trop tost, c est assez de commencera 9. heures, on commenga a 8. on tiraau gloria plusieurs coups de Canon : les hospitalieressonnerent sur les 9. h. & hoc male.1646 AURILPasque le i er . lour estoit pasque qui fut fort beau:ie fis ou plustost donne a la messel eau benistedu lour precedent.rintime" le salut p r . les 3. festes le lour depasque chez nvf, le lundy a 1 hospital, & lemardyaux Vrsulines. le er i .Coup sonna a laparoisse a 5heures . : on y chanta les litaniesdu nom de lesvf racourcies de la moitie e: I ofilii & regina cceli :apresles litanies ie dis1 oraison du lour; & a la fin de regina coeli1 oraison qui luy est propre.salut a la quasi le 8. on fit le soir le salut en 1 honneur demodonoe Dame de 1 Annonciaon de laquelle on


1645-46] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 179Cross was removed and carried back after theservice; all this occurred at n o clock.On Holy Saturday the fire was made and itsblessing took place at the vestry, and the restwith the same ministers as on the precedingDay; it seemed to me again that, as for theExultet, father de Quen would have sung itbetter. There was no mention of the Emperor, either on Friday or Saturday. I wentto find Monsieur the Governor in his place, inorder to begin with him in giving holy waterfrom the baptismal fonts. I omitted to say abrief word before the procession to the fonts,to invite them to pray God for the blessing.We began an hour too soon it is;enough tobegin at 9 o clock, and we began at 8. Atthe gloria several Cannon shots were fired ;thehospital nuns rang at 9 o clock, et hoc male.1646, APRIL.The ist Day was easter, which was very Easter.beautiful I :prepared, or rather gave, at massthe holy water of the Day before.I Announced the benediction for the 3on easter Day with us, on monday atfeasts,the hospital, and on tuesday at the Ursulines .The ist Bell rang at the parish church at 5o clock; there we sang the litany of the nameof Jesus, abridged by half, the o filii, and theregina cceli. After the litany, I said the prayerfor the Day; and, at the end of the reginacasli ythe prayer which belongs to it.On the 8th, we made at evening the bene- Benediction atdiction in the honor of our Lady of the sunday.


180 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28t.laques I hermite.Visite de la Costede beauport & derichelieuPeintures deVEg UseCharitds de M. legomiernr.faisoit 1 office de lendemain; ce salut consistaaux Litanies de noe Dame & au regina Coeli.Le 7. commen9a a entrer a noe seruice M.laques surnomme Thermite, il estoit a 1 hospital,il desiroit Instament en sortir; il nvfdfois de le receuoirfit instance par plusieurschez nvf a telle condition que Ton voudroit,on le manda au p. buteux qui auoit besoin dequelqu vn il 1 aggrea; on le retira done cheznvf auec 1aggrement de 1 hospital iusques andepart de quelque barque qui allast aux 3.riu. mais auparauant on luy proposa par plusieurs fois tout ce qu on desiroit de luy scauoirle p. de Quen & noe f. liegeoisilacceptatout & ne voulut faire aucun marche" faisantprofession de ne desirer que sa vie & sonentretien bien petitem*.Le p. Vimont alia couch er a beauport lelour de Pasque & visita toute la coste & enreuint le leudy: le p.buteux a richelieu apasque fleurie.La m. de 1 Incarnaon Vrsuline employapresque tout le Caresme a peintre deux piecesd Architecture pour accompagner le Tabernacle de la paroisse Mons r : . bourdon peignitquelques marches.Mons r . le Gouuerneur ayant enuoye plvfque toutes les sepmaines du poisson frais,1 octaue de pasque ayant regeu deux oyes, ilnvf en enuoya vne. Nvf luy enuoyasmespendant le Caresme deux pots d oliues &c.


1646-4(5] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 181Annunciation, whose office was on the morrow; this benediction consisted of the Litanyof our Lady, and of the regina Cceli.On the 7th, Master Jaques, surnamed the Master Jaques thehermit," began his entrance into our service. hermit.He was at the hospital, but desired Urgentlyto leave it; he repeatedly besought us to receive him with us on such terms as we chose.He was referred to father buteux, who hadneed of some one, and who received him he;was then withdrawn to our house, with theconsent of the hospital, until the departureof some bark bound for 3 rivers ;but beforehand we several times set forth to him allthat we desired of him, to wit, father deQuen and our brother liegeois. He acceptedeverything, and would make no bargain,professing to desire only his living and hismaintenance on a very small footing.Father Vimont went to stop over night at Visit to the Coast ofbeauport, on Easter Day, and visited the beauport, and towhole coast, and came back on Thursday;father buteux was at richelieu on palmSunday.The Ursuline mothers of the Incarnation Church Paintings.employed nearly the whole of Lent in painting two pieces of Architecture to match theTabernacle of the parish church; Monsieurbourdon painted some steps.Monsieur the Governor, who had sent fresh Charities of Monfishmore than once a week, having received sievr the governor.two geese on the octave of easter, sent one ofthem to us. During Lent, we sent him twojars of olives, etc.


182 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28Sauuages a Sillery.saluts continuespiiart&>Arriuee du p. p.de Cousture.retour des sauuagesde la chasseConsultesSauuages retournent loger a Sillery depuispasques.Apres pasques on Intima la Continuaon dessaluts du S 1 . Sacrem*. les leudys iusques a lafeste Dieu; en 1y changeant oraison du S*.Esprit qui se disoit la 2 e . en celle pro nauigantib.p r . la 3e4 e .prodeuotis amicis.. In gratiaru actione, & p r larle 15. I alle a Sillery p. faire les Exercices,& la visite de la maison; i en retourne" le 25.au soir: le p. piiart & Cousture arriueret la le24. on auoit change le nom sauuage a Cousture aux 3. riuieres en vn festin que luyp.le buteux ou au lieu de son ancien nomIhandich qui sonne mal en yroquois, on luydonna le nom de Achirra le nom de feu M.fit leNicolet auec la loye de tous les sauuageshurons Algonq. & Annieronons: ie fis festin aSillery aux Chrestiens qui y estoient. le p.piiart& sa compagnie repartiretle 28. ensuiuant.les sauuages retournerent de la chasse surle milieu d Auril & reuinrent asse"s riches &charges.le 26. Ie tins Consulte p r . le voyage du p.logues aux Annier. lesConsulteurs estoientp. Vimont, p. de quen, p. Dendemare, p. p.piiartomnium consensu approbata prof ectio :;Ite p r . le mariage de Cousture, approbatu iteoium consensu: Ite p r . vn voyage de robert


1645-46] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 183The Savages return to lodge at Sillery Savages at Sillery.after caster.After easter we Announced the Continua-Benedictions contionof the benedictions of the Blessed Sacra- tinued.ment on Thursdays even tillCorpus Christi,changing in them the prayer of the HolyGhost, which was said 2nd, to the one pronavigantibus : for the 3rd, In gratiarum actionem;and for the 4th, pro devotis amicis.On the 1 5th, I went to Sillery to performthe Exercises and the visitation of the house ;I returned thence on the 25th, in the evening. Father pijart and Cousture arrived there Arrival of father p.on the 24th; Cousture s savage name had pijart and ofbeen changed at 3 rivers, at a feast made forhim by father le buteux, when instead of hisformer name, Ihandich, which sounds ill inyroquois, they gave him the name of Achirra,that of the late Monsieur Nicolet, tothe Joy of all the huron, Algonquain, and Annierononsavages. Igave a feast, at Sillery,to the Christians who were there. Fatherpijart and his company went away again onthe 28th following.The savages returned from the chase to- Return of the savwardthe middle of April and came back a s es from the chase.quite rich and burdened.On the 26th, I held a Consultation with ref- Consultations.erence to father Jogues s journey to the Annieronons;the Advisers were father Vimont,father de quen, father Dendemare, father p.pijart; omnium consensu approbata profectio.Item, concerning Cousture s marriage; approbatumitem omnium consensu. Item, respecting


184 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28St.Marcen franee ;& de la demeure des p. Druilletes pardega omniu etia consensu approbata ilia oia.le 25. lour de S l . Marc on ne fit point deprocession p r . n y auoir encore asses de cheminhonneste p r . le faire ;on auoit intime" leslitanies qui ne se chanterent pas par erreurmais se dirent a voix basse: le p. p. piiart yPrmtempsreiglemt. de Sillery.officioit qui ne pouuoit pas pouruoir a cela :on mit du Violet ce lour la ce quil ne falloitpas; il le falloit suppos6 qu on eut dit lamesse des rogaons.le 17. ou 1 8. d Auril la riuiere fut libre, &on commenca a semer vn peu auparauant.sur la fin de ce moys, en suite de la visitede Sillery, fut fait le reiglement p r le .temporel;la chose passa par1 aduis du p. Vimont& du P. Dendemare; & du consentement duCulture de la terrevoyage aux 3.riuieresp. de :QuenLes sauuages se mirent puissament par touta trauailler a la terre ;ils firent de nouueau aSillery plus de 15. arpens de terre: aux 3. riu.plvf de 30. families sauuages se mirent a cultiuer;Ite a Montreal: les frangois de leurcoste n en firent pas moins.1646. MAY.Le dernier d Auril sur les 5. h. nvf partismesauec le brigantin & deux chaloupes pour les3. riu. ou nvf n arriuasmes que le 5.du moysde may, il fallut quitter le brigantin & alter


1645-46] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 185robert svoyage to france, and as to fatherDruilletes s continuation on this side; omniumetiam consensu approbata ilia omnia.On the 2 5th, St. Mark s Day, we made noprocession, because there was not, as yet,enough road suitable for forming We it. hadannounced the litany, which, through anSt.Mark.error, was not sung, but recited in a low tone :father p. pijart was officiating then, and hecould not attend to that. Violet was used onthat Day, which was not proper; it wouldhave been proper, in case the rogation masshad been said.On the i;th or i8th of April, the river wasfree, and planting began a little before that.Toward the end of this month, after thevisitation of Sillery, regulations were madeconcerning temporal affairs. The matterpassed by the advice of father Vimont and ofFather Dendemare, and by the consent offather de Quen. 21The savages vigorously began everywhereto till the soil. At Sillery they freshly prepared more than 15 arpents of land; at 3rivers, more than 30 savage families begancultivation; Item, at Montreal. The frenchon their side did no less.1646, MAY.On the last of April, about 5 o clock, we Journey to 3 rivers.started with the brigantine and two shallopsfor 3 rivers, where we did not arrive till the5th of the month of may; we had to leavethe brigantine, and proceed with the shallops.Spring.RegulationsforSillery.Cultivation of soil.


186 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28depart des veaus p>les Hurons.Mart du p. Massepremier miss* Du.Canada.Querellede sauuagestrahisonQuerelle s defranqois.auec les chalouppes : le lundy 7. commencerentles Conseils dont 1 histoire se voira dansle factum qui e dans les Archiues tit.yroquois: nvf en partismes le 17. & arriuasmesicy le 1 8. Caron qui menoit des veaux auxHurons partitle n.de May des 3. riu. Lep. logues p r . les yroquois le 16.I y trouue le P. Enemond Masse mort lanuidt du n. au 12. sur la minuit & enterre* enla nouuelle Chapelle non encore acheuee:compendia vitae & mortis eivf sicut & alioruse trouuera dans les Archiues.Ite le trouue qu vn Xstien nomme Ignaceyroquois de nation, mais depuis longtempshabitue icy ayant pris querelle au leu auec vnAbnaquiois, estoit alle par le dehors de sa cabanevis a vis de la place ou il pensoit qu ilfut pour le transpercer de son espee, mais aulieu de le trouuer il rencontra vne femme quifut transpercee mais toutesfois fauorablem 1 .cela fit bien du bruit parmy les sauuages,& embrouilla fort les affaires de tous coste"s,toutesfois celuy qui auoit fait le coup venants excuser aux parens de la femme, presentasa teste: on luy donna a etendre qu on luypardonnoit,toutesfois la chose sembloit dependrede Tissue de la blessure.Ite le trouu6 que deux hommes des Vrsuliness estoient ape!6s & prouoques & s estoientalles batre auec leurs espees: ce qu auoient


they1645-46] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 187On Monday, the ;th, the Councils began, therecords of which will be seen in the factumwhich is in the Archives, titulo yroquois ;weleft that place on the i/th, and arrived hereon the 1 8th. Caron, who was taking some Calves sent to thecalves to the Hurons, left 3 rivers on the Huron*.nth of May; father Jogues for the yroquois,on the 1 6th.I found here that Father Enemond Masse Death of fatherhad died on the night of the nth and i2th,Masse, first missionaboutmidnight, and was buried in the newary To Canada -Chapel, not yet finished; compendium vitce etmortis ejus sicut et aliorum will be found in theArchives. 23Item, I found that a Christian named Quarrel among theIgnace, an yroquois by nation, but longsarvas es ; treachery.settled here, having picked a quarrel whileGambling with an Abnaquiois, had gone tothe outside of the latter s cabin, to the placeat which he supposed that this man was, inorder to run him through with his javelin ;but, instead of reaching the man, it encountered a woman, who was wounded, but notdangerously. That made much commotionamong the savages, and greatly complicatedmatters on all sides. Nevertheless, the manwho had dealt the stroke, coming to excusehimself before the woman s relatives, offeredhis own head;gave him to understandthat they pardoned him, but the affair seemedto depend on the result of the wound.men had challenged and provoked each other,and had proceeded to fight with their swords.thefrench.Item, I found that two of the UrSUlines Quarrels among


188 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL . 28aussy fait deux soldats aux 3. riu. la groye &la fontaine pendant que nvf y estions la ; groyefut blesse en deux endroits p r . s estre comportesagem 1 . Xstiennement, ce qui ayant este"verifi6 par les sauuages la fontaine fut misen vne fosse.degast dufeu Ite ie trouuS que le feu, pousse par vn ventfurieux auoit fait partout vn grand degast &qu vn nomme Guill. bance y auoit tout perdu,sa maison & tout ce qu il y auoit dedans ayanteste brusle: il fut assiste de tous costes &bientost se trouua sur piedVolIte Ie trouue qu on auoit vo!6 & crochetevn Coffre ou on auoit pris tout le pauure butind vn homme montant a plvf de 25. escvf ;ondeclama fort la centre en chaire comme contrevn commencem 1 . de vice qui n auoit point encore este vn parde9a,ou on alloit sans deffiance.saluts a la pentecoste.On fit salut du S 4 . Sacrem 1 . le lour de laPentecoste & les deux festes suiuantes coea Pasque p r . remercier du succes du voyagedes 3. riu. recommeder le voyage du p. logues& de m r . bourdon, demander de la pluye &caux Hospit. le lundy & aux Vrsul ns . le mardyle mercredy y commenca a pleuuoir.:departpr* Tadoussak Le P. de Quen partit de Quebek p r . Tadousde launay Commissak le 21. de may Monsr .estoit parti dans vne barque des le 7. le p.de Que partit dans vn Canot auec vn fran9ois


1645-46] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 189Two soldiers at 3 rivers had also done thesame, la groye and la fontaine, while wewere there; la groye was wounded in twoplaces, for having behaved discreetly, like aChristian; this having been verified by thesavages, la fontaine was put in a trench.Item, I found that the fire, driven by a furious wind, had everywhere made great havoc,and that a certain Guillaume bance had thuslost everything, his house and all in it having been burned he was aided on all; sides,and soon found himself on his feet.Item, I found that some one had stolen andbroken open a Chest, from which had beentaken all the man s poor spoil, amounting tomore than 25 ecus; we vigorously denouncedthat in the pulpit, as a beginning in a vicewhich had not yet been characteristic of thisHavoc by fire.Theft.side, where all went about without distrust.The benediction of the Blessed Sacrament Benedictions atwas held on the Day of Pentecost and on the pentecost.two following feasts, as at Easter, in orderto give thanks for the success of the journeyto 3 rivers; to recommend the journey offather Jogues and of monsieur bourdon; toask for rain, etc., at the Hospital nuns onmonday, and at the Ursulines on tuesday. OnWednesday it began to rain.Father de Quen left Quebek for Tadoussak Departurefor Ta~on the 2ist of may; Monsieur de launay,doussak.Agent, had started in a bark, as early as the7th. Father de Quen left in a Canoe, with afrench blacksmith named Charles, and a sav


Profession de foyd vn huguenotbaptesme deArenhXton.on fait du gruon commence lapescheChapelle chez M. deChauigny &** voyagechez luy.190 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [Voi, 28forgeron nomm.6 Charles, & vn sauuage: on1 assura de sa nouriture par le magazin sur lesrlieus ;& p le .voyage on luy offrit du magazin touts les rafraichissemens necessaires, noef. liegeois 1 auoit aussy fournile mesme 2 1 . vn nomme Thomas [blank space]natif de la rochelle qui iusques alors n auoiteste qu aparement Catholique & au fond estoitHuguenot fit abiuraon & profession de la foyen particulier entre mes mains en suite dequoy il fit sa Confession generalle.le 23. fut baptist aux Vrsulines vn nommeArenh&ton, Huron & fut nomme rene. M. leprieur fut son parrain.noe f Ambroise depuis le i er . de May iusquesau 20. fut eploye a faire le gru a noe damedes Anges & la biaire.Enuiron le 1 5de May on commen9a la peschenoe f . feaute* & robert hache au commen-.cem 1 ., puis robert tout seul auec laques lunierle i re . saulmon fut pris le 1 1 de luin.le 24. partit noe f Ambroise & M re .laquesp r . les 3. riu. dans vn Chaloupeofr estoit M r .de Chauigny qui emporta auec soy la Chapellede beauport qui luy fut accorded pour Iusquesa La Toussaints: le p. Vimont en mesmetemps aller iusques chez M. de Chauigny pourconferer les Ceremonies du baptesme a sa fille.Sur la fin de MayS 1 . Sacrem 1 . le S 1 . Sacrem*. fut expose" le lourse rencontra la feste dude la feste & le Dimanche iusques apres


1645 -46J JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES191warehouse, on the premises; and for the journey he was offered, from the warehouse, allthe necessary fresh food our brother;liegeoishad also supplied him.On the same 2ist, one Thomas [blank space], A huguenot s Proanative of la rochelle, who till that timehad been only in appearance a Catholic, andin reality was a Huguenot, abjured heresyand privately made profession of the faith,under my direction, after which he made hisgeneral Confession.On the 23rd, one Arenhouton, a Huron, was Baptism of Arenhoubaptizedat the Ursulines and named rene. ton -,Monsieur the ^ prior was his godfather.Our brother Ambroise was employed, from The barley is madethe ist of May till the 2oth, in preparing barleyready.at notre dame des Anges, and the beer.About the i$th of May, the fishing began; Fishing begins.our brother feaute and robert hache wereengaged therein, at first, then robert alone,with Jaques Junier. The ist salmon wastaken on the nth of June.On the 24th, our brother Ambroise and Chapel at MonsieurMaster Jaques started for 3 rivers in a Shal- de ChavignfsandJ.journey to hts house.lop, in which was Monsieur de Chavigny,who carried with him the beauport Oratory,which was granted him Until All Saints. Father Vimont at the same time went as far asMonsieur de Chavigny s, to confer the Ceremonies of baptism on his daughter.Toward the end of May, occurred the feastof the Blessed Sacrament ;the Blessed Sacrament was exposed on the Day of the feast,and on Sunday till after vespers; and there


.192 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28vespres; & ily1 octaue.eut salut tous les lours deProcession du St. Pour la Procession, il fut arreste que M. leSacremt. 6 r .Porter le r^* Gouuerneur nommeroit qui illuy plairoit p r .porterle Daiz de sa part,que les deux marguillers le porteroient aussy, & vn Sauuage:que les annees d apres les marguillers auec leCure" aduiseroient a quil le faudroit offrir dele porter la disposition de trois bastons leurestant laissee libre &la dispoon du er i . a M. legouuern r . Ceux qui le porterent cette annefurent M. Tronquet de la part de M. le Gouu.Mons r . des Chastelets & M. giffar marguilliers,& noel negabamat.le tour en ckemin Les Hospitalieres ayant represent^ leurdroit d anciennete dans le pays par dessvf lesVrsulines p r .yauoir fait bastir deux ans auparauantelles Ite a raison que les Hospitaux:sont tousiours priuilegies & ont les premiersrangs:le tour de la procession fut par le reposoirdu fort proche de 1 arbre, puis a 1 hospital; puis au reposoir de M. Couillart; puisordreaux Vrsulines & de la on reuint a la paroisse.Deux Clochetes marchoient deuant, puis labanniere celuy qui la portoit auoit vn chapeaude fleurs: La Croix suiuoit portee par vnleune garfon de 20. ans en Aube & lisets; ases deux costes deux Enfans en surplis &lisets: Suiuoient les torches 6. en nombre prla i e .fois; on destina p r . les porter les


theand1645-46] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 193was a benediction every Day in the octave.As for the Procession, it was decided that Procession of theMonsieur the Governor should name, on his,., Blessedabout bearing thepart, whomsoever he pleased to bear the Can-Canopy.opy that the two churchwardens should also;bear it, and one :Savage that, in subsequentyears, the churchwardens, with the Cure,should settle who might properly be invitedto bear it, the disposition of three stavesbeing left free to them, and the disposition ofthe ist to Monsieur the governor. Thosewho carried it this year were Monsieur Tronquet,on behalf of Monsieur the Governor;Monsieur des Chastelets and Monsieur giffar,churchwardens; and noel negabamat.The Hospital nuns having represented theirright of seniority in the country over the Ursulines,by virtue of having built in it twoyears before the latter, Item, because theHospitals are always privileged and have thefirst rank, the course of the procession waspast the temporary altar at the fort, near theflagstaff; then to the hospital; then to thetemporary altar at Monsieur Couillart s; thento the Ursulines thence we came back;to the parish church.Two Bell-ringers marched in front, thenthe banner : one who carried it had a hatof flowers. The Cross followed, borne by aYouth of 20 years, in Alb and silk sash, oneither side of him, two Boys in surplices andsashes. The torches followed, 6 in number;for the ist time we appointed the local craftsto bear them, to wit, Carpenters, masons,Line of march.The order.


en194 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28Quelgu vn ayantfait souuenir qu ilmetiers du pays, scauoir Charpentiers magons,matelots,Taillandiers, brasseurs & boulangers;falloit garderI ordre de / honneur ausquels ce coup on enuoya la veuille desdes mestiers noef Torches faitesliegois ayant mispar noe Industrie & de noepr. fondement qu il Cire, & il les accommoderent de festons, &ne falloit point auoir lean guion ma9on mit vn escusson a la sienneesgard du tout aI honneur mats ou estoient les armes de son metier marteau,quedu reste Us s accomodassetcompas & reigle:apres les torches suiuoientpar entr eux;quelqu vn dquatreeuxlaiques puis M. de S l . Sauueur,& M. Nicolet en surplis & estolle puisayant dit qu il falloitdone que les Peres le p. Vimont & le p. Dendemare; puis 6.menassent lesEnfans, les deux anges frangois, & deux petits sauuages en leurpl-vf marcherent?>ieuxhabit, tous portoient des chandeliers ou desles premiers,?>ieuxuoir Zacherie cierges excepte les deux derniers qui portoientlean Guyon. deux corporaliers, apres eux deux de nos ffen surplis auec encensoirs fumans; puis soubssonnertele Daiz aux deux costes du S 1 .Sacrement; le p.Dmilletes faisant le Diacre en Dalmatique &M. le prieur soubsdiacre en aube & estolle:noe f liegeois en surplis marchoit le dernierderriere le S 1 .Sacrement, & faisoit office dem re .des Ceremonies.on sonna a la paroisse au sortir, & partouten arriuant & sortant au reposoir du fort. 3.coups de Canon; passant derriere M r . Couillartily eut vn salue de mousquets & fusils.Ite a 1 hospital; & de rechef au reposoir dem. Couillart on tira & fit-on vne autre salue ;Ite en repassent deuant le fort vne autre saluede trois coups de Canon : on sonna a la paroisseen passant soubs vn Arcade du pont qui estoit


1645-46] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 195sailors, Toolmakers, brewers, and bakers to Some one;havingwhom this time we sent, on the called to mind thatday before,T. -, -, 01 -11 iit was proper to obsomeTorches made by our Skill and or our+,,serve the honorableWax. These they hung with festoons ;and order of the trades;Jean guion, a mason, put an escutcheon on our brother liegoishis, on which were the arms of his trade, hammer,compasses, and rule. After the torches no t at all requisite tohaving laid down th*principle that tt wasfollowed four lay choristers ;then Monsieur consider the matterde St. Sauveur and Monsieur Nicolet, in f honor but that<... ,, , ., TT . ,surplice and withal stole; then father Vimont andthey shoutdarrange /hemselvesfather Dendemare; then 6 french angels, and by mutual agreement;two little savages in their costume : all carriedsome one ofcandlesticks or tapers, except the lasthaving saidthat the Fatherstwo, who bore corporal-cases. After theseought then to leadcame two of our brethren in surplices, with the Sons; the twosmoking censers; then beneath the Canopy,seniors marchedon either side of the Blessed Sacrament, fatherDruilletes serving as Deacon in Dalmatic, andMonsieur the prior as subdeacon in alb andstole: our brother liegeois, in surplice,marched last, behind the Blessed Sacrament,and officiated as master of Ceremonies.The bell was rung at the parish church atthe end, and everywhere on arriving andleaving at the ;temporary altar of the fort, 3Cannon shots were fired; on passing behindMonsieur Couillart s there was a salute ofmuskets and guns. Item, at the hospital;and again, at monsieur Couillart stemporary altar, they fired and gave another salute; Item, on passing before the fort again,another salute of three Cannon shots. Thebell at the parish church was rung as theypassed under an Arch of the bridge, whichBell-ringing.


