The Ahikuntaka

www.dilmahconservation.org 

Traditional Communities in Sri Lanka 

The Ahikuntaka 

Dilmah Conservation The Ahikuntaka 1


Dilmah Conservation

Dilmah Conservation 

DS


Declaration of Our Core 

Commitment to Sustainability 

Dilmah owes its success to the quality of Ceylon Tea. Our business was founded therefore on an enduring 

connection to the land and the communities in which we operate. We have pioneered a comprehensive commitment 

to minimising our impact on the planet, fostering respect for the environment and ensuring its protection by 

encouraging a harmonious coexistence of man and nature. We believe that conservation is ultimately about people 

and the future of the human race, that efforts in conservation have associated human well-being and poverty 

reduction outcomes. These core values allow us to meet and exceed our customers’ expectations of sustainability. 

Our Commitment 

We reinforce our commitment to the principle of making business a matter of human service and to the core values 

of Dilmah, which are embodied in the Six Pillars of Dilmah. 

We will strive to conduct our activities in accordance with the highest standards of corporate best practice and in 

compliance with all applicable local and international regulatory requirements and conventions. 

We recognise that conservation of the environment is an extension of our founding commitment to human service. 

We will assess and monitor the quality and environmental impact of its operations, services and products whilst 

striving to include its supply chain partners and customers, where relevant and to the extent possible. 

We are committed to transparency and open communication about our environmental and social practices. 

We promote the same transparency and open communication from our partners and customers. 

We strive to be an employer of choice by providing a safe, secure and non-discriminatory working environment for its 

employees whose rights are fully safeguarded and who can have equal opportunity to realise their full potential. 

We promote good relationships with all communities of which we are a part and we commit to enhance their quality 

of life and opportunities whilst respecting their culture, way of life and heritage.

© Ceylon Tea Services PLC 


This publication may be produced in whole or in part and in any form for 

educational or non-profit purposes without special permission from the 

copyright holder, provided acknowledgement of the source is cited. No 

use of this publication may be made for resale or any commercial purpose 

whatsoever without prior permission in writing from the copyright holder. 

Disclaimer 

The contents and views in this publication do not necessarily reflect the views or 

policies of the copyright holder or other companies affiliated to the copyright holder. 

Works cited 

Gankanda, N. & Abayakoon, A. (2013). Traditional Communities in Sri Lanka - 

The Ahikuntaka. Colombo, Sri Lanka: Ceylon Tea Services PLC. 

Printed and bound in Singapore 

ISBN: 978-955-0081-08-0 

Ceylon Tea Services PLC 

MJF Group 

111, Negombo Road 

Peliyagoda 

Sri Lanka 

Contact 

info@dilmahconservation.org 

May 2013. 

The images for this publication were sourced from Darrell Bartholomeusz (DB), Alan Benson (AB), Dhanush De Costa (DD), Dimithri Cruze (DC), Dharshana Jayawardena (DJ), Bree Hutchins (BH), Namal Kamalgoda 

(NK), Sarath Perera (SP), Malaka Premasiri (MP), M. A. Pushpakumara (PK), Devaka Seneviratne (DS), Julian Stevenson (JS), Dilhan C. Fernando (DCF), Nuwan Gankanda (NG), Asanka Abayakoon (AA), Dilmah 

Graphics (DG)

Traditional Communities in Sri Lanka 

The Ahikuntaka


An introduction 

The memory of the Ahikuntaka walking through my village 

is as fresh today as it was sixty years ago. Many a time have 

I wondered what has befallen those mystifying and colourful 

people, as I realised that over time, their presence in many parts 

of the country has dwindled. 

With the growth of Dilmah, I was determined to do something 

for the people of this country. The MJF Foundation and Dilmah 

Conservation were founded with the vision of sharing our 

bounty with those in need of care and protection. In memory 

of those colourful visions of my childhood, I wanted to extend 

that care and protection to the fast vanishing Ahikuntaka 

(Nomadic) community. With this in mind, a project to preserve 

and protect their cultural identity was planned and launched 

through Dilmah Conservation. 

The culture of any given country is made up of the sub cultures 

that exist within that country. If, at any given time, the sub 

cultures that exist within a country are found to be collapsing, 

the ripple effect it would have on the ‘larger’ culture of the 

country will be a negative one. Therefore, the preservation of 

sub cultures is of utmost importance to any civilisation. The 

Lankan civilisation is no exception to this phenomenon. The 

culture and the identity of a Lankan is the harnessing of all sub 

cultures that exists within the Lankan community. 

The coming together of the Sinhalese, Tamil, Muslim and 

Burgher communties that are grounded by religious traditions 

of Buddhism, Hinduism, Islam and Christianity have all 

contributed to the larger cultural identity of a Sri Lankan. 

In the midst of such rich diversity, the Nomadic community, 

though not large in their numbers, take pride of place, adding 

colour and value to the Lankan family. I believe that the colour 

and value that this Nomadic community adds to the cultural 

diversity of Sri Lanka has not been appreciated enough. Through 

ignorance and non-