. ann6e196 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28tapissee ; on fitaussy vne salue aux Vrsulines ;& enfin retournant a 1Eglise vne autre saluede 3. coups de Canon.Chan M. de S*. Sauueur entretint fort bien lechan ;Aux reposoirs on tascha de faire chanle temps.ter a deux Enfans quelques articles des litanies du nom de lesvf 5. ou 6. mais il fallutque M. le prieur les aydast; puis on chantaTantu ergo; ou Ecce pants &c. 1 oraison, laudate,encensem*. & benediction : aux maisonsreligieuses le mesme : le tout alia bien commecela, les religieuses y chanterent au lieu desEnfans.La grande messe se dit a 1 ordinaire 7^, &la procession qui se fit apres ne fut finie quesur les ii. heures le S 1 . Sacrement fut; exposece lour la & le Dim. iusques apres vespre; lereste de 1 octaue salut a 7^ du soir seulem 1 .Aux maisons religieuses le S*-. Sacrem 1 . futexpose tout le long de 1 octaue depuis leurmesse iusques a 5. h. du soir, & le lour de1 octaue on yfit les saluts solemnels.pm.bestialiti* publice La veuille de la feste qui estoit le 31. ou.dedaratu ab eo, qui Dernier de May on apporta la nouuelle d vnfecerat, vel finxerat malheur arriue a ricnelieu : vn nomme JumkerkeNorman, Canonier & matelot a richelieuaage de 40. a 45. ans marie" en france, &demeurant p r e. la 3 a richelieu, sur lafin de ce mois parut 1espace de deux ou troislours dans vn desespoir, se voulant de luy


and.1645-46] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES197was carpeted;a salute was also given at theUrsulines ; finally, on returning to theChurch, another salute of 3 Cannon shots.Monsieur de St. Sauveur excellently sus- Music,tained the music. At the temporary altars wetried to have two Boys sing some clauses ofthe litany of the name of Jesus, 5 or 6; butMonsieur the prior had to aid them. Thenthey sang Tantum ergo, or Ecce panis, etc., followed by the prayer laudate, incense, andbenediction: at the religious houses the same.All went well in that way; the nuns sangthere instead of the Children.High mass was said as usual, at They 2 time,past 7,and the procession which was afterward madewas finished only about 1 1 o clock the Blessed;Sacrament was exposed on that Day, and onSunday, till after ;vespers for the remainderof the octave, benediction at ^ past 7 in theevening only. At the religious houses theBlessed Sacrament was exposed throughoutthe octave from their mass until 5 o clock inthe evening; and on the Day of the octavesolemn benedictions were held there.On the eve of the feast, which was the 3ist Peccatum bestiaiitatisor last of May, the news was brought of an Publice declaratumab eo, qui fecerat, vel1unfortunate affair which happened at riche- fmxerat.lieu. One Dumkerke, a Norman, a Gunner and sailor at richelieu, aged between 40and 45 years, married in france, and livingfor the 3rd year at richelieu, toward the endof this month appeared for the space of twoor three Days to be in despair, trying todestroy and cast himself headlong, and saying


198 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28mesme perdre & precipiter disant qu ilestoitperdu & damne interroge pourquoyil disoitcela, respondit que depuis le depart des vaisseauxil auoit eu afaire dix on douse fois a vnechienne du fort appelee plate, & que c estoitla le suiet de son desespoir: le Capitaine nommela Crapaudiere se saisit de sa personne, &de la Chienne, & les fit enfermer : il en escriuitau p. buteux aux 3. riu. & a M. le gouu.a Quebek. le p. buteux y enuoya le p. duperon:& M. le Gouuern 1 ". ne respondit rienattendant d y voir plvf de lour: on iugea depremier abord qu il eut fallu plustost tiier lachienne que de I enfermer: & enfin que lemeilleur estoit de declarer & tenir p r . folceluy qui auoit dit cela de luy mesme. le p.duperon de retour raporta qu a son arriuee, cethomme luy dit que ce quil auoit dit n estoitqu vne feinte affinqu on le fit mourir, n ayenteste empesch6 de se desfaire soy mesme quep r . la crainte de 1 Enfer lequelilpouuoit espererd euiter, se procurant la mort de la sortepuisqued vncoste ilmoureroitqui est ce qu ilcherchoit, & de 1 autre on le fairoit Confesserauparauat ce qui luy fairoit euiter 1 Enfer: lep. duperon 1 obligea de declarer publiquem.le tout, puis le Confessa, luy remit 1 esprit, &le laissa en bonne dispoon.off. de Tadousak le lour mesme du S l . Sacrement dernier deMay, vint la nouuelle de Tadoussak qu il y


1645-46] JOURNAL DES PP. J&SUITES 199that he was lost and damned. On beingasked why he said that, he answered that sincethe departure of the vessels he had ten ortwelve times had intercourse with a bitch ofthe fort, called plate and that that was the;cause of his despair. The Captain, named laCrapaudiere, arrested him in person, andseized the Bitch, and had them shut up he;wrote of the matter to father buteux at 3 rivers, and to Monsieur the governor at Quebek.Father buteux sent father duperon thither,and Monsieur the Governor answered nothing, waiting to obtain more Light on thematter. They thought, at first, that it wouldbe their duty to kill the bitch rather thanto lock her ;up and, finally, that the best planwas to declare and account as crazy the onewho had said that about himself. Fatherduperon on his return reported that, at hisarrival, this man told him that what he hadsaid was only a feint, to the end that he bemade to die, having been hindered fromdestroying himself only by the dread of Hell,which he might hope to avoid by procuringdeath in this way ; since, on the one hand, hewould die, which was what he sought; and,on the other, they would first have him Confess, which would enable him to avoid Hell.Father duperon obliged him to declare everything publicly, then heard his Confession,composed his mind again, and left him in agood frame of mind.On the very Day of the Blessed Sacrament,Matters at Tadouthelast of May, came the news from Tadous- sak -


mais200 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28Sauuage de gaspt.auoit dix grandes Cabanes de sauuages entrautres des bersiamites, 15. Chaloupes; qu ony auoit desia traite plvf decinq poinsons deCastor & is i-peaus d orignak: & que iamaisla ferueur & la deuoon au Xstianisme n y futplus grande.Vn sauuage de Gaspe se disent Catecumenearriua icy sur la fin du moys auec force viandedont il fitpresent aux sauuages de Sillery,qui entr autres choses luy donnerent du ble ;il s en retourne auec lettres p r . Tadoussak &Misktf a nos PP. & a Mons r . desdasmes de lapart de m. le Gouuerneur; il repartit d icy ensa chaloupe le de luin1 1 .layer des ouuriers. En ce temps il falloit donner 30. & 35. s. avn homme pr. sa lournee & ses despends.1646. IUIN.Moulin Le 4. entra a noe seruice p r .Charpentier &ayder au moulin vn nomm6 Estienne bougoust:on se mit premierem 1 . a abatre ce quirestoit de bois sur les terres de la Vacherie :puis on delibera de la place ou le metteroit ;le p.Vimont le p.dendemare & moy nvf nvfy transportasmes & fut dit qu on le pouuoitmettre a vn endroit, ou ily restoit quelqueInconuenient; qu on croyoit auec letemps deuoir estre ost<; qu il n y auoit qu ale bien faire : la cause pour laquelle principalem1 . on le refaisoit de nouueau estant que


1645-46] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 201sak that ten large Cabins of savages werethere, among others, some bersiamites,and 1 5 Shallops that there had already been;traded more than five casks of Beaver, andmoose 1 5 skins and i that; fervor and devotionto Christianity were never greater at thatplace.A savage of Gaspe, calling himself a Cate- Savage fromchumen, arrived here about the end of themonth with plenty of meat, of which he madea present to the savages of Sillery, who,among other things, gave him some corn.He returns with letters for Tadoussak andMiskou, to our Fathers, and to Monsieur desdasmesfrom monsieur the Governor: he setout again in his shallop on the nth of June.At this time it was necessary to give 30 and35 sols to a man for his Day s work and hisexpenses.1646, JUNE.Workmen s hire,On the 4th, there entered our service one Mill.Estienne bougoust, as Carpenter and to helpat the mill. We first proceeded to fell whatwood remained on the lands of la **Vacherie;then we deliberated about the site on whichthe mill should be placed. Father Vimont,father dendemare, and I betook ourselvesthither, and we decided that itmight be putin a place in which there was still someDisadvantage, which, however, we believedwould be removed in course of time ;that theonly question was, that it be well built. Thechief reason why it was rebuilt anew was,


202 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 281 autre pour auoir est6 mal fait mena9oit demine a chaque bout de champ.M re . maturin venu pour ce suiet de france1 an passe",& mis cependant au seruice desVrsulines fut mis a n5e seruice & commeca ademeurer auec nvf le n. de luin. La neigeriecommenga a yseruir le 18. il estoit aSillery. on demanda par plusieurs fois a M.le Gouuerneur qu ilvoulut ou nvf accorder laplace voisine, ou establir qu elle demeurast enCommune; il ne voulut ny 1 vn ny 1 autre.on va secourir Guill. le io. de luin qui estoit vn Dimanche, onbansepublia a la paroisse que qui voudroit le lendemainlour de S 1 . barnabe" aller ayder a redresserla maison brusle*e de Guillaume bancequ on en donnoit la permission, & qu on yexhortoit; il y alia 15. ouuriers.separcion des Le ii. se fit la separation de nos fermiersfermiersdebeauport. ^ beauport, boucher s en alia & Thomashayot demeura charg6 de tout, ce fut par vnaccord par entr eux sans que nvf ayons faitMariageautre chose que d y cosentir.le 18. se fit le mariage de Montpellier soldat& Cordonnier auec la fille de seuestre : ony dansa vne espece de balet; scauoir 5. soldats.Abnaquiois arriuent Le 22. arriuerent 3. Canots d Abnaquioisqui disoient qu vne maladie qui faisoit vomirle sang auoit perdu vne bonne partie de leurnation: qu il y auoit en grande guerre entre


1645-46] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 203that the other mill, having been ill constructed, threatened to fall at any moment.Master maturin who had come for thispurpose from france the year before, and hadbeen placed meanwhile in the service of theUrsulines was employed in our service, andbegan to live with us on the nth of June.La neigerie began to serve here on the 1 8th ;he was at Sillery. We repeatedly asked Monsieur the Governor that he consent either togrant us the neighboring place, or to decreethat it should remain as Commons;he woulddo neither one nor the other.On the icth of June, which was a Sunday,it was published at the parish church thatThey go to assistGuillaume banse.whoever would go on the morrow, the Dayof St. barnabas, and help to rebuild theburned house of Guillaume bance, was givenpermission thereto, and that we urged themto do this; 15 workmen went there.On the iith occurred the separation of our Separation of thefarmers at beauport, boucher went away,farmers at beauport.85and Thomas hayot remained in sole charge ;this was by an agreement between them, without our having done aught else than consentto it.On the 1 8th occurred the marriage of Montpellier,a soldier and a Shoemaker, to theMarriage.daughter of sevestre *; they danced there akind of ballet, to wit, 5 soldiers.On the 22nd, 3 Canoes of Abnaquiois ar Some Abnaquioisrived, who said that a malady which causedarrive.vomiting of blood had destroyed a good partof their nation that;there had been a great


feu de la St. lean. le 23. se fit le feu de la S l .Jean sur les 8}^204 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28les Etechemins & sauuages de gasp6:que lesyroquois ne mentoient point en ce quils atioientmaintenu que ce n estoit pas eux qui auoientfait le coup de c&t Automne, mais les Soquoquioison attendoit a scauoir le reste : Us ramenerentle fils de otsatonkHi Huron.Ceux de TadSsakarriuent.Le 23. arriua EtHet & labmets CapitainedeTadtfsak Xstiens auec vne Chaloupe pleine deleur gens, ils firent deux presens de Castorsa M. le gouu. & dans le Conseil firent forcepleintes de la cherte & faons de traiter de M.de :launayils estoient Estb et sur tous habillesp r la .plus part a la fran9oise chemise detoile de Hollande blanche, vn rabat a dentelle& Casoque d Escarlate, qui tachoit d aller depair auec M r . le gouuern r . & en tout faisoit leSouuerain: ie luy donne la Colaon, & vn sacde b!6 d Inde & vne liure de poudre a larecomm. du p. de Quen.Diuorce.le 22. se vinrent mettre prisonniers d euxmesme vn mary & vn femme Xstienne, qui nese pouuoient accorder, 1 vn dans le Cachot aufort, 1 autre aux Vrsulines; & ce en suite deleur sentence qui leur fut prononcee a Sillerysur les pleintes des Capitaines: le factu s entrouuera dans les Archiues titulo Sillery.du soir M. le gouuern 1 ".enuoya M. Tronquetp r . scauoir si nvf irions; nvf allasmes le


1645-46] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 205war between the Etechemins and the savagesof gaspe";that the yroquois did not lie inwhat they had maintained, that it was notthey who had made the attack of last Autumn,but the Soquoquiois; they were waiting toknow the rest. They brought back the sonof otsatonkwi, a Huron.On the 23rd, Etwet and labmets Captainsof Tadousak, and Christians arrived, witha Shallop full of their people they made two;presents of Beavers to Monsieur the governor; and in the Council they uttered manycomplaints about the high prices and methodsof trading of Monsieur de launay. Theywere, Estwet especially, dressed for the mostpart in french style, a shirt of white Hollandlinen, a neckband of lace, and a Scarlet Cloak.Etwet was trying to be on an equal footingwith Monsieur the governor, and in every wayacted the Sovereign. Igave him a Luncheon,a bag of Indian corn, and a pound of powder,by recommendation of father de Quen.On the 22nd, there came, to constitutethemselves voluntary prisoners, a husbandand a Christian wife, who could not agree,the one to the Dungeon in the fort, the othersentence, which was pronounced on them atSillery, upon the complaints of the Captains.The factum will be found in the Archives,Those of Tadousakarrive.Divorce.to the Ursulines, and this after theirtitulo Sillery.On the 23rd, the fire for St. John s day Fire for St. John swas made about y 2 past 8 in the evening.day.Monsieur the governor sent Monsieur Tron-


206 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28trouuer le p. Vimont & moy dans le fort, nvfallasmes ensemble an feu, M. le gouu. 1 y mit& lors qu il le metoit ie chante le Vt queantlaxis & puis 1 oraison: M. de S l . Sauueur n yestoit point, il 1 y fautInuiter vne autre fois:on tira 5. coups de Canon & on fit deux ou 3.fois la decharge de mousquets :nvf en retournasmesentre 9. & 10.voyage au sault de Le 22. estant alle voir auec M. le gouu. lala riuieredeSt.^ ^^ au dessyf du SauU & tCharlespr. les terresdes Vrsulines. visite tout ce qui est entre deux, il me semblaque les Vrsulines deuoient se tenir a vn ruisseauque ie nomm6 de Ste .Vrsule, & descendant vers laques Caulmont tascher a faire quedans leur concession fut comprise vne petiteprairie qui e entredeux: M. le gouu. ne mevoulut accorder pour elles que 12. Arpens surla riuiere & en profondeur ce qu il faudroit p r .parfournir leur 200. Arpens, Si depuis ce ruisseaude S . Vrsule iusques a Caulmont ily aplvf de 12. ilArpens, faut tacher d auoir cesurplvf p r .y comprendre au moins la prairie;s ily a moins, on prendra le reste au dela duruisseau Mons r le .gouu. ne voulut rien resoudre,renuoyant le tout au retour de M. bourdon, qui estoit alle aux yroquois.&* a I Isle d Orleans. le mesme lour le p. Vimont alia a 1 Isled Orleans p r .y choisir des prairies p r . les deuxmaisons religieuses, nvf auions este aupara-


1645-46] JOURNAL DES PP. J&SUITES207quet to know whether we would ;go we wentto find him, father Vimont and I, in the fort,and we went together to the fire. Monsieurthe governor set and while he it, lighted it,I sang the Ut queant laxis and then theprayer. Monsieur de St. Sauveur was notthere; he must be Invited thither, anothertime. 5 Cannon shots were fired, and two or3 times occurred the discharge of muskets;we returned thence between 9 and 10.On the 22nd, I went with Monsieur the Journey to the saultgovernor to see the land of bance above the f the river SL. Charles, on accountSault, and inspected all that lies betweenO f the iands of thethem. It seemed to me that the Ursulines Ursulines,should confine themselves to the brook that Icall Ste. Ursule, and, descending towardJaques Caulmont, endeavor to arrange thatthe small meadow between the brook and Caulmonts land be comprised in their concession.Monsieur the governor would not grant mefor them more than 12 Arpents on the river,and whatever depth might be necessary tocomplete their 200 Arpents. If there be morethan 12 Arpents between the Ste. Ursulebrook and Caulmont s land, an effort shouldbe made to obtain that surplus, so that at leastthe meadow may be included. If there arefewer, the remainder will be taken beyond thebrook. Monsieur the governor would decidenothing, referringsieur bourdon, who had gone to the yroquois.On the same Day, father Vimont went to and to the Isle ofthe Isle of Orleans, in order to choose somemeadows there for the two religious houses ;it all to the return of Mon


208 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28uant a la longue pointe de 1 autre cost6 p r .le mesme desseinle tout se trouuera dans laConuention dressee p r . cela.p dendemare a le 25. partit d icy le p. Dendemare pr. Mont-Montreal -,realPromesse de le 26. M r . le gouu. me donna assurace deI.augmentaon desde la Vachtrie-,,augmentaon des terres de la Vacherierpremplacer 6. Arpens, que nvf auions ced6 aQuebek;il alia sur sa monture le dire lemesme lour a noe f liegeois, qui trauailloiten ce quartier-la au moulin :n. F. Liegeois II me dit en mesme temps que ny cette aditionny la Vacherie ne deuoient point estreprises qu en roture, quil ne le soufriroit iamaisautrem*. & que tout ce quiestoit dans labanlieiie deuoit estre cense de ceste nature.nature de nos Cela me donna suiet d examiner plvf particulierem1 . les lettres de nos Concessions, & ietrouue" que celles de nos six cents Arpens deterre aux 3. riu. donn<es en 1634. estoient a laperfection sans aucune charge en toute propriet6& Seigneurie vt rex concesserat concedentib.Pour les lettres des terres de noe Damedes Anges, beauport & la vacherie de 1637. ien y trouue de charge qu vne messe par an sansaucune autre redeuance, & 1 adueu de la concession de 20. en 20. ans, mais il n est faitmention d aucune seigneurie. Pour celles de1 Isle aux ruaux, elles sont aussy fort bien &


1645-46] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 209we had previously been at the long point onthe other shore, for the same purposeit will;all be found in the Agreement drawn up tothat effect.On the 25th, father Dendemare left herefor Montreal.On the 26th, Monsieur the governor gaveme assurance of an increase in the lands of laVacherie, in order to replace 6 Arpents whichwe had ceded to Quebek ;he went on horseback to mention this on the same Day to ourbrother liegeois, who was working in that quarter at the mill.Father dendemaregoes to Montreal.Promise of an increase in the landsof la Vacherie.He told me at the same time that neither Our Brotherthis addition nor la Vacherie should be taken Liegeois.otherwise than en roture; that he would neversuffer it otherwise, and that everything in thebanlieue should be deemed of the same nature.This gave me occasion to examine more Nature of ourclosely the letters patent of our Concessions,Grants.and I found that those of our six hundredArpents of land at 3 rivers, granted in 1634,conferred a perfect title upon us without anycharge, giving us full ownership and all Seigniorial Rights, ut rex concesserat concedentibus.As regards the letters patent for the lands ofnostre Dame des Anges, beauport, and lavacherie, dated 1637, I found no charge uponsuch concessions beyond the saying of a massevery year with no other dues and theavowal of concession every 20 years;but thereis no mention of any seigniorial right. Asfor the titles to those of Isle aux ruaux, they


210 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VoL. 28prairies pr. les religieusessur nosterres.comme celle des 3. riuier. P r . 1 Isle de lesvfil n y a point de grosse en parchemin,il n y aqu vn seul extrait de I assemblee g nle & vneprise de possession par de monsr le .gouuern r .qui fait mention d vn mandem*. quil en aregeu en vertu duquel il nvf met en cette possession, sans qu il soit faite mention d aucunecondion.Celles qui ont est6 concedees a Mons r . Giffar,des Chastelets &c sont auec plvf deseigneurie mais aussy auec beaucoup plvf decharge.Les plvf desaduantageuses sont celles deSillery qui n estant qu vn transport fait parmons r .gan ont aussy toutes les charges qu ilauoit & entr autres vn denier de cens pararpen.Enuiron ce temps les Hospitalieres ayantrendu 1 escrit du p. Vimont par lequel on leurauoit accorde des prairies sur nos terres pour6. ans; en suite de ce qu on leur auoit procure a la longue pointe & a 1 Isle d orleans: le p.Vimont en aduertit les Vrsulines a ce qu elleselles y eurent de la peine &fissent le mesme :prierent que cela se faisant scauoir de leurroster nos prairies p. les donner a fief, qu ellesCe qu il y a a donner fussent preferees a d autres : la Conclusion futa Cens de nos terres.^^ iusques a ce qu elles fussent assumes dece qui leur auoit est6 assigne a la longuepointe & a 1 Isle d orleans nvf reseruerions15. ou 16. Arpens de terre p r .elles, desquels


1645-46] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 211rivers. As for the Isle de Jesus, there is nodeed on ;parchment there is merely an extractfrom the proceedings of the general assembly,and a certificate of taking possession bymonsieur the governor, which mentions amandate that he received, in virtue whereof heso put us in possession, without any mentionbeing made of any condition.Those which were conceded to MonsieurGiffar, des Chastelets, etc., confer more seigniorial rights, but are also subject to manymore charges.The most disadvantageous are those of Sillerywhich, being ours only by a transfermade by monsieur gan, are also subject to allthe charges borne by him, and among othersa rent of a denier an arpent.27About this time, the Hospital nuns having in consequence of what had been procured for them at the long point and at theIsle of Orleans returned the written agreement of father Vimont, by which they hadbeen granted some meadows on our lands for6 years, father Vimont notified the Ursulinesthat they should do the same. They foundit hard to do this, and requested that, in casethat were done, to wit, taking our meadowsfrom them, in order to let them out, theyshould be preferred to others. The Conclusion was that, until they had been assured ofwhat had been assigned to them at the longpoint and at the Isle of Orleans, we shouldreserve for them 15 or 16 Arpents of land,which we should dispose of, when they shouldMeadows on ourlands for the nuns.What of our landsare to be offeredforRent.


212 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [Vol.. 28de Misku.nvf disposerions lors qu elles en auroient este"assurees ;& disposerions des autres y en ayantencore autres 15. on 16. arpens a donner: entout depuis la cabanne aux topiers iusques a lariuiere de M. giffar, ily en a 47. Arpens; ilen faut reseruer 17. p r . la ferme de beauport,& donner le reste comme dessvf .le 28. la barque retournant de Tadousak nvfaporta nouuelle de misktf, le p. laplace estoita 1 habitaon des francois auec le p.;lyonne lep. richar auec noe f .laques ratel a la nouuellehabitaon de Nepegigbit ou on a fait vne reduction de sauuages qui estoient pour lors deuxfamilies de 1 5 personnes ils se portoient bien. :& estoient pleins de bonnes esperances: ilsdemandoient en france deux ou trois PP. derenfort.Nouuelles du retour le 30. nouuelles arriuerent que 2. Algonq.up. oguCompagnons de voyage du p. logues aux yroquoisestoient de retour aux 3. riu. que le p.logues n estoit pas loing auec Monsr . bourdon: ils apportoient lettres du p. logues. Eneffect le p. logues estoit arriue le 27. a richelieule 29. aux 3. riu. & arriua & Quebek auecM. bourdon le 3. de luillet : tout ce qui regardeson voyageyroquois.AlaVisitaonsaluts. le i er . dese trouuera aux Archiues tituloIUILLET. 1646.luillet salut a 1hospital & lelendemain aux Vrsulines en 1 honneur de la


1645-46] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 213have received the above assurance, andshould dispose of the others, there being still15 or 1 6 arpents more to be granted. In all,from the [river] cabanne-aux-topiers even toMonsieur giffar s river, there are 47 Arpents;17 must be reserved for the farm at beauport,and the remainder be granted as above.On the 28th, the bark returning from Tadousakbrought us news from miskou; fatherlaplace was at the french settlement withfather ;lyonne father richar, with our brotherJaques ratel, at the new residence of Nepegigwit,where a settlement of savages hasbeen formed, consisting at that time of twofamilies, of 1 5 persons. Ours were in goodhealth, and were filled with hope; they requested, from franee, two or three Fathers,as a reinforcement.On the 30th, news arrived that 2 Algonquains,traveling Companions of father Joguesamong the yroquois, were back at 3 rivers;and that father Jogues was not far away,with Monsieur bourdon ; they brought lettersfrom father Jogues. Indeed, father Jogueshad arrived on the 2 7th at richelieu on the;29th, at 3 rivers; and he reached Quebek,with Monsieur bourdon, on the 3rd of July;all that concerns his journey will be found inthe Archives, titulo yroquois.JULY, 1646.On the ist of July, benediction at the hospital, and the next day at the Ursulines in,honor of the visitation. The eve of this feastOf Miskou,News offatherJogues s return.Benedictions at theVisitation.


.empescher.214 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28visitaon : la veuille de cette feste vint vn Dimanchequi fitqu a 1 hospital p r . le salut ony chanta les litanies sur les 5. h. & le lour de lafeste aux Vrsulines on chanta les vespresLes Abnaguiois demandentvneMission.h. du soir.depuis Thymne, a 7.le 4 e . Deux Capitaines Abnaquiois dont leprincipal qui estoit Xstien se nommoit Claude ;auec Noel & lean bapt. vinrent trouuer M. legouu. p r le .prier de faire en sorte qu vne robernoire allast aux Abnaquiois p. les Instruire:Mort & enterrementde Charitt.que cela estant vne fois, il ne viendroient plvficy & ne donneroient aucun obrage a M. legouu. pour la traite: M. le gouu. me les renuoya& moyrie les remits a 1 Automne pprendre temps p r .y songer: on leur donnavn sac de ble d Inde p r .Viatique, du petun,du poisson &c & leur fit-on festin, & auxprincipaux de Sillery.lean bapt. & noel enmesme temps prierent M. le gouu. de leurrdonner vn present p. couurir les morts der1 Automne p leur leunes gensd aller en guerre: M. le gouu. le fit.le 8 e . mourut vn petite sauuagesse aux Vrsulines nomm6e Charit6 aagee de 5 ^ elle fut.enterre"e au Cemetiere des fran9ois ou estoitson Pere enterre": elle y fut porte"e par 4.domestiques des Vrsulines, auec 4. autres portantdes torches & 2. filles fran9oises & deuxsauuagesses tenant les coins du drap. M r . leprieur alloit le premier portant vne croix


she1645-46] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 215came on Sunday, for which reason at the hospital they sang, for the benediction, the litany about 5 o clock; and on the Day of thefeast, at the Ursulines ,they sang vespersafter the hymn, at 7 o clock in the evening.On the 4th, two Abnaquiois Captains, theprincipal one of whom, who was a Christian,was named Claude, together with Noel andJean baptiste, came to find Monsieur the governor, in order to beg him to make arrangements for a black gown to go to the AbnaThe Abnaquioisrequest aMission.quiois, to Instruct them. They said that, ifthat were once done, they would no longercome here, and would give no offense toMonsieur the governor regarding the trade.Monsieur the governor sent them back to me,and I put them off till Autumn, in order totake time to consider the matter. They weregiven a bag of Indian corn for a Parting Gift,some tobacco, some fish, etc. ;and we gavethem a feast, and also one to the principalpersons of Sillery. Jean baptiste and noel atthe same time begged Monsieur the governorto give them a present for covering the deadof the Autumn to ,stop their Young men fromgoing to war; Monsieur the governor did so.On the 8th, a little savage girl named Chari- Death and burial oft6, aged 5^, died at the Ursulines was Charite.;interred at the french Cemetery, where herFather was buried. She was borne thither by4 domestics of the Ursulines, with 4 othersbearing torches, and 2 french girls and twosavage girls holding the corners of the pall.Monsieur the prior went first, bearing a cross


216 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28sans baston & son rituel & moy apres, puis lecorps &c.Arriuee du pere le Ce mesme iour arriua le p. le leune deleune.montreal, auec noe f Ambroise qui reuenoitdes 3.riti.Consultep". leretour le 9. le tins Consulte p r . le retour aux yrodup*.logues auxyroquots..d logues le p. le leune le p. Vimont& le P. logues y estoient: il fut Conclu quesi autre chose n arriuoit il n y iroit pointhyuerner; & se tiendroit a Montreal ou aux 3.riu. que si quelque oraison \sc. occasion] bellese presentoit d y aller, il ne la falloit pasrefuserle 14. partitle p. logues & le p. Drouilletauec deux sauuages Xstiens p r . Montreal.depart des beufspr. le 13. partit la barque qui portoit des beufsles 3 nu.&c au p^ buteux aux 3. riu.18. Arpens accordes Ce mesme lour nvf furent accorded paralavacherie.Mons r . le gouuern r . 1 8. Arpens de terre enaugmentaon de celles de la Vacherie & ce surla representaon de la necessite" que nvf auionsp r . le moulin de quelque augmentaon; &surtout sur la representaon que la occasionp!j.\sc. cession] de 6. arpens de terre que nvf auionsauoient fait autrefois a Quebek, ou au lieu de12. qui nvf auoient accordes, on ne nvf eueste"donna que 6. rien ne nvf auoit este" donne" lesMM. Vrsulines & Hospitalieres ayant esterecompencees de 30. Arpens dans la banlieiie.nvf entrasmes en possessionde cela & de


1645-46] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 217without staff and his ritual, and I after him;then the body, etc.On this same day, father le Jeune arrivedfrom montreal, with our brother Ambroise,who was returning from 3 rivers.On the gth, I held a Consultation about father Jogues s return to the yroquois; father leJeune, father Vimont, and Father Jogues werepresent. It was Resolved that, ifnothingelse happened, he should not go to winterthere, but should stay at Montreal or at 3 rivers; but that, if some excellent opportunityoccurred for going thither, it must not berefused.On the 14th, father Jogues and fatherDrouillet started, with two Christian savages,for Montreal.On the 13th, the bark left which carriedsome cattle, etc., to father buteux at 3 rivers.This same Day, there were granted us byMonsieur the governor 18 Arpents of land,as an addition to the lands of la Vacherie,and this upon our representation of the necessity that we should have some addition forthe mill;and especially upon our statementthat, for the cession of 6 arpents of land thatwe had made formerly at Quebek, where,instead of 12, which had been granted us,they gave us only 6, nothing had beengiven us, the Ursuline and Hospital Mothershaving been compensated by 30 Arpents inthe suburbs.We entered into possession of that, and ofall our lands of nostre dame des Anges and ofArrival offather leJeune.Consultation aboutfather Jogues s return to the yroquois.Cattle for 3 riverssent away.18 Arpents grantedat la vacherie.


&218 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VoL. 28nouuelle prise de toutes nos terres de noe dame des Anges & depossession de toutesla Vacherie,nos par le titre des lettres de Mess,terres.de la Comp ie . le 24. de luillet, & ce lour enprocession contre leschenilles.Nouuelles d vnvaisseau basque deTadousakNouuelles desHurons.Neufuainefurent expedi6s les Actes.le 15. fut faite procession a 1 hospital & auxVrsul es . a Tissue de vespres apres le benedicamvfD no : ily eut clochetes banniere, Croixdeux chandeliers, deux chantres; puis noe f.Ambroise & pierre Gontier (qui duo se ipsishunc acceperunt locu Immo & cu opositu Insinuassequo spiritu nescio, toleraui & dissimulaui)puis Mons r . de S 1 . Sauueur & M. le prieuren surplis qui chantoient les litanies: le p.Vimont & moy auec vn petit reliquaire. Auxmaisons religieuses, on chanta quelques couplets du litanies de noe dame;en suite lesoraisons Conuenables.Ce mesme lour vinrent les nouuelles deTadtfsak d vn basque qui traitoit dans la riuiereproche d eux: il fallut prendre patience; car& on n auoit point de forces, & quoyqu on eneut, ce ne seroit que perdre son temps, deuantestre plus tost rendu a son gros que nvf sortisde Quebek.le 21. me furent rendues les premiereslettres & nouuelles des Hurons du 10. de luinpar ceux de la nation d yroquet.le 19. nvf commen9asmes vne neufuaine desaluts du S l . Sacrement pour le bon estat &succes des affaires surtout p r . les biens de laterre & retour des vaisseaux.


and1645-46] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 219la Vacherie, by right of the letters given byMessieurs of the Company, on the 24th of;July and on this Day the Deeds therefor weredrawn up.On the15th, a procession was made to thehospital and to the Ursulines at the end,ofvespers, after the benedicamus Domino. Therewere bells, banner, Cross, two candlesticks,two chanters; then came our brother Ambroiseand pierre Gontier (qui duo se ipsis huncacceperunt locum, Immo et cum oppositum Insinuassem,quo spiritu nescio, toleravi et dissimulavi);then Monsieur de St. Sauveur and Monsieurriver near them. It was necessary to use patience, for we had no forces, and, even if wehad some, it would only be a waste of time,since he would have reached his fleet beforewe had set out from Quebek.On the 2ist, the first letters and news fromthe Hurons were delivered to me, dated theloth of June, by persons from the yroquetnation.On the iQth, we began a novena of benedictions of the Blessed Sacrament for the goodcondition and outcome of affairs, especiallyfor the fruits of the earth and the return ofthe vessels.New act ofpossessionfor all our lands.Procession againstthe caterpillars.the prior in surplices, who sang the litany;and father Vimont and I, with a small reliquary. At the religious houses we sang somecouplets of the litany of our ;lady afterward the Appropriate prayers.On this same Day came the news from News of a basqueTadousak of a basque who was trading in the vessel at Tadousak.News from theHurons.Novena.


220 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28. retour du p. dequensaulmonLa St. Ignacele 29. arriua le p. de Quen de Tadousak p r .la i. fois, ce qu il yfit se trouuera dans larelaon : IIy fut fort bien nouri & trait6 sur leComrrmn : on nvf enuoya de la deux barriquesde saulmon outre quatre de nostre pesche, &vn de M. le gouu. de 1 Isle aux Oyes. onprit cette ann6e plvf de 200. Saulmons iusquesa la fin de ce moys.A la S 1 .Ignace salut la veuille a la paroisse;la grande messe le lour a 7. heures; Vespressolemnelles aux Vrsulines, & le sermon a Tissue; salut le soir a I hospital: auec resoluonde faire alternis annis Vespres solemnelles &le sermon a ces deux maisons religieuses. LeDimanche d auparauant, cette feste fut declareefeste de Deuoon & non d obligaon. M.le gouu. me parla de faire tirer le Canon a1 ordinaire, ie luy tesmoigne" que ie n y auoispoint d Inclinaon: il partit toutesfois d auecmoy auec la resoluon de le faire il ne le fit;pas toutesfois, peut estre que la raison que ieluy en apporte que les vaisseaux n estant pasvenus cela fairoit rumeur 1 arresta. les Vrsulines ce lour la nvf traiterent magnifiquement.II y eut manquement en ce que tvfceux de Sillery estant venus icy ils n assisterentqu au disner & point au vespres nyau sermon non plvf que les PP. Ie fusretenu de 1 intimer parceque c estoit moy quifaisois la predicaon (ce qui cependant n en


1645-46] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 221On the 29th, father de Quen arrived fromTadousak for the ist time: what he isdoingthere will be found in the relation. He wasvery well supported and treated there, at thecharge of the Association. There were sentus thence two kegs of salmon, besides fourfrom our own fishery and one from;Monsieurthe governor, from the Isle aux Oyes. Thisyear, more than 200 Salmon were caught, upto the end of this month.On St. Ignace s day, benediction the daybefore at the parish church; high mass onthe Day itself, at 7 o clock; solemn Vespersat the Ursulines ,and the sermon at theend;benediction in the evening, at the hospital, with the resolution to hold solemn Vespers and deliver the sermon, alternis annis, atthese two religious houses. On the precedingSunday, this feast was declared a feast ofDevotion, and not of obligation. Monsieur thegovernor spoke to me of having the Cannonfired as usual;I showed him that I had noInclination for this. He left me, however,with the resolve to have it done, yet he didnot do so; perhaps the argument which Iadduced to him that, as the vessels had notcome, such an act might cause a disturbancestopped him. The Ursulines that Day treatedus magnificently. There was a failure in thisrespect, that all those of Sillery, having comehere, attended only the dinner, and neitherat vespers nor at sermon, were there otherthan the Fathers. I was restrained from calling attention to it, because I was the one whoist return offatherde guen.Salmon.Day of St. Ignace.


eatvf222 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28deuoit pas empescher) vne autre fois ilyfaudra obliger.AOUST. 1646.Neufuaine nouuellesdu retour des vaisseaux.,le 6. d Aoustseruice pr. M. deMontmagnyfrere dugouuerneur.Arrzude de M. de leTour.Assomption de ndedame.Vne neufuaine commencee bien a propos lelour de S te . Marie aux Neiges:venter,& ce pour se preparer a la feste, & pour impetrerle retour des nauires; le lendemainarriuerent les nouuelles: le p. Daran vintdans vn Canot; & M. de launay dans vnebarque.Par ces nouuelles ayant apris les nouuellesde la mort d Mons r . de Montmagny le Conseiller,frere de M r . le Gouuerneur, on dit vnegrande messe de requiem lelendemain: lesreligieuses luy firent compliment des le soirdirent vespres des morts : & la messe le lendemain : on en fut aduerti au salut.le 8. sur le soir parurent le nauire du Capit.Poullet & le phlibot de M. de la Tour qui sevenoit refugier icy: ils arriuerent icy le lendemain matin : on tira a 1 arriue e du dit S r . de leTour & a sa descente il fut au fort &loge"mons r . le gouu. le er i . lour luy donna ledeuant il 1accepta p r . le i er . lour & puis lerefusa, coe il deuoit.le 15. se fit la procession les sauuages hommesmarchoient apres la Croix;les femmes ala queue: i y portois vne noe dame peinte enArgent des Vrsulines. il y eut vn reposoir a


1645 -46J JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 223preached the sermon (which, however, shouldnot have hindered them) another time, it will;be necessary to make attendance obligatory.AUGUST, 1646.A novena having a very timely beginning, Novena; news ofon the Day of St. Mary of the Snows, 28 the return of the vesbeatusventer;, 1and this in order to prepare for, . . , r sels. 6th of August,the feast, and to obtain the return of theships. On the next day, the news arrived;father Daran 29 came in a Canoe, and Monsieurde launay in a bark.Having learned by these advices the tidings Service for Monsieurof the death of Monsieur de Montmagny, the de Montmagny, theCounselor, brother of Monsieur the Govern- 8or, we said a requiem high mass the nextday. The nuns paid him a compliment,that evening, they said vespers for the dead,and mass the next day; notice thereof wasgiven at the benediction.On the 8th, about evening, appeared the Arrival of Monsieurship of Captain Poullet and the flyboat of de le Tour-Monsieur de la Tour, who was coming to takerefuge here 30; they arrived here the nextmorning. A salute was fired at the Sieur dele Tour s arrival and at his landing; he waslodged at the fort, and monsieur the governoron the ist Day gave him the precedence; heaccepted this for the ist Day, and then refusedit, as was becoming.On the 15th occurred the procession; the Assumption of oursavage men marched after the Cross, the lady.women at the rear ;I carried an image of ourlady, painted in Silver by the Ursulines.


224 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28la Croix du mont Carmel ou les sauuages,chanteront 1 Aue Maria en leur langue, Lesfemmes sauuages y estoient deuant 1 arriueede la procession.deffaite du borgne Enuiron ce temps vint la nouuelle de ladel Isle.deffaite du borgne, par les oneiochronons ils;prirent vne femme & tuerent vn homme :puisse vinrent excuser disans qu ils pensoient quece fussent Hurons. on dit qu il y auoit deuxou 3. Annieronons en leur Comp ie . cela se fitau dessvf du long Sault :les vainqueurs en s enretournant furent deffaits par ceux d yroquet;on amena vn prisonnier, & la captiue futdeliure e.sauuages condamnds les sauuages de Sillery tiient vne vache dea6.Castorspr.auotrtue vne vache.m< Nicolas { auoit est6 dans leur blgelle fut estimes 7 5 It. les sauuages furentapeles par M. le gouu. p r . en faire Justice &ordonna qu ils payeroient 6. Castors ce quifut fait :auec assurance que quand ils se pleindroienton leur fairoit Justice du tort qu auroientfait les vaches dans leur b!6s.Consulte Le 2 1 . le tins Consulte ou estoient les pp.d Importdce. le Ieune> yimont, & dequen. la il fut arrestei. qu on donneroit les terres de beauport acens, oium consensu. 2. que non obstantib.quibuscumq. on bastiroit p r .nvf, unvf p. leleune hsesitauit in hoc artic. non negauitneque affirmauit. Depuis le p. le leune futdedans qu on bastit: Ite le p. buteux p.


1645-46] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 225There was a temporary altar at the Cross ofmount Carmel, where the savages sang theAve Maria in their own language. Thesavage women were there before the arrivalof the procession.About this time came the news of the defeat of le borgne by the oneiochronons;theycaptured a woman and killed a man, thencame to excuse themselves, saying that theythought that those were Hurons. It is saidthat there were two or 3 Annieronons in theirCompany. That took place above the longSault ;the victors, returning, were defeated bythe yroquet people one; prisoner was broughtin,and the captive woman was set free.The savages of Sillery kill a cow of monsieur Nicolas, which had been in their corn ;she was valued at 75 livres. The savageswere summoned by Monsieur the governor,to do Justice in this matter, and he orderedthat they should pay 6 Beavers, which wasdone, with the assurance that when theyshould complain, Justice would be done themfor the damage which the cows might havewrought in their corn.On the 2ist, I held a Consultation, at whichwere present fathers le Jeune, Vimont, anddequen it was there;decided :ist, that the lands at beauport should beoffered for rent, omnium consensu. 2nd, that,non obstantibus quibuscumque ,they should buildfor us; unus, pater le Jeime, hcesitavit in hocarticulo; non negavit neque affirmavit. Later,father le Jeune was in favor of ;building Item,Defeat of le borgneof the Island.Savages sentenced toa fine of 6 Beaversfor having killed aCOTV.Important Consultation.


226 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28Salut aarriuee des Hurons&* voyage aux j.riuieres.mines.Dendemare. [3] Ite Ihyuernemt. du p. Druilletesaux Abnaquiois, & celuy du p. loguesaux yroquois.4. qu on demanderoit augmentaon auxHabitans.5. p r . la perpetiiit6 du salut du S l . Sacrement,hsesitatio fuit, ludicao tamen in perpetuitate:Conclusio mea de continiier sans.engagem iusques a ce que Dieu & le tempsnvf y fissent voir plvf clair.Le 26, d Aoust arriua Pierrot Cochon desHurons ou il nvf auoit serui 5. ans il futhabille & eut 50!!. ilaporta la nouuelle dequelques Canots Hurons & de la flotte entierequi suiuoit.rle 28. ie partis seul dans vn Canot p. alleraux 3. riu. ie mene* auec moy dans vn Chaloupehommes estoit le fils du gobloteurnomine"2. hommes & vn Enfant. L vn desGuillaume Pelletier, deserteur, scieur de long,Charpentir, Charbonnier &c. il se donna toutd vn coup; on promit toutesfois a ses parenscent francs p r . sa i e . anne"e; & on ne laissa pasde 1 habiller tout de neuf.L autre estoit Pierre boiiencha Masson alooll. de gages son marche par escrit se trouueradans les Archiues.1 Enfant estoit vn nomme leger qui estoitmarmiton au fort aage de 1 5 ans..Arriuant aux 3. riu. i trouue"y Gilles bacon:qui Incontinent vint trouuer M. le gouu. a


1645-46] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 227father buteux, father Dendemare. 31 3rd, Item,the wintering of father Druilletes among theAbnaquiois, and that of father Jogues amongthe yroquois.4th, that we should ask an increase fromthe Habitans.5th, as to the perpetual observance of the Perpetual observbenedictionof the Blessed Sacrament, hcesitaancef the Benedic-\tio fuit, Judicatio tamen in perpetuitatem; Conclusiomea, to continue without binding ourselves until God and time should enable us tosee more clearly.On the 26th of August, Pierrot Cochon ar- Arrival from therived from the Hurons, where he had served Hurons, and journeyus 5 years; he was clothed and had 50 livres. to 3 rivers.He brought tidings of some Huron Canoes,and of the whole fleet, which was following.On the 28th, I started alone in a Canoe togo to 3 rivers; I took with me, in a Shallop,2 men and a Boy. One of the men was theson of the tippler named Guillaume Pelletier,a deserter, sawyer, Carpenter, Charcoal-burner, etc. He gave himself up entirely; we nevertheless promised his parents ahundred francs for his ist year, and we did notfail to clothe him quite anew.The other was Pierre bouencha, a Mason,at 100 livres in wages; his contract in writing will be found in the Archives.The Boy was one leger, who was scullionat the fort ;aged 1 5 years.Arriving at 3 rivers, I found Gilles bacon, Mines.who Straightway came to find Monsieur thegovernor at Quebek, by order of Monsieur de


228 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28mission aux Abnaquiois.Ceux gui retournerentdes Hurons.Quebek par ordre de M. de la poterie p r . donneraduis des Mines d or & de Cuiure qu ilauoit trouuees, dont il aportoit des pierres.ily fut renuoye"& on trouua que ce n estoitrien qui vaille.Ayant expedie toutes mes lettres p r . lesHurons ie reuins a Quebek la veuille de laNatiuite de noe Dame, & i en repartis auec M.le gouuer r . le 1 1 .le 29. partit seul de frangois p r . la missionde 1Assomption aux Abnaquiois le p. gabrielDrliilletes auec deux Canots de sauuages dontle chef estoit Claude bon Xstien.Ceux qui retournerent cette anne"e desHurons furent PierrotCochon, Gilles bacon;Daniel Carteron, lean le Mercier, desgrosillers,racine, & Eustache lambert qui s estoitdonne, & deuoit remonter; & en effect il remontaauec les susdits susnommes;ilse chargea de deux veaus.SEPT. 1646.& en outrePonfardisputes pour lesterres des j. riu.le 9. benoist ponfar fit marche auec nvf pourvn an a loott.Le ii. Ie partis auec M. le gouu. p r . les 3.riu. ce qui se passa auec les sauuages se voiradans les Archiues.le p. buteux demanda remuement de bornes& fut refuse de M. le gouu. reciproquem 1 . ilrefusa M. de la poterie p r . d autres alignemens.


1645-46] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 229la poterie, so as to give information of theMines of gold and Copper that he had found,of which he brought some ores. He was sentback, and they found that it was nothing ofvalue.Having despatched all my letters for theHurons, I came back to Quebek on the eve ofthe Nativity of our;LadyI went away againwith Monsieur the governor, on the nth.On the 2 Qth father gabriel Driiilletes startedfor the mission of the Assumption among theAbnaquiois, the only frenchman with twoCanoes of savages, whose chief was Claude, agood Christian.Those who returned this year from theHurons were Pierrot Cochon, Gilles bacon;DanielCarteron,JeanleMercier,desgrosillers, 32racine, and Eustache lambert. This last manhad given himself in service and was to go up;again and he did indeed go up again withthe above-named persons, and, moreover, hetook charge of two calves.SEPTEMBER, 1646.Mission among theAbnaquiois.Those who returnedfrom the Hurons,On the gth, benoist ponfar made a contract Ponfar.with us for one year, at 100 livres.On the i ith, I started with Monsieur thegovernor for 3 rivers what came to pass with:the savages will be seen in the Archives.Father buteux requested the moving of Disputes about theboundaries, and was refused by Monsieur the lands at 3 rivers.governor; in turn, he refused Monsieur de lapoterie in the matter of other lineations.Monsieur de la Poterie vigorously disputed


230 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28depart des Hurons.M. de la Poterie disputa puissament leCap des 3. riu. affecte aux Sauuages, en ayantla Concession de cette annee de M de lamagdelaine: 1affaire fut IndeciseIIy auoit 80. Canots, ils remporterent vnedousain de paquets de robe a faute de Mar-rchandises & partirent p. s en retourner lemesme lour que nvf scauoir le 22. ondi^ahareaquitta la grande bande & voulut aller par legrand lac, il fut attrape par les ennemys ilsestoient deux Canots deux hommes se sauuerent.rdepart du p. logues. le p. logues deuoit partir le 29. p. son hyuernementaux yroquois auec lalande, otrih^rearriuie des vaisseauxdefraneehuron yroquise, & deux ou trois autresHurons qui alloit voir leur parens captifs.Auec les Hurons remonta Eustache, & lestrois dont iay parle y dessvf, Ite deux veaus& plvf de 50. paquets.En reuenant a Quebek, nvf rencontrasmesau Cap a 1 Arbre vne Chaloupe qui portoit lep. Daran qui nvf apportales nouuelles de1 arriues de M. de Maisonneuue & de M. derepentigny & des autres qui estoient proches ;ce fut le 20 e .qu arriua M. de maisonneuue &de 23. arriua M. de repentigny & nvf aussyLe P. Quentinquelques heures auparauant.Auec M. de repentigny estoit le/*. Quentinr& quelques hommes p. les Hurons, &rp.icyle sr. de I aubintere bas : Ite vn leune gentilhomme de la maisonde Courtent, qui s estoit conuerti a la rochelle,


they1645-46] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 231the Cape at 3 rivers, set apart for the Savages, since we had the Grant of it for thisyear, from Monsieur de la magdelaine: thematter was Undecided.There were 80 Canoes carried ;awaya dozen bundles of skins, for want of Merchandise, and left in order to return the sameDay as we, to wit, the 22nd. Ondiwahareaparted from the main band, and chose to goby the great lake; he was caught by theenemies, of whom there were two Canoes two;men escaped.Father Jogues was to start on the 29th, forhis wintering among the yroquois, withlalande, otrihoure, a huron-yroquise, andtwo or three other Hurons, who were goingto see their captive relatives.With the Hurons Eustache went up, andthe three of whom I have spoken above; Item,two calves, and more than 50 bundles.On returning to Quebek, we encounteredat the Cap a 1 Arbre a Shallop, which carriedfather Daran, who brought us the news of thearrival of Monsieur de Maisonneuve and ofMonsieur de repentigny and others, who werenear. It was the 2Oth, when Monsieur demaisonneuve arrived; and on the 23rd arrivedMonsieur de repentigny, and we, too, somehours previously.With Monsieur de repentigny were fatherQuentin and some men both for the Huronsand for work down here :Item, a Young gentleman from the house of Courtene", who hadbeen converted at la rochelle and had subse-Departure of theHurons.Departure offatherJogues.Arrival of -vesselsfromfrance.Father Quentin.The sieur deI aubiniere.


232 LES RELA TIONS DES JES UITES [VOL. 28& en suite auoit fait vceu d aller aux Hurons:mais il s est trouue", que ce n estoit quvnfourbe; qui auoit paru en Angleterre commepetit fils de la maison de Sancerre & nepueude M. desnoyers qui faisoit mine de se vouloirfaire heretique, & sentant que les nouuellesde franee venoient sur 1 aduis qu on enauoit donne, s enfuit: on eut en mesme tempsaduis de plusieurs autres fourbes, il fit milleBenedict apostat, pieces icy, & enfin aduoiia ou mentist qu ilvagabond.... estoit religieux benedictin prof 6s de plusieursCeux qui vinrentannees; qu il estoit soubsdiacre, & on deposaicy qu il estoit pass/ a Alenqon en vn monasterede benedictines ou il auoit confesse vne religieusemourante: il fit mine de vouloir demeurer,& faisoit rage sur ce qu on auoitestoit [sc. ecrit Laverd. }de luy quil estoitbastar: mais ceux qui1 auoient veu en Angleterre luy dirent a 1 oreille, qu il se teust; ils en alia done, il nvf a affronte de plvf de 2Oott.rqu on auan9a p.luy.Ceux done qui arriuerent cette annee, outrecette annee def ranee ^ Quentin furent le P. Daran, le p. gabr. lalepournvf.G. Laleman ment, le p. Amable de fretat; noe frere Pierremasson:pr. les Hurons, desforges, pierretourmente masson, lean guiet menusier; fr.Le S r . de Laubiniere Goiiaut Apdtiq. & le dit S r . de laubiniere.P r .icy bas Pierre deschamps laboureur,Simon gabory laboureur, Charles Droiiillar &gilles Henar.


1645-46] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 233quently made a vow to go to the Hurons. Butitproved that he was only a swindler, who hadappeared in England as grandson to the houseof Sancerre, and nephew to Monsieur desnoyers,who made a pretense of intending tobecome a heretic. But, learning that newsfrom france was on the way, in consequenceof information that had been given abouthim, he fled; they had warning, at the sametime, of several other knaves. He played athousand tricks here, and finally avowed, or A Benedictine aposlied,that he was a benedict ine religious, a tate a pro->vagabond.fessed, for several years, and that he was asubdeacon ;and it was affirmed here that hehad entered, at Alen^on, a monastery of benedictinenuns, where he had heard the confessionof a dying nun. He affected to wish to remain, and was enraged because they had written about him that he was a bastard; butthose who had seen him in England whisperedto him to keep quiet and he then went away.He ;cheated us by more than 200 livres, whichwe advanced for him.Those, then, who arrived this year, besides Those who came thisfather Quentin, were Father Daran, father yearfromfrancer USgabriel lalemant, father Amable de fretatJ and ., T JGabriel Laleman.our brother Pierre masson. For the Hurons,came desforges; pierre tourmente, a mason;Jean guiet, a joiner; brother Gouaut, anApothecary and the;said Sieur de laubiniere. The Sieur de Lau-For work down here, came Pierre biniere.deschamps,a laborer ;Simon gabory, a laborer ;CharlesDrouillar, and gilles Henar.Our brother masson and desforges were


234 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28depart de ndef masson&->desforges.arriute de laderniere barquede M. le Tardifbastienla traite de cesanndes.deuxMariage de la fille le 2. de ce moys se fit le mariage de la fillede m. de repentigny: de mons r . deou le p. Vtmont 6^ lerepentigny auec m. godefroy, ap. le leune assisterent.petit bruit, & les nopces 10. iours apres.& tout le moys se traiterent les affaires;Mons r de .repentigny fut continue Admiral,& les autres capitaines aussy; mais Mons r .noe f masson & desforges furent enuoy6saux Hurons & partirent le iour de S 1 .Michel,par 1 occasion de deux canots qui se trouuerentheureusem*. a Quebek.1646. OCTOBREle 14. arriua la barque qui estoit le dernierde tvf les vaisseaux qu on attendoit de france,les nouuelles de& ce mesme vaisseau apportaI arriu6e a Tadoussac de M. le Tardif arresteen france par Monsr . de repentigny, lequel M.le Tardif ne fut que 44. lours en cheimn. &arriua a Quebek le 17.le 28. entra a noe seruice bastien a looll. degages & vn paire de souliers.L an 1645. qui fut 1 annee du changem 1 . dela traite & que Mess, de la Comp ie .generalepartagerentla traite auec les Habitans lesseuls habitans eurent pour leur part 98. poinonsde Castor, & en 1646. plvf de 160. dansvn poingonily a 200. liures de Castor, & laliure vendue ictt. sans les peaux d orignak &c.des chastelets fut constitue commis generalesur les vaisseaux pour tvf les achapts.


1645-46] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 235sent to the Hurons, and started on Michaelmas, availing themselves of two canoeswhich fortunately happened to be at Quebek.Departure of ourbrother masson anddesforges.1646, OCTOBER.On the 14th, the bark arrived which wasthe last of all the vessels that were expectedfrom france; and this same vessel broughtthe news of the arrival at Tadoussac ofMonsieur le Tardif, detained in france byMonsieur de repentigny. This Monsieur leTardif was only 44 Days on the way, andarrived at Quebek on the I7th.On the 28th, bastien entered our servicefor 100 livres in wages and a pair of shoes.Arrival of the lastbark, and of Monsieur le Tardif.Bastien.In the year 1645, which was the yearof the change in trade, and that in whichMessieurs of the general Company shared thetrade with the Habitans, the habitans alonehad for their part 98 casks of Beaver, and, in1646, they had more than 160; in a cask thereare 200 pounds of Beaver, and the pound issold at 10 livres. That does not include theskins of elk, etc.On the 2nd of this month occurred the marriage of the daughter of monsieur de repentigny to monsieur godefroy, quietly and the;nuptial feast 10 days later.And all this month, business was carriedon; Monsieur de repentigny was continuedThe trade in thesetwo years.Marriage of thedaughter of monsieur de repentigny,at which fatherVimont and fatherle Jeune werepresent.Admiral, and the other captains in their posts ;but Monsieur des chastelets was appointedgeneral agent on board the vessels for all thepurchases.


236 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28Conseils <S^assem- II sembla dans toutes les assemblies qui sebides pr. les affaires. firent que cellx qu j n auoient point ayme" letransport de la traite voulurent faire voir lesdesordres elle estant entre les mains des Habitansde sorte qu au lieu de les empescher,ils sembloient les fomenter: ou en ne faisantrien n agissant point & laissant tout aller, ouen quelqu autre maniere: c est ce qui donnasuiet de dresser les memoires pour vn bonreiglementAugmentaon de ce Nvf presentasmes requeste pour auoir augquonnvfdonnoit. mentaon de ce qu on nvf donnoit, on donnadouse cent francs a chaqu vne des trois maisonsQuebek, 3. riu. & Hurons, mais aussy onse dechargea du chaufage, & nvf demeurasmesobliges de nvf en fournir nvf mesmes; voyesle papier dans les Archiues.mais ensuite aussy tvf ceux du Conseil setirent puissament augmenter leur gages & recompenserde leur seruice ce qui apporta vnetelle confusion me [sc. que] cela fit honte, &M. de maisonneuue n ayant point voulu signer,rien ne fut signe de ces gratifications-la:salut du St. Sacremt. dans vne des premieres assembles, on deestabli.manda que le salut du S l . Sacrem 1 . fut establiraisons prguoy,pour iamais tvf les leudis, en action de gracede la paix exterieure & p r . sa continuaon ;&en outre pour obtenir la paix Interieure, &bonne vnion & Intelligence entre tvf les corps& personnes interess6es aux affaires du pays.


1645-46] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 237It seemed, at all the assemblies which were Councils and assemheld, that those who had not favored the blies/or business.transfer of the trade, wished to bring to lightthe disorders while it lay in the hands of theHabitans. Thus, instead of preventing these,they seemed to foment them, either bydoing nothing, taking no action, and lettingeverything go, or in some other manner. Itis this that gave occasion to draw up memorialsfor a suitable regulation.We presented a petition for an increase inwhat was allowed us :they gave twelve hundred francs to each of the three houses,Quebek, 3 rivers, and Hurons, but they alsoexempted themselves from supplying fuel,and we remained obliged to furnish ourselveswith it ;see the paper in the Archives.But then, too, all those of the Council makestrenuous efforts to augment their own payand to requite their own services which re;sulted in such confusion as was disgraceful.But, as Monsieur de maisonneuve had not consented thereto, none of these gratuities weresubscribed to.At one of the first assemblies, it was requested that the benediction of the BlessedSacrament should be instituted forever, everyThursday, by way of thanksgiving for peacewithout, and on behalf of its continuation;and furthermore, to obtain Internal peace,and full union and Harmony between all thecorporations and persons interested in thecountry s affairs.On the last Day of October, the vesselsIncrease in whatthey allowed us.Benediction of theBlessed Sacramentinstituted.Reasons why.


238 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VoL. 28bastimens.depart des vaisseaus Le dernier lour d oct. partirent les vaisseaux;le p. Quentin y estoit seul des NN.auec luy repassa robert hache: Ite M. de maisonneuueM. giffar, M. Tronquet & tvf auecbonne resoluon de poursuiure quelque reiglementpr. leurs affaires chaqu vn pretendantses Interests particuliers.II sembloit y deuoirauoir crise a cause du retardem . de m le Tardif .En mesme temps aussy repassa le vaisseauqui auoit apporte" M. le Tardif, & vn nomine"Laual6e repassa, qui estoit venu auec M. leTardif.Auec eux repasserent le fils de M. de repentignyde M. Couillar, de monsr .giffar, la nepueuxde M. deschastelets tvf fripons p r .la plvfpart qui auoient fait mille pieces a 1 autre voyage, & on donnoit a tvf de grands apointemens.On fait vn nouueau four & vne brasserie aSilleryOn commence auec 6. hommes a tirer de lapierre & a disposer la place p r le .presbyterepeso he d Anguzlle,& 1EgliseOn prit cette annee quarante milliers d anguillequ on vendit la plvf part demy escu le40. milliers.cent: on commenca a en pescher en Aoust &on finit sur le 9. ou 10. de nouembre.presens aux En oct. le p. le leune fit a Sillery 1expoonsauuages. d vn tableau aux Sauuages venu de la part dePortraits du roy Etde la reyne a Sillery.la royne, de son portrait, de celuy du roy &c.on donna en mesme temps trois Couuertes &


1645-46] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 239sailed; father Quentin was the only one ofOurs on board. With him returned roberthache; Item, Monsieur de maisonneuve,Monsieur giffar, Monsieur Tronquet, and allfirmly resolved that they would strive to obtain some regulation for their affairs, eachone seeking his own private Interests. Itseemed that a crisis was likely to occur, onaccount of monsieur le Tardif s delay.At the same time, also, the vessel went backwhich had brought Monsieur le Tardif, andone Lavalee went over again, who had comewith Monsieur le Tardif.With them returned the sons of Monsieurde repentigny, Monsieur Couillar, and monsieur giffar, and the nephews of Monsieurdeschastelets, all rogues, for the most part,who had played a thousand tricks on the other;voyage and they all were given high salaries.They are making a new oven and a brewery at Sillery.We begin with 6 men to quarry stone, andto prepare the site for the clergy-house andthe Church.They caught, this year, forty thousand eels,most of which were sold at half an ecu thehundred. They began to fish for them inAugust, and they finished about the Qth orloth of november.In October, father le Jeune exhibited a picture to the Savages at Sillery, which had comefrom the queen, containing her portrait,that of the king, etc. At the same time,they were given three Blankets and threeDeparture of thevessels.Buildings.Eel fishery; 40thousand.Presents to thesavages.Portraits of the kingand of the queen, atSillery.


240 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28trois arquebuses aux despends du magazin, &nvf leur fismes festin.1646. NOU.la 7^oussainctssalut du St. SacrementLa veuille de la Toussaincts ily eut salutou furent chantees les litanies des saincts auecle salue.Le lour de la Toussaincts qui estoit vnleudy fut publieI establissement du salut dudernier depart desvaisseauxMart de la m. de St.Ignace ie .Sup.L dehotel D.S 1 .Sacrement, & fut ce lour la fait a Vespres :le reste des deux iours se passa coe I ann6ed auparauant except^ que les soldats ne vinrentpoint sonner parceque nvf ne le lugasmespoint a propos nos hommes sonnerent p r . lasolemnite du morts & les soldats sonnerent;au fort, mais ie n y voy point de raison.le 4 e . Les vaisseaux n estant encores qu a4. ou 5. lieiies d icy on en eut encores nouuelles;ils eurent vn vent fauorable ce lour-la.les 5. mourut la m. Marie de S 1 .Ignacepremiere Superieure de 1 hospital de Quebeksur les 5. h. du matin elle ne fut enterree quele lendemain, ie dis la grande messe en leurEglise respondue par mons r . de S 1 . Sauueur& autres chantres: apres 1Euangile ie dis1espace de deux ou trois miserere quelquesconsideraons sur la mort a 1 occasion de cellede cette bonne mere nvf entrasmes dans leur;Cheur 5. prestres & vn chantre seculier S 1 .Martin pour faire 1 office de la Sepulture.le 6.rene Oheraenti Huron voulut s en aller


to go to 3 rivers by land, for want of a Canoe;they1645-46] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 241arquebuses, at the expense of the warehouse ;and we made a feast for them.1646, NOVEMBER.On the eve of All Saints there was benediction, at which was sung the litany of theJudge it proper. Our men rang for thesolemnity of the dead, and the soldiers rangat the fort ;but I see no reason for this.On the 4th, since the vessels were as yetno more than 4 or 5 leagues from here, westill had news of them;had a favorablewind on that Day.A II Saints.saints, with the salve.On the Day of All Saints, which was on Benediction of theThursday, the institution of the benediction of Blessed Sacrament.the Blessed Sacrament was announced, and onthat Day it was held at Vespers. The remainder of the two days was spent as in the preceding year, except that the soldiers did notcome to ring the bell, because we did notFinal departure ofthe vessels.On the 5th, mother Marie de St. Ignace,first Superior of the hospital at Quebek, diedabout 5 o clock in the morning; she was notburied until the next day. I said high massin their Church, at which monsieur de St.Sauveur and other choristers made the responses. After the Gospel I spoke, for thespace of two or three misereres, upon death, onthe occasion of that of this good mother we;entered their Choir, 5 priests and a lay chorister, St. Martin, to perform the Burial office.On the 6th, rene Oheraenti, a Huron, wishedDeath of mother deSt. Ignace, istSuperior of theHotel Dieu.


242 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28depart de rentoheraenti.de charlottemort de loachim.aux 3. riu. par terre a faute de Canot, il aliacoucher a Sillery il fut arreste ; icy auec Armandau moys de Sept. de la part de M. le:gouu. & des Habitans ilpour y hyuerner seruiti. a aller reconnoistre les mines pretendues; puis estant de retour icy a Quebek il ydemeura quelque temps & puis s y ennuya: ilarriua heureusem*. aux 3. riu.le temps de la gelte le 7. il commenga a geler a glace sans qu il<&= de la neige eut encore neige" pour en parler & fort legerement& passagement.le lendemain la neige commen9a.Mariage de Mad. le 12. mariage de Champagne & de MadameNicolet.Nicolet a 5. h. du matin; le p. Vimont sedeliure de 1Importunite d aller aux nopces &fait en sorte qu on enuoye de la nopce quelque chose a la maison.present de madame le 14. Mad. de la pelleterie enuoya ceans vnde la Pelteriepresent: c estoit vn paquet, ou il y auoit, vnepierre d Autel, & vn petit missel, deux napesdont 1 vne estoit Damassee; deux dousainesde seruietes, & deux linceuils qui furent donnesa noe f. liegeois; six mains de papier; &vn beau Chapelet.Quelques iours apres la Soeur Charloteenuoya quatre brasses & plvf d estoffe bleiie, &vne brasse & demie d estoffe rouge; & plusieursmilliers de porcelaine le tout pour lesauoit estesauuages comme chose qui luydonnes pour ce suietEnuiron ce temps vn nomine" loachim Xstien


>341645-46] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 243he went to stay over night at :Sillery he wasstopped here with Armand in the month ofSeptember, by Monsieur the governor and theHabitans, to winter here. He was employedDeparture of rendoheraenti.at ist, to go and reconnoitre the alleged mines;then, returning to Quebek, he remained heresome time, and then grew tired of the place.He arrived safely at 3 rivers.On the /th, itbegan to freeze hard, thoughthere had as yet been no snow worth mentioning, except a very light and transient fall.On the next day the snow began.On the 12th, the marriage of Champagneand of Madame Nicolet at 5 o clock in themorning father Vimont;escaped from theAnnoyance of attending the nuptials, and socontrived that something for the weddingshould be sent to the house.On the 14th, Madame de la pelleterie senta present here. It was a package, in whichthere was an Altar-stone and a small missal ;two cloths, of which one was Damask; twodozen napkins, and two sheets, which wereporcelain beads, all for the savages, assomething which had been given her for thispurpose.About this time one Joachim, a Christiansavage, and the son of Jean Guion, while passing the long point were surprised by a gustThe season of ice andsnoiv.Marriage ofMadame Nicolet.Presentfrommadante de laPelterie,given to our brother liegeois six quires of;paper; and a handsome Rosary.A few days later, Sister Charlote sent four andfrom charlotte.brasses, and more, of blue cloth, and a brasseand a half of red cloth ;and several thousandDeath of Joachim.


<& de244 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28Nouices aux Vrsulinesleur seruice aVEgliseCierges aux 3.riu.sauuage, & le fils de lean Guion passant lalongue pointe furent surpris d vn coup deNord-est, & penserent renuerser, ils se ietterenta 1 eau; mais estant tout glac6s, & le sauuagemoins habille que le fra^ois le sauuagearriue au bord mourut, & le francois 1eschapabelle.le 2 1 . Commencerent leur nouitiat aux VrsulinesMadame de la Pelterie, Charlote, & laS r .Caterine.Perte du brigantin Ce mesme lour arriua la nouuelle assuredq. homines du plvf grand desastre qui fut encores arriu6en Canada : scauoir la perte ou debris du brigantin qui alloit de Quebek aux 3. riu. danslequel estoit vne bonne partie de ce qui estoitnecessaire pour le magasin & habitans des 3.riu. nvf y perdismes beaucoup mais la ;principaleperte fut de 9. hommes, dont 1 vn estoita nvf nomme gaspar goiiaut de Poitiers Apotiquairevenu pour les Hurons, fort bon gar9on.On fitpour eux vn salut du morts le leudyapres celuy du S*. Sacrement.Le lendemain on dit vne grande messe; &le Dimanche, vespres des morts apres celle dulour.Les 3. riu. manquant sur tout de Cierges, onprit 1 occasion d vn Canot qui s y en alloit poury enuoyer deux dousaines de Cierges launespris a la paroisse de Quebek & deux dousainesde Chandele de cire blanche pris dans monarmoire.


1645-46] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 245from the Northeast, and came near upsetting.They jumped into the water, but being covered with ice, and the savage clothed morelightly than the frenchman, the savage diedon reaching shore, and the frenchman had anarrow escape.On the 2ist, Madame de la Pelterie, Charlotte, and Sister Caterine Began their novitiate with the Ursulines.This same Day, the certain news arrived ofNo-vices at theUrsulines .Loss of the briganthegreatest disaster which had yet happenedtine and of g men.in Canada, to wit, the loss or wreck of thebrigantine which went from Quebek to 3rivers ;in this vessel was a great part of whatwas necessary for the warehouse and habitansof 3 rivers. We lost much therein ;but themain loss was of 9 men, one of whom wasours, named gaspar gouaut, of Poitiers, anApothecary who had come for the Hurons, anda very goodWe fellow.held for them a benediction for thedead, on Thursday, after that of the BlessedSacrament.On the next day, we said high mass; andon Sunday, vespers for the dead, after thoseof the Day.As 3 rivers lacked Candles more than anything else, we availed ourselves of a Canoewhich was leaving, to send thither two dozenYellow Tapers taken from the parish churchof Quebek, and two dozen white wax Candlestaken from my cupboard.On the 29th, the mass of the Holy Ghostwas said by father Vimont at the hospital, forTheir service at theChurch.Candlesfor jrivers.


le gouuern r .246 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [Vox. 28Messe pr. Mess, de laCompie. generale.bastimens a Sillery.Xstiens de SilleryM. Nicolet a beauportSt. Xauier.Le 29. la messe dii S*. Esprit dite par le p.Vimont a 1hospital pour Mess, de la Comp ie .g nle ,en acquit de ce qu en cela estoit oblige1 hospital: ie ne scay si monsr .presumera que c est aussy en acquit de laMesse que nvf deuons selon la concession deMess, de la Comp ie . en vertu de laquelle nvfauons pris cette annee possession de nos terres:mais la messe que nvf deuons dire e p r . lesdefuncts associes de la Comp ie . & se doit direle i er .mardy de Dec. & ie pretends bien la dire,mais non pas y inuiter M r le .gouu. pour nepoint preiudicier a nos anciens droits de M.de Vantadour &c., & a la declaration faite enmesme temps de cette prise de possession augreffe.A Sillery on y bastit cette annee vne brasserie; & vn four nouueau. Les sauuages yfurent a leur ordinaire au commencem*. deIhyuer, & parmy eux 120. Xstiens.M. Nicolet, a qui M r le .gouu. donnoit centescus p r . dire les messes, alloit a beauport la1dire les Dimanches & festes d ordinaireOn eut nouuelles que la perte n auoit paseste si grande, & qu on auoit recouur6 2. tierspour le moins de ce qui estoit dans le brigantin.1646. DECEMBRE.Le lour de S 1 . fr. xauier estant tomb6 cetteann6e 1646. la i er . Dim. de 1 Aduent, on ne fitrien de luy sinon a :Vespres le lendemain la


1645-46] JOURNAL DES PP. fESUITES 247Messieurs of the general Company in acquit Mass for Messieurstal of the of the hospital s obligation to this. I knowgeneralCompany.not whether monsieur the governor will notsuppose that this is also to fulfill the obligation of saying the Mass which we owe inconsequence of the grant of Messieurs of theCompany, by virtue of which we have this yeartaken possession of our lands. But the masswhich we are to say is for the deceased associates of the Company, and is to be said onthe first tuesday of December; and I certainlyintend to say it, but not to invite Monsieurthe governor to it, in order not to prejudiceour former rights from Monsieur de Vantadour,etc., and the declaration made, at thesame time with that act of possession, at therecord office.At Sillery, a brewery has been built this Buildings at Sillery.year, and a new oven. The savages werethere as usual at the beginning of winter, andamong them 120 Christians.Monsieur Nicolet, to whom Monsieur thegovernor gave a hundred ecus to say masses,went regularly to beauport to say mass onSundays and ordinaryWe feasts.had news that the loss had not been sogreat, and that they had recovered at least 2thirds of what was in the brigantine.1646, DECEMBER.The Day of St. frangois xavier havingoccurred this year, 1646, on the ist Sunday inAdvent, we did nothing on his account exceptat Vespers: the next day, high mass and theChristians ofSillery.Monsieur Nicolet atbeauport.St. Xavier.


248 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VoL. 28la Conceptiongrande messe & le reste coe 1 an passe: i intimele Dimanche d auparauant les Indulgencesmais asses froidement pour n estre pas assur6de ces Indulgences; & que celles de la festede la Conceptio estoient proches :renouuela le veu de le Conception.la veuille sela veuille de la Cone, a midy on lira du fortvn coup de Canon a bale ;le soir nvf fismes vnsalut les litanies de la vierge auec 1Alnia: lelour a la pointe du lour on tira vn autre coupde Canon, & le soir aux vespres nvf dismesles litanies apres le benedicamvf Dno .Mort d AbdonAbiuraon du Sf. deChampigny1 octaue de S*. fr. xauier estant venue le 2.Dim. de 1 Aduent on n en fitque commemoration partout a 1 office du Dimanche.Ce mois on reeut nouuelle de la mort d vnmalheureux Apostat des trois riuieres nommeAbdon, ou la grenoiiille.le lour de la Conception vn soldat nomme deChampigny, natif de fontainebleau, fit abiura-Musique a 4 parties.Noeltion de son heresie auparauant la grand messe .Ce mesme soldat scachant la musique, & pouuantchanter vn dessvf nvf commen^asmes lelour de S 1 . Thomas a chanter a quatre parties.On sonna la veuille de Noel an. heures, ondit 1 air Mortels, & ensuite les litanies du nomde lesvf ,on tira vn Coup de Canon a minuit& aussy tost on commensa le Tedeu & puis lamesse, ie dis deux messes coe 1 an passe vnehaute & vne basse, le p. Vimont en dit deuxensuite& la 3e. a 1 Aurore a Thospital: Sur


1645-46] JOURNAL DBS PP. J&SUITES 249rest as last year. Igave notice, on the Sunday before, of the Indulgences, but rathercoldly, because I was not quite certain aboutthese Indulgences, and because those for thefeast of the Conception were near; at thevigil, the vow of the Conception was renewed.On the eve of the Conception, at noon, a The Conception.Cannon was fired at the fort, with balls; atevening, we held a benediction, the litanyof the virgin, with the Alma. On the Dayitself, at Daybreak, another Cannon was fired ;and in the evening, at vespers, we said thelitany, after the benedicamus Domino.The octave of St. francois xavier havingfallen on the 2nd Sunday in Advent, nothingbut the commemorations were made at theSunday office.This month we received news of the death Death of Abdon.of a wretched Apostate at three rivers, namedAbdon, or la grenouille, the["frog"].On the Day of the Conception, a soldiernamed de Abjuration of theChampigny, a native of fontaine- Sieur de Champigny.bleau, abjured his heresy before high mass.This same soldier, understanding music and Music in 4 -voices.being able to sing the treble part, we began onthe Day of St. Thomas to sing in four voices.We rang on Christmas eve, at 1 1 o clock ;Christmas.we recited the air, Mortels, and then thelitany of the name of Jesus a Gun was;firedat midnight, and immediately we began theTe deum, and then mass. I said two masses,as last year, one high, and one low; fatherVimont afterward said two, and the 3rd atDawn, at the hospital. Between 6 and 7


. aux250 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VoL. 28les entre 6. & 7. le p. gabr. lalement en ditdeux & la3eVrsul es . ie dit la grandemesse a 8. h. & le p. defretat ensuite ses 3.messes: le temps fut si doux qu on n eut pasbesoin de rechau sur 1 Autel pendant toutesles messes, on tira 5. coups a 1 Eleuaon de lamesse de minuict.voyage dup. Vimont. le p. Vimont partit le mesme lour de Noelpour la visite de ilbeauport, en reuint lepenultieme de 1 an sur les 10. h.Saluts, On alia le lour de Noel faire le salut a 1 hospital, & le lendemain aux VrsulinesComedie le dernier lour de 1 an on representa vnedesordre, manquepolice.Action dans le magazin du sit, Nos Peres yassisterent p r . la consideraon de Mons r . legouu. qui y auoit de 1 affection & les sauuagesaussy scauoir les pp. de Quen, Lalement, &defretat: le tout se passa bien, & n y eut rienqui put mon \sc. mal Laverd.~\edifier. ieprie Monsr le .gouu. de m en exepter.de Cette anne"e on mit la corde de bois a centsols; c estoit ceux qui y auoient interest quivendoient & acheptoient pour eux-mesme : ily auoit en ce poinct vn grand desordre quidonnoit de la Jalousie; ce qui adoucissoitestoit que cela tournoit au profit du pays & dequelques habitans.Mais le mal principal estoit que les demycordes deuant auoir 4. pieds en tout sens,elles n en auoient pas trois, & c estoit de fortmauuais bois.


he1645-46] JOURNAL DES PP. JESUITES 251o clock, father gabriel lalement said two, andthe 3rd at the Ursulines . I said high massat 8 o clock, and father defretat, afterward,his 3 masses. The weather was so mild thatwe had no need of a warmer on the Altarduring all the masses. 5 cannon shots werefired at the Elevation, at the midnight mass.Father Vimont started, this same ChristmasDay, for the visitation at ;beauport cameback the day before the last of the year, about10 o clock.On Christmas Day, we went to give benediction at the hospital; and, on the next day,Father Vimonfsjourney.Benedictions.at the Ursulines .On the last Day of the year, they gave aperformance at the warehouse, Enactingthe sit. 35 Our Fathers were present, indeference to Monsieur the governor, who tookpleasure therein, as also did the savages,that is, fathers de Quen, Lalement, and defretat : all went well, and there was nothing whichcould not edify. Ibegged Monsieur thegovernor to excuse me from attendance.This year, the cord of wood was placed at ahundred sols; it was those who were interested therein who sold and bought for themselves. There was great disorder on thisscore, which caused Jealousy. What quietedmatters was, that that went to the profit ofthe country and of some habitans.But the principal evil was, that, whereasthe half-cords should have been 4 feet on eachside, they were not so much as three; and itwas very poor wood at that.Comedy.Disorder; lack ofpolice regulations.


LXRELATION OF 164^-46PARIS: SEBASTIEN ET GABRIEL CRAMOISY, 1647SOURCE : For the text of this Relation we follow a copyof the original Cramoisy, in Lenox Library; the facsimile ofthe title-page we obtain from a like copy in possession of theWisconsin State Historical Society.Owing to the length of the Relation, we herewith publishonly the first two chapters of Part I. the remainder of the;document will appear in Volumes XXIX. and XXX.


RELATIONDECEQVIS EST PASSEDB PLVS REMARQVABLEcs Miffions des Peres dc lam Compagnie de I E $ y s,NO WELLE FRANCEES ANNEES i* 4J . & 1646.Enuoyeai!R.P.Prouincial delaFroumcedc France./<Sitperifitr des "Mi/tonsde h me/neA PARIS,TIEN CR.A MOISY,^,JIniprimeur ordinaire du Roy,|J\ &de laRevne Re^entc, V*fauxE-TG A B R I ft CR A H O I S Y.M. DC.11Ct


RELATIONOF WHAT OCCURREDMOST NOTEWORTHYin the Missions of the Fathersof the Societyof JESUS,INNEW FRANCE,IN THE YEARS 1645 AND 1646.Sent to the Reverend Father Provincial ofthe Province of France.By the Superior of the Missions of the sameSociety,Printed bySEBASTIENPARIS,CRAMOISY,\Printer in ordinary to the rue St *King,/ Jac "ues a^eand to the Queen Regent, gAN DSlgn of the(I Storks.GABRIEL CRAMOISY. /M. DC. XLVII.WITH ROYAL LICENSE.


258 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28Extraid du Priuilegedu Roy.PAR grace & priuilege du Roy,il eft permis &Sebaftien Cramoify Marchand Libraire lure enI Vniuerute de Paris, & Imprimeur ordinairedu Roy & de la Reyne Regente, Bourgeois de Paris,d imprimer ou faire imprimer vn Liure intitule", Relation de ce qui s eft pafte de plus remarquable /s Miftionsdes Peres de la Compagnie de lESVS, en la NouuelleFrance, /s annees 1645. & 1646. enuoye e au R. P, Prouincialde la Prouince de France, par le Superieur desMiftions de la mefme Compagnie. Et ce, pendant letemps & efpace de dix annees confecutiues, auecdeffenfes h tous Libraires & Imprimeurs d imprimerou faire imprimer ledit Liure, fous pretexte de deguifementou changement qu ils y pourroient faire,a peine de confifcation & de amende 1portee par leditPriuilege. Donn6 k Paris le 6. Decembre 1646.Par le Roy en fon Confeil,CRAMOISY.


e"s Missions-annees1645 - 46J RELA TION OF 1643-46 259Extract from the Royal License.BY the grace and privilege of the King, SebastienCramoisy, Sworn Merchant Bookseller in theUniversity of Paris, Printer in ordinary to theKing and to the Queen Regent, and Citizen of Paris,is permitted to print, or cause to be printed, a Bookentitled : Relation de ce qui s est de passe" plus remarquabledes Peres de la Compagnie de JESUS, en laNouvelle e"sFrance, 1645. et 164.6. auenvoye"eR.P. Provincial de la Province de France, par le Superieurdes Missions de la mesme Compagnie. And this, duringthe time and space of ten consecutive years, with prohibition to all Booksellers and Printers of printing,or causing to be printed, the said Book, under pretextof disguise or change that they might make therein :under penalty of confiscation and the fine imposed bythe said License. Given at Paris, the 6th of December, 1646.By the King in his Council,CRAMOISY.


260 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [You 28Permiffion du P. Prouincial.NOVS Eftienne Charlet Prouincial de la Compagniede IESVS en la Prouince de France,auons accorde* pour 1 aduenir an fieur SebaftienCramoify Marchand Libraire, Imprimeur ordinairedu Roy, 1 impreffion des Relations de la NouuelleFrance. Fait k Paris ce 8. lanuier 1647.ESTIENNE CHARLET.


1645-46] RELA T10N OF 1643-46 261Permission of the Father Provincial.WE, Estienne Charlet, Provincial of the Societyof JESUS in the Province of France, havegranted for the future to sieur SebastienCramoisy, Merchant Bookseller, Printer in ordinaryto the King, the right to print the Relations of NewFrance. Done at Paris, this 8th of January, 1647.ESTIENNE CHARLET.


:262 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28Table des Chapitres contenvs en ce Liure.RELA TION de ce qui seft pafSe"France, fur le grand fleuueen la NouuelleS. Laurens, enV anne"e . . . I1646. pageCHAP. I. De ce qui s eft entre les pafte" Francois, lesHurons & les Algonquins, pour la conclufion deII.la paix auec les . .Iroquois. fol. 7De la venue de fept Ambaffadeurs Iroquois versles Francois,& de leur negociation... 18III. De r keureufe mart du Pere Anne de Noiie,& du P. Enemond Maffe.. .27IV. De la Miftion des Martyrs commencee au paysdes Iroquois.. . . .-47V. De la rejldence de S. lofeph a Siller y.. 60VI. De la rejldence de la Conception aux troisRiuieres, . . . . .81VII. De la Miftion de fainfte Croix & Tadouffac. 102VIII. De r habitation de Ville-Marie, en / IJle deMontreal. . . . . .118IX. De quelques bonnes actions, & de quelquesbons fentimens des .Sauuages Chreftiens.146X. De quelques particularitez du pays, & autreschofes qui n ont pu eftre rapport ees fous lesChapitres precedens.. . . .166


1645-46] RELATION OF 1643-46 263Table of the Chapters contained in this Book.RELA TION of what occurred in New France,on the great river St. Lawrence, in the year1646.. . .pageiCHAP. I.Of what occurred between the French,the Hurons, and the Algonquins, for the conclusion of the peace with the Iroquois. fol. 7II. Of the coming of seven Iroquois AmbassadorsIII.to the French, and of their negotiations.. 18Of the blessed deaths of Father Anne de Noileand Father Enemond Masse. . .27IV. Of the Mission of the Martyrs, begun in thecountry of the Iroquois.. .-47V. Of the residence of St. Joseph at Sillery.. 60VI. Of the residence of la Conception at threeRivers. . . . , .81VII. Of the holy Cross Mission at Tadoussac. . 102VIII. Of the settlement of Ville-Marie, in theIsland of Montreal. . . .118.IX. Of some good deeds and some good sentimentsof the Christian . .Savages. .146X. Of some peculiarities of the country, andother things which could not be related under thepreceding Chapters.. . .166


264 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28RELA TION de ce qui s eft pafit de plus remarquableen la Miftion des Peres de la Compagniede I E S V s aux Hurons pays de la NouuelleFrance, depuis le mois de May de I annee1645. iufques au mois de May de I annee1646. .... ipageCHAP. I. De T ejiat du pays.. .fol. $II. De I eftat du Chriftianifme.. .11III. Actions remarquables du zele de quelquesChreftiens.. . . . J 5IV. Efpreuue de la con fiance & du courage decette Eglife parmy les oppofitions des Infideles..37V. Bons fentimens de quelques Chrefiiens. 54VI. Prouidence de Dieu fur quelques particuliers. 85VII. De la Miftion du Saintt-Efprit.. .102VIII. De ce qui s efi paftd a Miskou. . .116Fin de la Table des Chapitres.


1645-46] RELATION OF 1645-46 265RELA TION of what occurred most noteworthyin the Mission of the Fathers of the Society ofJESUS among the Hurons, a country of NewFrance, from the month ofMay in the year 1645 ,to the month of May in the year 1646. pageICHAP. I. Of the state of the country..fol. 5II. Of the state of Christianity.. .11III. Remarkable instances of the zeal of someChristians. . . . ..15IV. Trial of the constancy and courage of thisChurch amid the opposition of the Infidels..37V. Good Sentiments of some Christians. . 54VI. Providence of God over certain individuals. 85VII. Of the Mission of the Holy Ghost. . 102VIII. Of what occurred at Miskou. . .116End of the Table of Chapters.


266 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28[i] Relation de ce qvi s eft paffe en la NovvelleFrance fvr le grand Fleuue de S.Laurens, en 1 annee mil fixcens quarante-fix.Av R, P. Eftienne Charlet Prouincial de la Compagnie de IESVS,en la Prouince de France,MON R.PERE,Me trouuant oblige de rendre d orefnauantvn compte plus particulier a Voflre Reuer.des chofes qui fe paffent es Minions d icy bas, ie luydiray qu apres auoir confere" ce que i y ay veu depuisvn an, auec ce que i ay remarque la haut, aux [2]Miffions Huronnes dans 1efpace de plufieurs annees,ie ne puis que ie ne me confirme en la creance quedigitus Dei eft Me, que c eft 1 ouurage d vne prouidencetoute particuliere, & d vne bonte" veritablementinfinie.I aurois bien de la peine d expliquer les raifonsqui caufent en moy ce fentiment: il y a des fecretscachez auffi bien dans les ouurages de la prouidence,que dans les merueilles de la nature, on les conoiftmoins qu on ne les admire. Peut-eftre que la facedu pays, qui me parut touteaffreufe dans la guerre,quand ie le vis pour la premiere fois, s eftant changee& deuenue toute belle dans la douceur de la paix,forme en moy cette penfee & me donne ce fentiment: mais c6t ouurage, quoyqu excellent, furpaffanttoutes nos efperances, ne feroit pas fuffifant de me


1645-46] RELATION OF 1645-46 267[i] Relation of what occurred in New France,on the great River St. Lawrence, inthe year one thousand sixhundred and forty-six.To the Reverend Father Estienne Charlet, Provincial of theSociety of JESUS in the Province of France.MY REVEREND FATHER,Finding myself obligedto render hereaftera more detailed account to Your Reverenceof matters which occur in the Missions down here, Iwill say to you that after having compared whatI have seen in these within one year, with what Iobserved up yonder in the [2] Huron Missions duringthe space of several years I can only confirm myself in the belief that digitus Dei est hie, that it isthe work of a very special providence, and of a goodness truly infinite.I would have much difficulty in explaining thereasons which cause in me this feeling there;arehidden secrets in the works of providence, as well asin the wonders of nature : one understands them lessthan one admires them. Perhaps the aspect of thecountry, which appeared to me wholly frightful inwar, when I saw it for the first time, havingchanged and become very beautiful in the quiet ofpeace, forms in me this thought and gives me thisfeeling; but that work though excellent, and surpassing all our hopes would not be sufficient to


268 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28donner tant de fatisfadtion, s il n eftoit accompagn6de fa fin principale, reftabliffement & 1 aduancementdu Royaume de Dieu.En fuite done les Sauuages des autres nations attirezpar 1 odeur des premiers Chreftiens de la reduction de S. lofeph k Sillery, abordent de toutes parts,[3] pour fe faire inflruire, & pendant que les vnscherchent la Foy, les autres croiffent & s augmententdans la charite" : en vn mot ceux qui fuyoient IESVS-CHRIST, & qui le regardoient comme la caufe deleur mort en la terre, le viennent maintenant chercheren leurs maladies, comme la fource de leur viedans le Ciel, & ceux qui1 ont trouue, font dans desreffentimens & des reconnoiffances toutes particulieresdu bon-heur qu ils ont rencontre".Or ayant veu les mefmes benedictions fur lesnations plus hautes & plus eloignees, c eft ce qui mefait penfer que le temps enfin eft venu de la conuerlionde ce nouueau monde, que 1 Efprit de Dieu veutconduire ces pauures peuples & la fin pour laquelle illes a cre6s, & qu apres vne nuit de tant de fiecles, lalumiere a paru fur ces contre"es, la Foy y eft dansfon Aurore, elle aura fon afcendant, & ceux qui viendrontapres nous, la verront en fon Midy.Plufieurs chofes i ce que ie puis reconnoiftre deplus pres, ont contribue h ce bon-heur. Le bon eftatdans lequel Meffieurs de la Compagnie de la nouuelle[4] France, ont mis le pays & la Colonie le fecours;& 1 anlflance qu ont donne" Meffieurs de Montreal;la piete & le bon exemple des habitans, & particu-le zele & la charite des deuxlierement le courage, families Religieufes de 1 Hofpital & des Vrfulines,qui apres auoir furpaffe le commun de leur condition,


and1645-46] RELATION OF 1643-46 269give me so much satisfaction, if I could not view it inconnection with its principal design, the establishment and advancement of the Kingdom of God.As a result, then, the Savages of the other nations,attracted by the reputation of the first Christians atthe reduction of St. Joseph at Sillery, approach fromevery direction, [3] in order to become instructed;and, while some seek the Faith, others increase andexpand in charity. In a word, those who shunnedJESUS CHRIST and who regarded him as the cause oftheir death on the earth, now come to seek him intheir diseases, as the source of their life in Heaven;and those who have found him, are filled with emotion and gratitude for the happiness which they haveencountered.Now, having seen the same blessings upon theupper and more distant nations, this makes me thinkthat the time has at last come for the conversion ofthis new world; that the Spirit of God will guidethese poor peoples to the end for which he hascreated them; that, after a night of so manycenturies, the light has appeared upon these countries.The Faith is in its Dawn here: it will have itsascendant, and those who shall come after us will seeit in its Noon.Several things, as nearly as I can ascertain, havecontributed to this blessing the good condition in:which Messieurs of the Company of new [4] Francehave placed the country and the;Colony the succorand assistance given by Messieurs of Montreal ;thepiety and the good example of the habitans; andespecially the courage, zeal, and charity of the Religious families, the Hospital nuns and Ursulines,who, after having surpassed the average of their


270 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITESVOL. 28[en paffant la mer, femblent tons les icmrs fe furmonterelles-mefmes dans tons les exercices de charite"enuers Dieu & le prochain, qu on pent attendred elles.I ay quelquefois pris plaifir de comparer la charit6des vnes a affifter iour & nuit de pauures Barbares tonschancreux & mourans, mettans en cela tout leur plaifir & contentement ;& le zele des autres a apprendreles langues & ramaffer de tons coftez en leur Seminairedes filles & des femmes Sauuages, pour leurexpofer & debiter les marchandifes du Ciel: maisaduoiie que ie n en ay pu conclure autre chofe, fmonique ces fpedtacles eftoient dignes d attirer les yeuxdu Paradis fur ce pauure pays, & de le luy rendrefauorable. Dieu beniffe a iamais les perfonnes quifauorifent & qui foufliennent de fi faindtes entreprifes.[5] Monfieur le Cheualier de Montmagny noftreGouuerneur a auffi efte" 1 vn des principaux inftrumens,dont la Diuine Prouidence s eft feruie, pourmettre les affaires dans le poindt & dans le iourqu elles paroiffent: le trauail de dix ans n a point6branl6 fa conftance, ny diminue fes foins pour toutce qui regardeI auancement de la Religion, & dubien public.Ie ne parle point de la premiere & principale rouequi fait mouuoir ce nouueau monde, auffi bien que1 ancien, ny des autres roues qui luy font coniointes,& qui luy donnant & receuant d elle vn faindt mouuemet,1 impriment fur ce grand ouurage: il n y a queDieu qui puiffe eflre le prix & la recompenfe de cesbelles & grandes ames, qui feront bien aifes d apprendreque nous auons cette anne"e augment^ nos


1645-46] RELATION OF 1645-46 271station, by crossing the sea, seem every day to outdothemselves in all the exercises of charity toward Godand their neighbor that can be expected from them.I have sometimes taken pleasure in comparing thecharity of those who assist, day and night, poor Barbarians all full of sores, and dying, finding thereintheir whole pleasure and satisfaction, and the zealof the others, in learning languages and gatheringfrom all directions into their Seminary Savage girlsand women, in order to set forth and sell to them themerchandise of Heaven. But I avow that I couldform no other conclusion therefrom, save that thesesights were worthy to attract the eyes of Paradiseupon this poor country, and to render it favorable toit.May God forever bless the persons who fosterand who support such holy enterprises.[5] Monsieur the Chevalier de Montmagny, ourGovernor, has also been one of the principal instruments which the Divine Providence has used for putting affairs at the point and in the light in whichthey appear the labor of ten years has not shaken;his constancy, or diminished his cares for all whichregards the advancement of Religion and of thepublic good.main wheel whichI do not speak of the first andmoves this new world as well as the old, nor of theother wheels which are conjoined with it, and which,giving to it and receiving from it a blessed motion,impart that to this great work. Only God can be thereward and the recompense of those beautiful andlofty souls, who will be very glad to learn that wehave this year augmented our little Churches bythree hundred Neophytes, newly baptized.For the rest, my Reverend Father, here follows


272 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28petites Eglifes de trois cens Neophytes notmellementbaptizez.Au refte, mon R. Pere, voicy la Relation des chofesprincipales qui fe font paff depuis vn an e"es :elle yverra la mort de deux des plus anciens ouuriers qu aiteu noftre Compagnie en ces contrees, c eft le PereAnne de Noiie, & le Pere Enemond Maffe : ie ne voyicy perfonne [6] de ceux qui les ont connus qui nedie de bon coeur, viuat & moriatur anima mea vitd &morte iujlorum iftorum. Or jagoit que leur mort doiuedonner plus d enuie que de companion, ie ne laiffepas de les recommander aux fuffrages & aux faindtesprieres de voftre Reuer. & de toute la Prouince, comeauffi toutes nos Miffions.L arriuee des trois Peres qu il luy a pleu nousenuoyer de renfort, nous a bien confole"; mais cenombre eftant defia au deffous de celuy quei auoisdemande pour les Miffions Huronnes, elle peut voir lebefoin que nous en auons d autres, & le verra encoredauantage dans la Relation, y rencontrant les nouuellesMiffios dont Dieu nous a donne les ouuertures :c eft ce que nous efperons de fa charite, & du zele denos Peres pour ces petites Eglifes naiffantes, que iene puis alfez recommander aux faindts Sacrifices &aux faindtes prieres de tous en general, & de chacunen particulier.De Voftre Reuerence,De Quebek ce Tres-humble & tres-obei ffant28. OElobre 1646. feruiteur, felon Dieu,HIEROSME LALEMANT.


1645-46] RELATION OF 1643-46 273the Relation of the principal things which haveoccurred within a year; you will see in it the deathof two of the most veteran workers whom our Societyhas had in these countries Father Anne de Noiieand Father Enemond Masse. I see no one here, [6]of those who have known them, who does not saywith good heart: vivat et moriatur anima mea vitd etmorte justorum istorum. Now, though their deathmust occasion more envy than compassion,I nevertheless commend them, as also all our Missions, tothe suffrages and the holy prayers of your Reverence and of the whole Province.The arrival of the three Fathers whom you havebeen pleased to send us as a reinforcement, has muchconsoled us; but, this number being even below thatwhich I had requested for the Huron Missions, youcan see the need that we have of others and ;youwill see it still more in the Relation, on encountering therein mention of the new Missions of whichGod has granted the beginnings. This is what wehope from your charity, and from the zeal of our Fathers for these little infant Churches, which I cannotsufficiently commend to the holy Sacrifices and tothe blessed prayers of all in general, and of each inparticular.Your Reverence sFrom Quebek, this Very humble and most obe-2%th of October, 1646.dient servant in God,HIEROSME LALEMANT.


274 LES RELATIONS DES fS UITES VOL.[ 28[7] CHAPITRE I.DE CE QUI S EST PASSE ENTRE LES FRANgOIS, LESHURONS & LES ALGONQUINS, POUR LA CONCLUSION DE LA PAIX AUEC LES IROQUOIS.ILeft & propos de faire quelques remarques a Tentreede ce Chapitre, pour auoir vne ide"eplusnette & vne connoiflance plus particuliere desaffaires qu on a traitees auec ces peuples.le dy done en premier lieu, que fous le nomd Iroquois nous auons iufques a maintenant comprisNations confedere"es, toutes ennemies desplufieursSauuages qui nous font Alliez : ces Nations ont leursnoms particuliers, les Annierronnons, les Oniontcheronons,les Onontagueronons, les SonontHaeronons,& autres. Nous n auons encor proprement la paixqu auec les Annierronnons, qui font les plus voifinsde nos habitations, & ceux qui nous donnoient plusde peine, d orefnauant nous les diftinguerons par [8]leurs noms propres & particuliers, afin d (Suiter laconfulion.En fecond lieu, outre ces Iroquois il y a d autresNations plus au Nord qui femblent vouloir entrer enguerre auec nos Sauuages, comme les Sokoquiois quenos Sauuages appellent Affoktfekik, les Mahingas, ouMahinganak, auec lefquels les Algonquins ont euautrefois de grandes alliances; mais les IroquoisAnnierronnons les ayans domtez, ils fe font iettez deleur party: ily en a d autres, comme les Abnaquiois,qui nous font amis.


1645-46] RELATION OF 1645-46 275[7] CHAPTER I.OF WHAT OCCURRED BETWEEN THE FRENCH, THEHURONS, AND THE ALGONQUINS, FOR THE CONCLUSION OF THE PEACE WITH THE IROQUOIS.ITis fitting to make some remarks at the beginning of this Chapter, to give a more distinctidea and a more definite knowledge of the affairswhich have been transacted with these peoples.I say then, in the first place, that under the nameof "Iroquois"we have hitherto included severalconfederated Nations, all enemies of the Savages whoare Allied to us. These Nations have their separatenames the Annierronnons, the Oniontcheronons,the Onontagueronons, the Sonontwaeronons, andothers. We have as yet no peace, in a proper sense,except with the Annierronnons, who are nearest oursettlements, and who were giving us most trouble.Henceforth we will distinguish these tribes by [8]their proper and special names, so as to avoidconfusion.In the second place, besides these Iroquois thereare other Nations, more to the North, who seemdisposed to undertake war with our Savages, as theSokoquiois, whom our Savages call Assokwekik and;the Mahingans, or Mahinganak, with whom theAlgonquins formerly had extensive alliances, but,the Annierronnon Iroquois having subdued them,they have ranged themselves upon their side. There


276 LES RELATIONS DES J^S UITES [VOL. 28Ie remarqueray en troifI6me lieu, que 1 an pafI6 audepart de la flotte, comme nous gouftions la douceurde la paix encommencee, on nous vint apporter lanouuelle que trois Sauuages de la bourgade de S.lofeph ou de Sillery, auoient efte tuez, & quelquesautres fort bleffez: ce bruit detrempa noftre ioyed abfynthe fur le doute que les Annierronons n euffentagy de mauuaife foy auec nous. Enfin aprestoutes les perquifitions poffibles, nous trouuafmesque vn 1 des plus feruens Chreftiens de Sillery oude faindt lofeph, auoit efte" traitreufement maffacre,auec deux ieunes gar9ons baptizez, [9] que le fils deFrangois Xauier Nenask^mat, 1 vne des deux premieres colomnes de la reduction des Sauuages, auoitefte" blefTe" a mort: en effet il eft venu rendre 1 ametres-faindtement entre nos bras, apres auoir receu en1Hofpital de Kebec tous les charitables traitemensdont vn pauure malade peut eftre affifte. Sa femmedans cette trahifon fut laiffee pour morte, on luy enleuavne partie de la peau & des cheueux de la tefte,mais Noftre Seigneur luy a rendu la fante. Ce nousfut vne confolation que ces deux derniers n expirerentpas fur la place car ils nous affeurerent que le:langage des meurtriers eftoit entieremet different dulangage des Iroquois: cela arrefta les baches desAlgonquins, qui n auroiet point manqu6 d ailommerquelques Annierronnons qui fe trouuoient pour lorsparmy eux & parmy nous: enfin on a d6couuert quece*t aflaffinat auoit efte commis par les Sokoquiois,deux defquels s eftans rencontrez quelques anneesauparauant dans les confins des Iroquois, auoienttuez efte"par quelques foldats montagnais, & vnautre auoit efte" fort mal traite" des Algonquins, mais


theythat1645-46] RELA TION OF 1645-46 277are others, as the Abnaquiois, who are friends to us.I will remark, in the third place, that last year, atthe departure of the fleet, when we were tasting thesweetness of the incipient peace, news was broughtto us that three Savages of the village of St. Joseph,or Sillery, had been killed, and some others severelywounded. This report tempered our joy with wormwood, in the doubt lest the Annierronnons had actedin bad faith with us. Finally, after all possibleinvestigation, we found that one of the most ferventChristians of Sillery, or of saint Joseph, had beentreacherously slain, with two baptized young lads;[9] that the son of Fra^ois Xavier Nenaskoumatone of the two chief pillars of the Savage reductionhad been mortally wounded. Indeed, this man cameto give up the ghost very piously in our arms, afterhaving received in the Hospital at Kebec all thecharitable attentions with which a poor sick man canbe assisted. In that treacherous attack, his wife wasleft for dead removed a; part of the skin andthe hair from her head, but Our Lord restored herhealth. It was a consolation to us that these lasttwo did not die on the spot for ;they assured us thatthe language of the murderers was altogether different from the language of the Iroquois;stayedthe hatchets of the Algonquins, who would not havefailed to beat to death some Annierronnons who atthat time happened to be among them and amongus. At last, it was discovered that this murder hadbeen committed by the Sokoquiois, two of whosetribe having chanced to be, some years before, onthe borders of the Iroquois had been killed bysome montagnais warriors; and another had beenvery badly treated by the Algonquins, but ransomed


278 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28rachet6 [10] & renuoye"de \_sc. dans] fon pai s parMonfieur noftre Gouuerneur.Le Diable preuoyant que la paix troubleroit fonroyaume, s eftoit efforce de la rompre: mais 1 Angede 1Eglife de Dieu 1 a tenu a la cadene, il a faitconclure auec benedidtion ce qu on a fouhait6 depuistant d anne"es, auec vne confidente humilit6 & vnepatience Chreflienne.Les Iroquois Annierronnons ont charI6 auec toutelibert^ dans les confins des Algonquins, & ceux-cyles ont veu & receu de bon oeil, les ont amenez en noshabitations: il n y a lieu en tous ces quartiers ou onn ait veu de temps en temps quelques Annierronnons.Ceux qui f^auent 1antipathic de ces peuples, & lese"pouuentables inclinations qu ils ont a la vengeance,penfent voir autant de miracles qu ils voyent debonne intelligence entre vn Algonquin & vn Iroquois.On efcriuit 1 an paffe"comme les AmbaifadeursAnnierronnons ayans auec les negocie" Frangois furla paix vniuerfelle, s eftoient retirez en leur pai spour reporter la parole & la voix d Onontio, c eft adire les penfees de Monfieur noftre Gouuerneur. LeFran9ois qui auoit efte long-temps [i i] captif en leurpais, les accompagnoit, auec ordre de fe trouuer entoutes leurs affemblees: voicy ce qu il en a remarqu6.Ayant quitte les Frangois, ils furent dix-hui(5tiours en chemin, & trois iours apres leur dansarriue"ele pai s, les principaux s eftant affemblez de diuersendroits, fe comporterent en cette forte.Auant que ces Ambaffadeurs parlaffent, on leur fitvn prefent pour adoucir le conduit de leur voix, armque les paroles d Onontio qu ils auoient receu parleurs oreilles, fortilfent sas peine & fans rudeffe de


1645-46] RELATION OF 1645-46 279[10] and sent back to his own country by Monsieurour Governor.The Devil, foreseeing that the peace would troublehis kingdom, had striven to break it ;but the An gelof the Church of God has keptit fast locked;he hasbrought to a happy conclusion that which has beendesired for so many years with a confident humilityand a Christian patience.The Annierronnon Iroquois have hunted withevery liberty in the borders of the Algonquins, andthe latter have seen and received them with friendliness, and have conducted them to our settlements ;there is no place in all these quarters where fromtime to time some Annierronnons have not beenseen. Those who know the antipathy between thesepeoples and their frightful proneness to vengeance,regard it as a miracle whenever they see a friendlyunderstanding between an Algonquin and an Iroquois.It was written last year, how the AnnierronnonAmbassadors, having negotiated with the French fora universal peace, had withdrawn to their own country in order to report the word and the voice ofOnontio, that is to say, the opinions of Monsieurour Governor. The Frenchman who had long beena [n] captive in their country, accompanied them,with orders to be present in all their assemblies;here follows what he has observed therein.Having left the French, they were eighteen dayson the way; and, three days after their arrival in thecountry, the principal persons having assembledfrom various places, behaved in this manner :Before those Ambassadors spoke, they were givena present, in order to soften the tones of their voices,


280 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28leur bouche. Ce prefent fait, le Fra^ois qui a connoiffancede leur langue, & ces Ambaffadeurs deployeretles prefens dot ils eftoient chargez, & en fuiteharanguerent auec la fatisfadtion de tout le monde,leurs difcours finis, les Capitaines firent auffi d autresprefens pour eftre apportez a Onontio & a fesconfederez.Le premier feruit comme d vn bain, dans lequelces Ambaffadeurs recrus du chemin fe pouuoientdelaffer; ou comme d vn onguent qui gueriroit lesbleffeures que les pierres, les ronces & les halliersqu on rencontre en vn fi long voyage, auroient [12]pu faire k leurs pieds.Le fecond publioit que leur hache d armes fufpendueen 1 air fans ramener fon coup iufques a la refponfedes Hurons & des Algonquins fuiuant le defird Onontio, auoit perdu fon vfage, qu on 1 auoit ietteefi loin qu homme du monde ne la pourroit iamaisretrouuer, c eft k dire que les Hurons & les Algonquins eftans entrez dans la paix, les Annierronnonsn auoient plus d armes que pour la chaffe.Le troifi6me tefmoignoit la douleur que receuoientles Annierronnons de leur miferable fille onnietfte,laquelle meprifoit la voix de fa mere & le confeil defon pere, qu elle eftoit fi infolente d auoir encorenuoye de fes enfans vers Montreal, pour furprendreceux qui fe trouueroient en cette contree. Onnieteeft vne bourgade dont la plus grande partie deshommes ayant efte deconfis en guerre par les hautsAlgonquins, elle fut contrainte d appeller des Annierronnons pour fe repeupler; de la vient que lesAnnierronnons 1appellent leur fille. Monfieur leGouuerneur 1ayant inuitee comme fon enfant a


1645-46] RELATION OF 1643-46 281so that the words of Onontio, which they had receivedby their ears, might issue without difficulty and without roughness from their lips. This gift made, theFrenchman, who has knowledge of their language,and those Ambassadors, displayed the presents withwhich they were charged, and then harangued to thesatisfaction of all the people. Their speeches finished, the Captains also made other presents, to beconveyed to Onontio and to his confederates.The first served as a bath in which those Ambassadors, fatigued from the journey, might refreshthemselves or as an ointment which would cure the;wounds that the stones, the briars, and the thickets,encountered in so long a journey, might [12] havecaused to their feet.The second proclaimed that their war hatchetaccording to the desire of Onontio, suspended in theair without finishing its blow until the answer of theHurons and of the Algonquins had lost its use;and that it had been thrown so far that not a man inthe world could ever find it again, that is, that, theHurons and the Algonquins having entered intopeace, the Annierronnons had no more arms exceptfor the chase.The third indicated the grief which the Annierronnons received from their miserable daughter onnieoute,who despised the voice of her mother and thecounsel of her father ;that she was so insolent as evento have sent some of her children to Montreal, inorder to surprise those who should happen to be inthat country. Onnieoute is a village which, thegreatest part of its men having been defeated in warby the upper Algonquins, was constrained to call theAnnierronnons to repeople it thence it comes that;


282 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28entrer dans vne paix generale par1 entremife desAnnierronnons, [13] difent qu elle eft rebelle & fonpere & a fa mere. Le temps amenera tout, & Dieudonnera des fruidts en fa faifon.Le quatri6me fut vn tefmoignage public de lareconnoiffance de toutes les bourgades des Annierronnons, de ce qu Onontio auoit aplany la terre &reiiny les coeurs.Le cinquieme eftoit vne adtion de grace au mefmeOnontio, qu ils reconnoiffoient comme le pere communde toutes ces Nations, luy donnant mille loiiangesde ce qu il auoit rendu 1 efprit aux Algonquins;ce que nul autre n auoit pu faire deuant luy.Le fixie"me eftoit vne requefte quils luy prefentoienta ce quil fit allumer des feux dans toutes leshabitations de fon gouuernement, afin que toutes lesNations s y venans chauffer en alfeurance, puiflentefcouter fa voix & joiiir de fon amitie; & en cas qu ilarriue quelque different, quil foit 1 arbitre des Iroquois,des Hurons & des Algonquins.Ces prefens faits, on ne parla plus que de feftins,que de danfes, & que de refjoliiffances publiques: onemploya dix iours en ces bals & en ces feftes, & puis[14] on renuoya le Fra^ois auec fept Ambaffadeurspour porter ces prefens, & pour fe refioiiir auec lesFran9ois & auec leurs alliez fur la paix conclue.Ces Ambaffadeurs eftans venus par terre iufques aulac ou il fe faut embarquer, ne trouuerent point leurscanots ou leurs bateaux d ecorces, quelque mecontentou quelque larron les auoit brifez ou enleuez, fi bienqu ils furent contraints de retourner fur leurs pas,pour pouruoir a leur voyage ce retour fut vn coup:du Ciel, qui nous voulut donner des preuues de la


"1645- 46J RELA TION OF 1645-46 283the Annierronnons call it theirMondaughter."sieur the Governor having invited it, as his child, toenter upon a general peace through the mediation ofthe Annierronnons, [13] they say that it is rebelliousto its father and mother. Time will bring abouteverything, and God will give fruits in his season.The fourth was a public token of the gratitude ofall the villages of the Annierronnons, that Onontiohad leveled the earth and united the hearts.The fifth was an act of thanks to the same Onontio, whom they recognized as the common father ofall those Nations, giving him a thousand praisesfor having restored sense to the Algonquins, whichno other had been able to do before him.The sixth was a request which they submitted tohim, that he should cause fires to be kindled in allthe settlements of his government, so that all theNations coming thither to warm themselves in safety, may listen to his voice and enjoy his friendship;and, in case there occurs some difference, that he bethe umpire of the Iroquois, the Hurons, and theAlgonquins.These presents made, there was mention only offeasts, of dances, and of public rejoicings. Theyspent ten days in these balls and feasts, and then[14] they sent away the Frenchman with seven Ambassadors to convey those gifts, and to rejoice withthe French and with their allies over the conclusionof peace.These Ambassadors having reached, by land, thelake where they must embark, did not find theircanoes or their boats of bark ;some disaffected personor some thief had broken these, or carried themaway ;insomuch that they were constrained to retrace


284 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28fincerit6 des Iroquois Annierronnons ;car & mefmetemps que le Fran9ois entra dans leur principale bourgade,arriuerent quelques Ambaffadeurs Sokoquioisdeleguez de leur nation pour faire rompre la paixentre les Annierronnons & les Algonquins: 1 audience leur eftant donnee celuy qui portoit la paroleharangua en ces termes: II y a long-temps que ievous ay entendu dire que les Algonquins eftoient vosennemis irreconciliables, & que vous les haiffez aude la du tombeau, en forte que fi vous les pouuiezrencontrer en 1 autre vie que voftre guerre feroiteternelle, comme nous fommes [15] vos alliez, nousentrons dans vos paffions & dans vos interefts : voilales teftes de quelques-vns que nous auons maflacrez,& vn lien que nous vous prefentons pour en garoterauec nous autant qu il nous fera poffible.La deffusils prefentent les cheuelures des Chreftiens de S.lofeph tuez 1 Automne derniere, comme iay dit aucommencement de ce Chapitre, & vn grand collierde porcelaine qui deuroit feruir de fers pour lesmettre a la cadene.Les Iroquois refpondirent auec indignation: Nousnous eftonnons de voftre hardieffe, ou pluftoft devoftre temerite, vous nous iettez la honte fur levifage, vous nous faites paffer pour des fourbes.Onontio auec lequel nous auons traite la paix n eftpoint vn enfant, fi nous vous regardions de bon ceil,il auroit fujet de dire, les Annierronnons n ont pastue" mes alliez, mais bien leurs haches, ie penfoisagir auec de vrays hommes, & iay traite auec destrompeurs & auec des fourbes.Ce n eft pas tout, les Algonquins apprenansque les tefles de leurs freres font en nos cabanes


you"1645 - 46] RELA TION OF 164.3- 4& 285their steps, to provide for their journey. This returnwas an act of Heaven, which willed to give us proofsof the sincerity of the Annierronnon Iroquois ; for,at the same time when the Frenchman entered theirprincipal village, some Sokoquiois Ambassadorsarrived, delegated by their nation, in order to breakthe peace between the Annierronnons and the Algonquins.Audience being given them, he who wasspokesman harangued in these terms : For a longtime I have heard you say that the Algonquins wereyour irreconcilable enemies, and that you hated themeven beyond the grave, so that, ifyou could meetthem in the other life, your war would be eternal.As we are [15] your allies, we enter into your passions and into your interests. Behold the heads ofsome whom we have massacred, and a cord which wepresent to you for the sake of binding with us asmany of them as we possibly can." Thereupon theypresent the scalps of the Christians of St. Joseph,killed last Autumn, as I have said at the beginningof this Chapter, and a great necklace of porcelain,which was to serve as irons to put them in chains.The Iroquois answered, with indignation: Weare astonished at your boldness, or rather at your;temerity cast shame on our faces ;you make uspass for knaves. Onontio, with whom we havetreated peace, is not a child; if we looked at youwith favor, he would have reason to say, The Annierronnons have not killed my allies, but it was doneby their hatchets. I thought to deal with true men,and I have treated with deceivers and with knaves.This is not all; the Algonquins, learning thatthe heads of their brothers are in our cabins, willcut off those of our [16] fellow countrymen who are in


286 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28couperont celles de nos [16] compatriotes qui font enleur pais,voila les defordres de voftre temerite, retirezvous, cachez ces teftes, emportez ces liens, commenous n auons qu vn coeur, nous ne voulons qu vnelangue.S ily a de la tromperie dans cette ac5tion, elle eftplus que tres-raffinee, & il femble que la raifon conuieces peuples a embraffer la paix, Dieu leur a donne"vn fentiment que le demon de la guerre qui les auoittoujours fauorifez, les alloit quitter, la refolution dequelques Algonquins & Hurons qui ayas fur la fingenereufement combatu auoient pris quelques-vnsd eux captifs, fouftenoit cette penfee. En fecondlieu, comme ils font chaffeurs & que la plufpart desanimaux font fur les marches des Algonquins, ilsont vne paffion d en tirer k leur aife & fans crainte :en effet ils ne s y font pas 6pargnez car on dit qu ils:ont tue plus de deux mille cerfs cet hyuer.Troifi6mement, le prifonnier Annierronnon que lesHurons auoient pris proche de Richelieu, & quilsauoient emmene en leur pai s, eftant de retour enfa patrie, a parle"hautement des Fran9ois;il a faitentendre a fes compatriotes que fi [17] Onontio preftela main aux Hurons, le mal-heur tombera fur leursteftes.Apres tout, le grand Dieu des armees eft le feul &vnique autheur de cette paix, ie le ilprie qu en foitle conferuateur nos raifonnemens eftoiet trop cours:dans vne figrande barbarie, la fureur eftoit tropallum6e pour eftre affoupie ou efteinte par vne conduitehumaine, & nous confeffons ingenuement quefi celuy qui a fait la paix, ne la conferue, nous n auons pas affez d induftrie pour retenir 1 inconftancede ces Barbares dans la fermete.


1645-46] RELATION OF 1645-46 287their country, such would be the evil results of yourtemerity. Begone; hide these heads, take awaythese bonds; as we have but one heart, we desirebut one tongue."If there is deceit in this act, it is more than verysubtle ;and it seems that reason invites these peoplesto embrace the peace. God has given them a feeling that the demon of war, which had always favoredthem, was about to leave them; the resolution ofsome Algonquins and Hurons who, having bravelyfought toward the last, had taken some Iroquoiscaptive confirmed this idea. In the second place,as they are hunters, and as most of the animals are onthe marches of the Algonquins, they have a greatdesire to shoot these at their ease and without fear.Indeed, they have not stinted themselves in this;for it is said that they have killed more than twothousand deer this winter.Thirdly, the Annierronnon prisoner whom theHurons had taken near Richelieu, and whom theyhad led away to their own country, having returnedto his native land, has spoken highly of the French ;he has given his countrymen to understand that if[17] Onontio lends a hand to the Hurons, the misfortune will fall on their own heads.After all, the great God of hosts is the one andonly author of this ;peace I entreat him that he willbe the preserver thereof. Our arguments were toolimited in so great a barbarism ; fury was too muchkindled to be quelled or extinguished by humaneffort; and we candidly confess that if he who hasmade the peace does not preserve it, we have notenough skill to restrain the inconstancy of theseBarbarians within firm bounds.


288 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28IESVS-CHRIST vent fanner quelques-vns de cespeuples, & enuoye defia fes precurfeurs ou fes auantcouriers,les maladies peftilentielles, les afflictions,& la mort mefme: ce font des fleaux qui humilientles ames, & qni les font recourir a celuy qui a la forceen main les :Iroqnois nons croiront bien-toft, & queles Magiciens canfent ces mal-heurs, mais ce feroitvne folie de chercher vn autre chemin, que celuyde la Croix pour faire connoiftre les grandeurs duCrucifie".


1645-46] RELATION OF 1643-46 289JESUS CHRIST wills to save certain ones of thesepeoples, and already sends his precursors or hisforerunners, pestilential diseases, afflictions, anddeath itself; these are scourges which humiliatesouls, and which make them have recourse to himwho has the power in hand. The Iroquois will creditus soon, and believe that the Magicians cause thesemisfortunes ;but it would be a folly to seek anotherway than that of the Cross, to make known the grandeurs of the Crucified.


290 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [You 28[18] CHAPITRE II.DE LA VENUE DE SEPT AMBASSADEURS IROQUOIS VERSLES FRANgOIS, & DE LEUR NEGOCIATION.LE 22. de Feurier de cette anne"e prefente 1646.fept Iroquois Annierronnons & deux Hurons,accompagnez du Frangois dont iay fait mention cy-deffus, parurent a Montreal, apres auoirrelioiiy cette habitation, ils defcendent aux troisRiuieres. De la on enuoye donner aduis a Monfieurnoftre Gouuerneur de leur venue : or comme ce chemins eftoit fait fur les neiges, & que le froid faifoitencor rouler les glaces fur noftre grand fleuue, lesAnnierronnons s en allerent a la chafle qui dega quidela, en attendant le mois de May, que Monfieur leGouuerneur monta en cette habitation.Le f eptie"mede ce mois il leur donna audiance :voicy ce qui fe paffa dans cette affemblee.Le plus confiderable eleuant fa voix, entonna [19]vne chanfon d actio de graces: Nous eftios morts,difoit-il, & nous voila viuans, nous apportions nosteftes pour eftre facrifiees aux ombres des Algonquinsou des montagnais qui ont efte maffacrez Automne1dernier, nous doutans bien qu on nous feroit coupablesde cet affaffinat; mais Onontio arreftant la choleredes Algonquins, a iour k noftre innocence.done"La deffus ils tirent vn prefent, le iettent aux piedsdes parens & des alliez des defundls, difant quec eftoit pour nettoyer la place toute fanglante d vn


""1645 - 46] RELA TION OF 1645- 46 291[i 8] CHAPTER II.OF THE COMING OF SEVEN IROQUOIS AMBASSADORS TOTHE FRENCH, AND OF THEIR NEGOTIATIONS.ON the 22nd of February in this current year,1646, seven Annierronnon Iroquois and twoHurons, accompanied by the Frenchman whomI have mentioned above, appeared at Montreal; afterhaving rejoiced that settlement, they come down tothe three Rivers, whence advice is sent to Monsieurour Governor of their coming. Now, as this journey had been made over the snows, and as the coldwas still causing the ice to accumulate upon our greatriver, the Annierronnons went away to the chase,some on this side, some beyond, while waiting forthe month of May, when Monsieur the Governorwent up to that settlement.On the seventh of that month, he gave them audience ;here follows what occurred in that assembly.The most considerable person, raising his voice,chanted [19] a song of thanksgiving. We weresaid he, and behold us alive ;we were bringdead,"ing our own heads to be sacrificed to the shades ofthe Algonquins or of the montagnais who weremassacred last Autumn, surely anticipating that weshould be held guilty of that murder; but Onontio,staying the wrath of the Algonquins, has made ourinnocence manifest."Thereupon they draw forth agift, and cast it at the feet of the relatives and alliesof the departed, saying that it was to cleanse the


292 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28meurtre commis par trahifon, proteftans qu ils n enauoient condamne"auoient eu aucune connoiffance qu apres le coup donne",que tons les Capitaines du payscet attentat.C efl la couftume des peuples de ces contre"es,quand quelque perfonne de confideration parmy eux,eft morte, d effuyer les larmes de leurs parens parquelque prefent. Ce Capitaine ayant apris a fonarriuee la mort autant glorieufe que funefte du PereAnne de Noiie de noftre Compagnie, voulut garderla loy de fon pays: il eleue les yeux au Ciel, commefe plaignant de fa rigueur, puis fe tournant [20] versles robes noires, ietta des braffelets de Porcelaine:voila, dit-il, pour rechauffer la place ou le froid afait mourir ce bon Pere : mettez ce petit prefent envoftre fein pour vous diuertir des penfe"es qui vouspourroient atrifter.Us firent en fuite les prefens qu on leur auoitconfiez dans leur pays, defquels iay fait mention anChapitre precedent, tefmoignant leur ioye de fe voirvnis & alliez des Fra^ois, des Hurons & des Algonquins,qui font les trois plus confiderables Nationsauec lefquelles ils ont traite" la paix, toutes les autreseftant comprifes fous ces trois chefs. Ils firent quelquesautres prefens aux Hurons, pour leur donneraduis de fe tenir fur leurs gardes, dans les chemins,iufques a ce que les hauts Iroquois, les Onontagueronons,les SonontHeronons, & quelques autres euffentles oreilles perches, c eft a dire ouuertes a la douceurde la paix.Bref ils offrirent vne braffe de Porcelaine pourallumer vn feu de cSfeil aux trois Riuieres, & vngrand collier de trois mille grains pour feruir de bois


""1645 - 46] RELA TION OF 1643~ 4& 293place, all bloody, from a murder committed bytreachery; and protesting that they had had noknowledge of it until after the act was done, and thatall the Captains of the country had condemned thisoutrage.It is the custom of the peoples of these countries,when some person of consideration among them isdead, to dry the tears of his relatives by some present. This Captain having learned, on his arrival, ofthe death no less glorious than sad of FatherAnne de Noiie of our Society, wished to observe thelaw of his country. He lifted his eyes to Heaven,as ifcomplaining of its severity; then, turning [20]toward the black robes, he threw down some Porcelain bracelets. That," said he, is to warm againthe place where the cold has caused this good Fatherto die; put this little gift in your bosom, to divertyourself from the thoughts which might saddenyou."They next offered the presents which had beenconfided to them in their own country, which Ihave mentioned in the preceding Chapter, betokening their joy to see themselves united and allied tothe French, the Hurons, and the Algonquins, whoare the three most considerable Nations with whichthey have negotiated peace, all the others beingcomprised under these three most important. Theymade some other presents to the Hurons, in order togive them warning to be on their guard in the roads,until the upper Iroquois the Onontagueronons, theSonontweronons, and some others should havetheir ears pierced, that is to say, open to the benignity of peace.In short, they offered a brasse of Porcelain to


294 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 28ou d aliment a ce feu. Les Sauuages ne font quafiaucune aflemblee que le calumet auec le petun [21] enla bouche, & comme le feu eft neceffaire pour prendrele tabac, ils en allument quafi toullours en toutesleurs affemble es, fi bien que c eft vne mefme chofecomme font les parens & les amis.chez eux allumer vn feu de confeil ou tenir vne placepropre pour s affembler, ou vne maifon pour s entreuifiter,Deux iours apres cette affemblee Monfieur noftreGouuerneur s accommodant fort prudemment auxfacons de faire de ces peuples,fit venir ces deputez :il agiftauec eux felon leurs couftumes, les Huronsqui eftoient la & les Algonquins, ne manquerent pasde s y trouuer.Le Franfois qui entend la langue Iroquoife, offritvn prefent de la part d Onontio, pour gratuler lesIroquois Annierronnons, & pour marque de 1 eflimequ il faifoit de leur nation, d auoir tenu fa parole.II en fit vn autre pour tefmoigner le contentementquil receuoit, voyant la terre aplanie & lahache leue"e & eloign6e des teftes des Hurons & des:Algonquins car pour les Franois leur paix fut faited6s la premiere entreueue.En troifieme lieu, on offrit vn collier de [22] millegrains de Porcelaine, pour affeurer qu on tiendroitallume ce feu de confeil qu ils auoient demande auxtrois Riuieres, & que le bois n y manqueroit pas,c eft a dire quils feroient toufiours les bien-venus, &qu on prefteroit 1 oreille aux Capitaines qui viendroientpour traiter d affaires.On fit vn quatrie"me prefent, pour donner a entendre qu Onontio defiroit voir le petit Fra^ois qui feuleftoit refte prifonnier en leur pai s.


1 645 - 46] RELA T1ON OF 1643-46 295kindle a council fire at three Rivers, and a greatnecklace of three thousand beads to serve as wood,or fuel for this fire. The Savages hold scarcely anyassembly without the calumet filled with tobacco [21]in their mouths; and, as fire is necessary to the use oftobacco, they nearly always kindle fires at all theirassemblies, insomuch that it is the same thing withthem to light a council fire, or to keep a placesuitable for assembling, or a house for visiting oneanother, as do relatives and friends.Two days after this assembly, Monsieur our Governor, very prudently adapting himself to the usagesamong these peoples, sent for those deputies; hedealt with them according to their customs; theHurons who were there, and the Algonquins, did notfail to be present.The Frenchman who understands the Iroquois language offered a gift on behalf of Onontio, to congratulate the Annierronnon Iroquois, and in token ofthe esteem in which he held their nation for havingkept its word.He made another, to signify the satisfaction thathe received on seeing the earth leveled, and thehatchet lifted and removed from the heads of theHurons and the Algonquins; for, as regards theFrench, their peace was made from the time of thefirst interview.In the third place, he offered a necklace of [22]a thousand Porcelain beads, for assurance that hewould keep lighted that council fire which they hadrequested at three Rivers, and that the fuel shouldnot fail for it, that is to say, that they would alwaysbe welcome, and that hearing would be given to theCaptains who should come to treat of affairs.


296 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28Et vn cinquieme, pour fairereuenir fa fille nomme"eTherefe, afin qu elle preparaft du bled d Inde aleur fa9on, pour les feftiner, quandils nous voudroientviliter.II a efte" fouuent parle dans les Relations de cettefille: c eft vne Huronne, laquelle ayant efte inftruiteau Seminaire des Vrfulines, fut prife auec fes parenspar les Iroquois, lors qu ils la remenoient en fonpays. Les Meres Vrfulines ne pouuant fupporterque cette pauure petite creature demeuraft dans cettecaptiuite eloignee de tous les fecours qui luy pouuoientouurir les portes du falut, n ont rien e"pargne,& ont remue Ciel & terre pour luy procurer fa liberte".[23] Monfieur noftre Gouuerneur approuuant cegrand zele & cette grande charite", n a perdu aucuneoccafion de la tirerde cet efclauage, & d y contribuerde tout fon pouuoir.de 1 Iile,Tefouehat, appelle des Hurons & des Iroquois Ondeffon,& des Fra^ois le Borgne voyant quenoftre Interprete ne parloit plus, entonna vne chanfonaffez lugubre, puis leuant fes yeux au Ciel priale Soleil d eftre le fpedtateur & de feruir de tefmoinde tout ce qui fe paffoit dans cette adtion, & dedecouurir auec fa lumiere, la fincerit6 de fon coeur &de fes intentions. II entonne derechef vne autrechanfon, & puis eleuat fa voix ilharangue au nomde tous les Algonquins, dont il portoit la parole. Lapremiere fut vne proteftation que la rupture de lapaix ne prouiendroit point de fon cofte, & pourtefmoignage de cette verite", il prefente deux robes depeaux d Elan, adiouftant qu il auoit quelque deffiancedes Annierronnos qu il vouloit banir par ce prefent.Le fecond prefent fut auffi de deux robes, fur


and;no1645 - 46] RELA TION OF ~ 1643 2974*>A fourth present was made, to give them to understand that Onontio desired to see the little Frenchman who alone had remained a prisoner in theircountry.And a fifth, for causing the return of his daughter, named Therese, so that she might prepare Indian corn in their fashion, to feast them when theyshould wish to visit us.Mention has often been made, in the Relations,of this girl: she is a Huron, who, having been instructed at the Seminary of the Ursulines, was captured by the Iroquois, with her relatives, when thelatter were taking her back to her own country. TheUrsuline Mothers not being able to endure thatthis poor little creature should remain in that captivity, remote from all the helps which could open forher the gates of salvation have spared no pains,and have moved Heaven and earth to procure herliberty.[23] Monsieur our Governor, approving this greatzeal and this great charity, has lost no opportunityfor releasing her from that slavery, and of cooperating in the matter with all his power.Tesouehat, called by the Hurons and the Iroquois, Ondesson;by the French, le Borgne ofthe Isle, seeing that our Interpreter spoke more,chanted a rather lugubrious song; then, lifting hiseyes to Heaven, prayed the Sun to be a spectator andto serve as witness of all that occurred in this action,and with his light to make evident the sincerity ofhis heart and of his intentions. Again he chantedanother song; and then, raising his voice, he harangued in the name of all the Algonquins, whosewords he conveyed. The first was a protestation


298 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28-lefquelles fe deuoient repofer ces Ambaffadeurs, pourfe delaffer du trauail de leur chemin.[24] Le troifieme portoit vne humble priere aOnontio h ce qu il ne marchaft point tout feul enaffeurance dans les chemins qu il auoit applanis &frayez mais que ce bon-heur fut auffi commun aux;Algonquins & aux Hurons : en vn mot cet hommedeffiant & foupgonneux au poffible, auoit peur queles Frangois ne fiffent leur paix en particulier, fansfe mettre en peine des Sauuages leurs alliez.Le quatrieme prefent affeuroit que les Algonquinsauoient auffi pofe les armes & iette" leurs haches envne terre inconnue & tous les homines.Le cinquieme demandoit qu on ne donnaft pointde fauffes alarmes, que la chaffe fut libre par tout,que les bornes & les limites de toutes ces grandescontre"es fuffent Ieu6es, & qu vn chacun fe trouuaftpar tout, dans fon pais.Le fixi6me affeuroit les Annierronnons qu ils pouuoietlibrement fe venir chauffer au feu qu Onontioleur auoit allume, aux trois Riuieres, que les Algonquins & les Iroquois y petunneroient auec plaifir,&que leurs pipes ou leurs calumets ne bruleroientpoint, c eft a dire que la peur n y feroit trembler perfonne.Tous ces [25] prefens eftoiet compofez chacunde deux robes d Elan, bien peintes & bien paffemente"esa leur mode.Le dernier comprenoit douze de ces belles robes,quatre pour chacune des trois bourgades des Annierronnons, fuppliant ces peuples de donner la liberte"aux enfans des Algonquins, ou mefme aux grandesperfonnes qui feroient encor en leur pai s, auecaffeurance qu on n e"pargneroit point la graiffe aux


1645-46] RELA TION OF 1643-46 299that a breach of the peace would not proceed fromhis side; and, in token of this truth, he presentedtwo robes of Elk skins, adding, that he had somedistrust of the Annierronnons, which he wished tobanish by this gift.The second gift was also of two robes, on whichthose Ambassadors were to repose themselves, inorder to be refreshed from the toil of their journey.[24] The third conveyed a humble prayer to Onontio,that he should not walk all alone in safety within the roads which he had leveled and broken ; butthat this happiness should also be common to theAlgonquins and to the Hurons. In a word, this man,utterly distrustful and suspicious, was afraid that theFrench might make their peace in private, withouttroubling themselves about the Savages, their allies.The fourth gift gave assurance that the Algonquins had also laid down their arms, and throwntheir hatchets into a land unknown to all men.The fifth requested that no false alarms be given ;that the chase be everywhere free; that the landmarks and the boundaries of all those great countries be raised ;and that each one should find himself everywhere in his own country.The sixth assured the Annierronnons that theycould freely come to warm themselves at the firewhich Onontio had kindled for them at three Rivers ;that the Algonquins and the Iroquois would smokethere with pleasure, and that their pipes or theircalumets would not burn, that is to say, that fearwould cause no one to tremble there. All these [25]gifts were each composed of two Elk robes, handsomely painted and well trimmed in their fashion.The last included twelve of these beautiful robes,


300 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [ VOL. 28eftomacs de ceux qui les rameneroient, & qu ilstrouueroient des onguents pour oindre leur tefte en:vn mot il vouloit dire qu on leur feroit bonne chere,& que leur peine feroit amplement recompenfee.Ces prefens acceptez, KiHtfaeton principal Ambaffadeurdes Annierronnons, apoftrophant les Hurons,leur fit vn prefent d action de graces de ce qu ilsn auoient fait aucun mal aux prifonniers Annierronnons qu ils auoient pris 1 an :paffe* il leur dift commepar parenthefe, qu ils euffent bien fait de diftribuerces prifonniers aux autres nations Iroquoifes leursalliees, qu ils les auroient obligees par cette defferenced entrer das vne paix vniuerfelle, qu auec letemps on pourroit [26] obtenir ce bon-heur, maisquils fe deuoient encor defner d eux fur leurschemins.II leur fit vn fecond prefent, pour les inuiter a dreffervn feftin aux Annierronnons qui les iroient vifiter enleur pays comme leurs vrays amis, & ques ils tardoientquelque temps, qu ils mangeaffent ce qu ilsauroient prepare",a condition de remettre incontinentle pot au feu de peur d eftre 1 furpris, puifque on fedifpofoit a ce voyage.Le treizieme du mefme mois de May Monfieurnoftre Gouuerneur traita ces Deputez en la cabaned vn Capitaine Algonquin; on leur porta deux paroles par deux prefens, la premiere n eftoit qu vnremerciement de ce qu ils n auoient pas voulu accepter les teftes ou les cheueleures de fes alliez par lesSokoquiois.La feconde leur fignifioit quil auoit refolu d enuoyerdeux Francois en leur pai & s, qu ils pouuoientpartir dans trois iours. Ce qui fit refoudre les


1645 - 46] RELA TION OF 1645- 46 301four for each of the three villages of the Annierronnons,entreating those tribes to give liberty to thechildren of the Algonquins, or even to the adultpersons who should still be in their country; withassurances that the fat would not be spared for thestomachs of those who should lead them back, andthat they would find ointments with which to anointtheir heads, in a word, he meant that they wouldbe given good cheer, and that their trouble wouldbe amply rewarded.These gifts accepted, Kioutsaeton, principal Ambassador of the Annierronnons, addressing the Hurons,made them a present of thanksgiving becausethey had done no harm to the Annierronnon prisoners whom they had taken the year before. He toldthem, parenthetically, that they would have donewell to distribute those prisoners among the otherIroquois nations, their allies that ;they would haveobliged them, by this deference, to engage in a universal peace; that, in course of time, they might [26]obtain this good fortune, but that they should stillbeware of them upon their journeys.He made them a second present, to invite themto prepare a feast for the Annierronnons, who wouldgo to visit them in their country as their true friends ;saying that if these delayed for some time, theHurons should eat what they might have prepared, oncondition of immediately setting the pot back on thefire, for fear of being surprised, since his peoplewere making ready for this journey.On the thirteenth of the same month of May, Monsieur our Governor entertained these Deputies in thecabin of an Algonquin Captain. Two speeches wereconveyed to them by two gifts the first was;only an


302 LES RELATIONS DES JESUITES [VOL. 28Algonquins de leur donner deux de leur nation poureftre de la partie.La conclufion de ces affemblees fe faifoit toufioursauec des relioiiiflances publiques, [27] mais ceux quipenetroient plus auant que1 ecorce, admiroient la conduitede Dieu, & luy donnoient mille benedictions defes bontez: car il faut auoiier qu a luy feul appartientde donner le poids aux vents, de changer lepoifon en medecine, la maladie en la {ante",la morten la vie, & la fureur de la guerre en la douceur dela paix. Sa bonte" vueille accorder cette benedidtiona noftre France.


1645-46] RELA TION OF 1645-46 303expression of thanks because they had not been willing to accept the heads or the scalps of his alliesfrom the Sokoquiois.The second indicated to them that he had resolvedto send two Frenchmen into their country, and thatthey would probably start in three days. This madethe Algonquins resolve to give them two of theirnation, to be of the party.The conclusion of these assemblies was alwaysmarked by public rejoicings; [27] but those whopenetrated deeper than the bark admired the conduct of God, and gave him a thousand blessings forhis kindnesses ;for it must be acknowledged that tohim alone itbelongs to give force to the winds, tochange poison into medicine, sickness into health,death into life, and the fury of war into the mildnessof peace. May his goodness grant this blessing toour France.


"BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA :VOL XXVIIILVFor particulars of this document, see Vol. XXVII.LVIIn presenting the text of Father Isaac Jogues sdescription of New Netherland, called NOUUMBELGIUM from the form of its endorsement, we follow the original manuscript preserved in the archivesof St. Mary s College, Montreal. The history of thisdocument s preservation is most interesting. JohnGilmary Shea gave a partial account of its pedigreein Collections of the New York Historical Society (2nd ser. ,vol. iii., part which we are enabled to elaboratei.),through the kindness of Rev. Arthur E. Jones, S.J.,archivist of St. Mary s.Father Jean Joseph Casot, the last of the oldrace of the Jesuits of the French colony, who diedMarch 16, 1800, seeing that his order was about toexpire by the enactments of the English conquerors,which prevented their receiving new members,wished to save for Catholicity at least a few of themost valuable of the papers in the archives." He,therefore, having made a selection, placed them in thecustody of the Augustine nuns of the Hotel Dieu, atQuebec. There they remained until 1843, whenthey were restored to the Society, being entrusted tothe Rev. Felix Martin, then superior of the Jesuits


GilmaryPrivatelyBy"anWithAccount""306 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITESin Canada, and founder of St. Mary s College, Montreal.Father Martin presented the regents of the University of the State of New York with a transcript ofthe original French manuscript of the NOUUMBELGIUM, accompanying it with an English translation ;and this translation was used in the Documentary History of the State of New-York, vol. iv.(Albany, 1851) see the octavo edition, pp. 21-24;and the quarto edition, pp. 15-17. This was thedocument s first appearance in print, in any form.In 1852, Father Martin printed the French textfor the first time in the appendix (pp. 306 -309) tohis translation of Bressani s Italian Relation of 1653.In 1857, a new translation appeared in the Collections of the New York Historical Society, 2nd ser., vol.iii., part i., pp. 215-219, among the" Jogues Papers.Translated and arranged, with a memoir by JohnGilmary Shea." In 1856, while the above volumewas in press, a separate edition of the "JoguesPapers" (pp. 69) was struck off, apparently for Dr.Shea s use.In 1862, Dr. Shea issued in a privately-printedvolume another translation, which varies somewhatfrom all predecessors. It collates as follows:Novum Belgium: of New Netherlandin 1643-4. Rev. Father Isaac ||| |Jogues, of|the Society of Jefus. a Facfimile of his Orig|inal Manufcript his Portrait a Map and Notes byShea. Cut with storks New| John [ ] |York:|1862.|Quarto; title, with verso blank, i leaf; Preface,"with verso blank, i leaf; Sketch of the Life of Father Isaac Jogues,pp. 5-16; facsimile of the Jogues


|NoticePreffededescription"NouumNieuwPar1644[CutaBIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA: VOL. XXVIII 307manuscript, four unnumbered leaves; printed text,pp. 9-21; p. 22 blank; translation, pp. 23-35; P-36 blank; notes, pp. 37-53, with the verso of p. 53blank; coat-of-arms, etc., with verso blank, i leaf.The plates, etc., are: (i) Portrait frontispiece ofJogues; (2) Autograph of Jogues, bet. sig. Aij andAiij (3) Facsimile of De Laet s map; (4)View ofNew ; Amsterdam, from Montanus. The impressionof the printed text (pp. 9-21)is the same as that ofthe following. It will be noticed, in the facsimile ofthe original MS., given in the edition just described,that the endorsement apparently in Jogues s ownhandwriting reads:Belgium | | pIs Jogues."The MS. takes its name in bibliographyfrom this endorsement; the date, however, is misleading, for Jogues s experience in New Amsterdamwas only in 1643, although at the close of his account(written in 1646) he, cursorily,alludes to eventsoccurring in 1644.Dr. Shea s Cramoisy series of Relations (1857-1868), though not having a series numbering, is,nevertheless, usually treated so for the sake of convenience. According to the form usually adopted,the Novum Belgium is numbered 16 in the series. Itwas printed on both large and small paper, andlimited to one hundred copies. A collation follows:Novum Belgium, de Netherlandetsur Rene"| |Goupil. le R. P.||Isaac Jogues, la| Compagnie de Jefus. with|storks ]A New|York, dans 1 Ancien Niew [sic]Netherland,|Cramoify de J. M. Shea. 1862.|Title, with certification (of copies printed) on theverso,i leaf; contents, with verso blank, i leaf;text of Novum Belgium, pp. 9-21; p. 22 blank;


"""OvideJoseph">:1873;308 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITESnotice of Rene Goupil, pp. 23-44. Facsimile of DeLaet sNova Anglia, Novvm Belgivm etmap ofVirginia."The French text of Novum Belgium, annotated, isalso to be found in Martin s life of Jogues, where itforms appendix H, and covers pp. 344-350. Thereare two issues of this biography, one with the imprint: Paris Albanel, Libraire 7, Rue| |Honore Chevalier, 7 and the other:|Quebec|Frechette, Libraire 43, Cote de laMontagne, 43 1874."The Paris edition has a| portrait of Jogues and five plates, which are not in theQuebec edition. Both issues are exactly alike, fromthe Avant-propos (pp. v-xi) to the end of thevolume (p. 352), and are from the same type. Theyvary in that the Quebec copy has a new half-title anda new title-page, and the verso of the half-title showsthat these were printed at Paris. ImprimerieJules Le Clere et C ie Rue, Cassette, 29."Other editions of Novum Belgium have, of course,since appeared in print.LVIIIn the Collections of the New York Historical Society(2nd ser., vol. iii., part i., p. 221), Dr. Shea gives aletter of Father Jogues to his superior, dated Montreal, April, 1646,"in which the missionary says: Iowe your Reverence the account of the Capture anddeath of good Rene" Goupil, which I should havesent already. If the bearer of this give [sic]metime, I will send it The Notice sur Ren/along."Goupil here reproduced, is the account thus promised.The history of the original MS. of this interestingdocument is identical with that of the Novum Belgi-


""NovumANoticePreffededescriptionNieuwBIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA: VOL. XXVIII 309um, already given (see LVL, above) having beenentrusted to the nuns of Quebec by Father Casot,and restored to the Jesuit order by the nuns in 1843.An English translation of the Notice, by Shea, wasgiven in the volume of New York Historical SocietyCollections, above cited, pp. 221-257.It was also given in the separate edition of theJogues Papers (see data under LVL) with this title:Narrative of a Captivity among the Mohawk In|dians, a description of New Netherland in 1642-3,and other Papers. By Father Isaac Jogues, of theSociety of Jesus. With a Memoir of the Author, byJohn Gilmary Shea. New York: Edward Dunigan& Brother. 1856; also with the imprint: "NewYork: Press of the Historical Society. 1856."The French edition bears the following title:Belgium, de Netherland| ]et|sur Rene Goupil. Par le R. P.Isaac Jogues, la| Compagnie de Jefus. {Cut withstorks] New|York, dans 1 Ancien Niew [sic]Netherland,|Cramoify de J.M. Shea.|1862." The account of Goupil covers pp. 23-44.For more complete details, see LVL above.LVIIIThe original of this letter from Jogues to FatherAndre Castillon (dated Montreal, September 12, 1646),rests in the archives of the Jesuit Province of Lyons,France, having first been published in Rochemonteixs Jesuites et la NouveHe-France, ii., pp. 450-452,We follow Rochemonteix.LIXFor bibliographical particulars of the Journal desJtsuites, see Vol. XXVII.


""""""""""""310 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITESLXIn reprinting the Relation of 1645-46 (Paris, 1647),we follow the text of the original Cramoisy edition,from a copy in Lenox Library. This copy is interesting from association for it bears on the title-pagethe autograph of Robert Southey 20 May 1817.Paris." Our title-page is a facsimile of the copy inthe possession of the Wisconsin State HistoricalSociety.The Priuilege is datedand the Permiffion1646,"Paris le 6. DecembreParis ce 8. lanuier1647."This Relation consists of two parts, both ofwhich are addressed to the provincial, EstienneCharlet. Part I. isJerome Lalemant s regular NewFrance Relation; and part II. is the Huron Relationfrom May, 1645 to May, 1646, signed Paul Ragneav,"and dated Des Hurons ce i. May 1646."The volume is generally referred to as H. 86,"because described in Harrisse s Notes, no. 86. Hisdescription, however, is not precise.Collation : Sig. a in four (consisting of one blankleaf; title, with verso blank, i leaf; Table desChapitres," pp. (2); and "Priuilege,"with "Permiffion" on the verso, i leaf); prefatory epistle byLalemant to Part I., pp. 1-6; text of Part L, pp. 7-184; title to Part II., with verso blank,i leaf; epistleby Ragueneau, and text to Part II., pp. 3- 128.Peculiarities: All copies examined have but one caseof mispagination namely, in Part II., where p. 25;is numbered 33. In the Lenox copy from whichwe reprint, the sentence in Montagnais commencingon line 10 of p. 176, in Part I., begins: Tapoue"Nama Nitirinifm ;but in another copy in that


Tap""BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA: VOL. XXVIII 311Library, formerly George Bancroft s, this sentence:begins de Nama. Evidently the latter is theearlier impression, in which "one ""of Tapouewas thought to beOtherwise, typographicallyde."and textually, the two volumes are identical.Copies of H. 86 have been sold or priced asfollows: Harrassowitz (1882), priced at 160 marks;O Callaghan (1882), no. 1224, sold to the Library ofParliament, Canada, for $24, and had cost him $32.50in gold; Barlow (1890), no. 1291, sold for $10;Dufosse", of Paris, priced (1891 and 1892) at 22 5 and 175francs, respectively; Lenox duplicate, sold April 29,1895, by Bangs & Co., New York City, to Dodd,Mead & Co., for $35, and was priced by them intheir list of April, 1896, no. 42, at $50. Copies incollections: Lenox (two variations), Harvard, Wisconsin State Historical Society, New York StateLibrary, Laval University (Quebec), Brown (private),Bibliotheque Nationale (Paris), and British Museum.


andNOTES TO VOL XXVIII(Figures in parentheses, following number of note, refer to pagesof English text.)1 (p. 25). This ecclesiastic (vol. xxv., note g) was a member ofthe commercial company that controlled the trade of Miscou.2 (p. 105). Both these names, Maurice and Nassau, were givento the Hudson River, at that early day, in honor of Prince Mauriceof Nassau (1567-1625), the celebrated Dutch general.3 (p. 107). For information regarding the West India Company,see vol. xxi., note 20. Shea, in his privately-printed edition ofNovum Belgium (see Bibliographical Data in this volume), states(1862) that "the papers of the West India Company were but a fewyears since sold as waste paper."4 (p. 109). Mnistes: apparently an abbreviation of Mennonistes,modernized as Mennonites, the followers of Simon Menno, whoorganized them in 1535 as an independent body, though really oneof the branches of the great Protestant reformation of that time.They believed in the personal coming and reign of Christ uponearth for a thousand years ; opposed infant baptism and; regardedwar, capital punishment, and the taking of oaths as unlawful.Persecuted in Germany and Switzerland in the i6th century, manyof this sect fled to Holland, where their co-religionists were alreadynumerous not a few found new homes in;the Dutch foreigncolonies. The Mennonites are, at the present day, a large body;many of them have formed flourishing colonies in the WesternStates of America, largely driven hither by persecution in theirnative lands, especially in Russia.regard to the conditions of settlement in New5 (p. 109). InNetherlands, cf. N. Y. Colon. Docs., vol. i., p. 114; and O Callaghans New Netherland, vol. i., p. 206.6 (p. 109). Fresh River: thus named by the Dutch explorer,Adrien Block (1614). Connecticut is a corruption of the aboriginalname, Quinnehtukqut, meaning "land on the long tidal river."(Trumbull, Ind. Names, p. 60).


""314 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITES7 (p. 109). This "South River" was, even then, also known asthe Delaware, a name applied to the bay by Argall, in 1610, incompliment to the first governor of Virginia, although these waterswere discovered by Hendrik Hudson in the preceding year. Theriver was first explored in 1616, by Hendrickson, a Dutch captain.The first settlement was made by the Dutch, in 1623, at Fort Nassau, near the site of the present Gloucester, N. J. Three yearslater, Gustavus Adolphus granted to a Swedish company (organizedmainly by William Usselincx) a charter for lands in this region;but it was not until 1638 that they sent colonists thither. In thatyear, a Swedish settlement was made at Fort Christina, on the siteof the present Wilmington, Del.Jogues here refers to the French edition of De Laet8 (p. 109).(Leyden, 1640), and, therein, to chapters treating of New Belgium, vii., x., and xi., of book iii. At the beginning of De Laet svolume is an extensive Table des Chapitres qui sont contenusen chaque Livre;" this, no doubt, is "la table" mentioned byJogues. V. H. PALTSITS.9 (p. in). Concerning this settlement and fort, see vol. xxiv.,note 22.10 (p. 113). Wolves: see vol. xxvi., note 4.11 (p. 137). For sketch of Bourdon, see vol. xi., note 11.12 (p. 143). Jean Bonnet a member of the Jesuit order, 1599-1654, and rector at Saintes wrote Image Sacre de la vie et de ladoctrine de Je sus-Christ (Poitiers, 1634).Jeremias Drexel was born at Augsburg, Aug. 15, 1581. Whenbarely seventeen, he became a Jesuit novice, and studied at Augsburg and Dillingen. During twenty-three years he was courtpreacher for the Elector of Bavaria, and died at Munich, Apr. 19,1638. He was a prolific writer of religious works; among these,was De ^Eternitate Considerationes (Munich, 1620), which wentthrough numerous editions, and was translated into eight languages.13 (p. 143). The telescope was invented about 1609, by JakobMetzu, of Alkmaer, Holland, whence it was called lunette de Holland. The appellation given in our text, lunette de Galilee, arosefrom its use by Galileo, who mentions the instrument in his Nunciussydereus (1610); he made one for himself, after the model ofMetzu s, in order to examine the motions of Jupiter s satellites.Felice s Encyclopddie (Yverdon, 1773),t. xxvi., pp. 727, 728.14 (p. 143). This was Marguerite Langlois, wife of the pilotAbraham Martin, from whom the Plains of Abraham derive theirname. Marguerite was probably a relative of the Norman pilotNoel Langlois, one of the early settlers in Canada. Martin had ten


NOTES TO VOL. XXVIII 315children all, save one, girls. One of these, Helene, was the firstwife of the explorer Chouart des Groseilliers (note 32, post).15 (p. 147). This was Jacques Maheu, a native of Perche, whocame to Quebec before 1639. The Journal mentions him, in thissame month, as aiding Marsolet in arousing discontent among thehabitants; and, in 1659-61, as engaged in the cod-fishery on theGaspe coast.16 (p. 151). Following is the translation of the Latin passage inthe text:When these things were reported by us that is, by me andFather de Quen to Monsieur the Governor, he himself disclosed tous the whole matter, thus: Last summer, when the Annierononenvoys came with Cousture to treat for peace, after they had discussed and transacted many things in public, they demanded theirleader being a man named le crochet the hook [ ] that Monsieurthe Governor would consent to talk with them in a private conference. This man thought that a considerable present should bemade to Monsieur the Governor, that, if he desired peace for bothhimself and the Hurons, he should abandon the Algonquins withoutshelter. When Onontio was informed of this, he would not evenlook at any such present, nor would he suffer it to be delivered;andhe said that the thing was impossible. Le crochet was chagrinedat this repulse, and from that time the peace seemed to be endangered. Monsieur the Governor saw this ;and both Father Vimont,the superior, and Father le Jeune thought that the difficulty might besmoothed over. In a 2nd private conference, at which, as at theformer, were present Monsieur the Governor, le Crochet, and Cousture, Monsieur the Governor said that there were two kinds ofAlgonquins, one like ourselves, recognized as Christians; theother, unlike us. Without the former, it is certain, we do not makea peace ;as for the latter, they themselves are the masters of theirown actions, nor are they united with us like the others. This, asuttered by Monsieur the Governor, was, and perhaps for a worsereason, thus repeated by the envoy to his own people, which, understood beingby all the Annieronons in his country, was made publicby such of them as left it, sed merito, denied by the french."17 (P- 153)- Mathurin Gagnon, with his brothers Jean and Pierre,settled at Chateau-Richer, probably by 1640. From them, accord"ing to Suite, have sprung innumerable families, who have spreadinto all regions where Canadians are found."Among these are,in the present generation, several men of prominence in Canadianliterature and public affairs.18 (p. 155). Pierre Boucher, a native of Perche (1622), came


"and,316 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITESwith his father s family to Canada in 1634. He spent the years1639-41 in the service of the Jesuits,in their Huron missions, andfour years more as a soldier of the Quebec garrison in; 1645,became an interpreter at Three Rivers. From that time, he securedrapid promotion, occupying many important positions in businessand in public affairs, notably that of governor of Three Rivers(1653-58, and 1662-67). In 1661, Boucher was ennobled; and, inthe same year, he went to France, in order to represent there theenfeebled condition of the Canadian colonies, and their urgent needof aid. He was partially successful, returning the next year with 200colonists and 100 soldiers, and having awakened in France renewedinterest in the Canadian enterprise. It was for this purpose, and atthe king s request, that Boucher undertook to write his Histoireveritable (vol. viii., of this series, note 3), a sketch of the naturalresources of Canada. In 1667, retiring from the governorship ofThree Rivers, he settled upon his estate at Boucherville, and devotedhis energies to the improvement and colonization of this and otherlands in which he had an interest He died in 1717, aged 95, leaving a numerous family. Boucher s first wife was an Indian girl,educated at the Ursuline convent ;her death soon left him a childlesswidower. He then married (1652) Jeanne Crevier, by whom he hadsixteen children. Most of the particulars here given are obtained"from Suite s excellent paper, Pierre Boucher et son livre," Canad.Roy. Soc. Proc., 1897, vol. ii., sect, i., pp. 99-168. This is a reprintof the Hist vdrit., accompanied by a biographical sketch ofBoucher, and bibliographical notice of his book.Toussaint Toupin, here mentioned, was husband of Boucher ssister Marguerite, and an influential citizen of Quebec" (Suite):he was an ancestor of the noted Charles de Langlade.19 (p. 167). Gabriel Duclos de Celles, sieur de Sailly, spent thewinter of 1645-46 at Quebec, but apparently removed thence toMontreal, where he married (1652) Barbe Poisson. He was a judge,in both civil and criminal affairs, and was granted lands in 1654.20 (p. 173). Reference is evidently here made to the IndianFrangois Xavier Nenaskoumat, one of the original two settlers atthe Sillery reduction, who died in 1639; but it is difficult to explainwhy he should also be named Boule, unless, possibly, on accountof some special circumstance connecting him with a Frenchman ofthat name. Tanguay (Diet. Gtndal. } mentions one Francois Boule,"located at Sillery,"whose infant child was buried at Three Rivers,Jan. 31. 1639. In a document dated Feb. 8, 1652, one of this nameis mentioned among the landholders near Cap Rouge he was slain;there by the Iroquois in June, 1653. Both references may be to thesame person. Nenaskoumat s surname may, with more probability,


"""NOTES TO VOL. XXVIII 317"be connected with Francois Boulle, mentioned as one of our domestics," in the Sillery baptismal register (vol. xx., note 10), whichstates that he was (June 24, 1639) godfather to an Indian boy baptized there."21 (p. 185). This paragraph ends with the following sentence,which has been crossed off, probably by Father Jerome himself:But, this rule having proved difficult of observance to our BrotherClaude, we were obliged to set it aside, and to continue in thesematters the practice customary in our Company. Queb. ed. ofJo urn,, p. 43, note.22 (p. 187). For sketch of Masse, see vol. i., note 39. Themonument to his memory, there mentioned, was unveiled June 25,1870. In a private note to the Editor, Crawford Lindsay, of Quebec,thus describes it: "Themonument, plain but elegant, is abouttwenty feet in height, and stands within an enclosure. It is of cutstone, with four marble tablets, surmounted by a marble crown.One of the tablets bears the following inscription (in French):The inhabitants of Sillery have erected this monument to theMemory of Pierre Enemond Masse, S.J., first missionary in Canada, buried in 1646, in the church of Saint Michel, on the Domainof Saint Joseph of Sillery. On another tablet is inscribed : TheChurch of Saint Michel, which formerly stood on this spot, wasbuilt by the Commander of Sillery, founder (in 1637) of the SaintJoseph Domain. Facing the monument, and on the opposite sideof the road, stands the building occupied by the Jesuit missionaries.It is a two-story house, with very thick walls, and is still in verygood condition; it is occupied by a family."23 (p. 191 ).M. le prieur: Rene Chartier, chaplain of theUrsulines (vol. xxiii., note 17).24 (p. 201). "The Jesuit Fathers had their cattle-pen at Pointaux Lievres, at the place where now stands the Marine Hospital,opposite Notre Dame des Anges." Queb. ed. of Journ., p. 51,note 2.25 (p. 203). Thomas Hayot, a native of Perche, connected bymarriage with the family of Pierre Boucher (note 18, ante), wasfarmer of the Jesuit lands at Beauport he came to Canada;probablyabout 1637. The Journal mentions him (August, 1653) asfrom deputyCap Rouge for the election of a syndic. Numerous familiestrace their origin to him.26 (p. 203). The bridegroom in this marriage was AntoineMartin, nicknamed Montpellier from his birthplace, the city ofthat name in France. He married Denise, daughter of CharlesSevestre a native of Paris, who had come to Quebec about 1635;


318 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITEShe died there in 1657. Martin died two years later, leaving sixchildren; his widow, in less than three months, married PhilipNepveu, by whom she had eleven children.27 (p. 211). For information concerning lands belonging toJesuits, see: Three Rivers, vol. iv., note 24; Notre Dame desAnges, vi., note 7; St. Gabriel, vi., note 8; Sillery, vii., note 22,and ix., note 32; Caughnawaga, xii., note n; Isle of Orleans, xviii.,note i ;Batiscan and Cap de la Madeleine, xxv., note 9.28 (p. 223). Our Lady of the Snows: an ancient feast in theRoman Catholic Church, celebrated on the fifth day of August. Itoriginated thus: A wealthy Roman patrician, named John, prayedfor Divine enlightenment on the best way to spend his money. TheVirgin appeared to him in a dream, telling him to build in her honora church on Mount Esquiline, at a spot where he would next dayfind the ground covered with snow. This sign being given, although the heat of summer prevailed, John erected at this place thechurch of St. Mary Major, which, several times rebuilt, is now oneof the great basilicas of Rome. This miraculous event took placeunder Pope Liberius, in the fourth century A. D. and; August 5, theday of its occurrence, is commemorated as the day of Our Ladyof the Snows." T. E. HAMEL.The church of St. Mary Major is thus named because it is, bothin antiquity and dignity, the first church in Rome among those thatare dedicated to God in honor of the Virgin Mary. It was consecrated under the title of the Virgin Mary by Sixtus III., about theyear 435. It is also called St. Mary ad Nives ("at the Snows ").Butler s Lives of the Saints, vol. iii., p. 322.29 (p. 223). Adrien Daran, a spiritual coadjutor of the Jesuitorder, was born at Rouen, Sept. 9, 1615, and became a novice at theage of twenty, at Paris. His studies were pursued at Clermont andRouen, his term as instructor being spent at Nevers and Alencon.Coming to Canada in 1646, he spent two years in the French settlements on the St. Lawrence, and, in August, 1648, was sent to theHuron country. Upon the ruin of that mission, in the followingyear, it would appear that Daran went with the fugitive HuronChristians to their new residence on Christian Island, and accompanied them on their subsequent flight to Quebec (June- July, 1650).Daran returned to France in the following September; he spenta year at Alengon, and the rest of his life at Vannes, where he diedin 1670.30 (p. 223). Charles Amador de la Tour, at the age of fourteen,was brought from Paris by his father, Claude, who settled inAcadia, near Poutrincourt (vols. i.-ii., of this series). Upon the


NOTES TO VOL. XXVIII 319destruction of the French establishments by Argall (1613), Charlestook refuge, with his friend Biencourt, among the Souriquois Indians; and the latter, when dying (1623), appointed Charles his successor in command of the few Acadian posts they had establishedafter the departure of the English, and in his rights at Port Royal.These were not disturbed until 1627, when Kirk seized Port Royalin the name of Sir William Alexander (vol. iv., note 46). La Tour,however, retained an estate and a fort near Cape Sable; and in1632, when Acadia was restored to France, Razilly appointed himone of his lieutenants, the other being Charles d Aulnay (vol. viii.,note 2). After Razilly s death (1635), quarrels arose betweenthese officers, owing to conflicting interests and authority D Aulnay;had the greater influence at the French court, and obtained (1641)a royal order revoking La Tour s commission, and commanding himto return to France. This he refused to do; and, as he was ofHuguenot birth, he endeavored to secure aid from the ProtestantEnglish of Boston. This, however, they declined to give, furtherthan to allow him (1643) to hire soldiers and purchase supplies athis own expense. With these, La Tour returned to his fort at themouth of St. John River (N. B.), and drove away D Aulnay, who wasbesieging the place. The latter again attacked the fort (apparentlyin the spring of 1646), which, though valiantly defended by Madamede la Tour in her husband s absence, was captured, D Aulnaytreacherously putting to death the entire garrison, notwithstandinghis promise to spare their lives and the ; lady is said to have diedsoon afterward from grief. This disaster compelled La Tour to takerefuge in Canada, where he seems to have remained till about 1651.31 (p. 227). This refers to the statement in the Journal, in October preceding (vol. xxvii., p. 89), that a sum of money had beenset apart by the habitants for the erection of a church and clergyhousefor the Jesuits.32 (p. 229). Medard Chouart, sieur des Groseilliers, from Brie,in France, was born in 1621 (according to Tanguay; but 1625,Suite). He came to Three Rivers in 1641, and, later, spent sometime in the Huron country. (Suite claims that, in 1645, Chouart wassent to the Lake Superior region by the Jesuits, in whose servicehe was.) Returning thence (August, 1646, as mentioned in ourtext), he became, at first, a soldier in the Quebec garrison, and thena pilot on the St. Lawrence; and, a year later, he married Helene,daughter of Abraham Martin. She died in 1651, leaving a son; and,in 1653, ne took for his second wife Marguerite, sister of his friendRadisson. These two adventurous men made various importantexplorations together, to the west and north, and were the originalpromoters of the Hudson s Bay Company. Regarding the first of


"Parkman"320 LES RELA TIONS DES JESUITESthese voyages, there has been much uncertainty and discussion ;thesubject is exhaustively considered in Campbell s Radisson andGroseilliers,Club Pubs., no. 2 (Milw., 1896). He adduces much evidence to show that these two Frenchmen were thenameless explorers mentioned in the Jesuit Relation of 1656, whospent the two preceding years in the regions about Lakes Michiganand Superior, bringing back much information about the Indiantribes therein. They again journeyed westward, in the summer of1659, and spent the winter near Lake Pepin, among the Sioux tribesthen located southwest of Lake Superior. On this voyage, theygained information which led them to plan further explorationsnorthward; and, after several unsuccessful attempts to secure aidfor this enterprise, they finally obtained ships and men fromCharles II. of England, in the spring of 1668. Radisson s ship wasdriven back by a storm, but that of Groseilliers succeeded in reaching Hudson s Bay, the objective point of this expedition. In consequence, an English fort was established that year, at the mouthof Rupert s River; and, in the following year, Radisson took possession of Port Nelson in the name of the English king. Anotherresult of these explorations was the formation (1670) of the Hudson sBay Company. Radisson and Groseilliers remained at Hudson sBay till 1673, in the employ of the English; and would seem thento have gone to France. Five years later, they returned to Canada,and Groseilliers remained for a time with his family at ThreeRivers. In 1681, the two friends commanded another expedition toHudson s Bay, this time to establish a French post there; but, twoyears later, they returned to Europe, and were induced by the English to reenter the service of the Hudson s Bay Company. Radisson went back to the Bay, and spent several years there; butGroseilliers apparently remained and died in England. By hissecond wife, he had five children.33 (p. 233). Amable Defretat came to Canada in September,1646; he remained but one year, probably at Quebec and Sillery;and in September, 1647, he was sent back to France.34 (p. 243). This was the widow of Jean Nicolet (vol. viii., note29), and daughter of Guillaume Couillard (vol. xii., note 27). Shemarried Nicolas Macart (Macard), nicknamed "Champagne,"fromhis native province. He came to Canada before 1640, and lived atQuebec, where at one time he was agent for the habitants. Hisdaughters made excellent marriages, and his youngest son becamea member of the Sovereign Council. Macart died in October, 1659.35 (p. 251). Le sit: probably Le Cid of Corneille, which had beenfirst represented in Paris about ten years before.

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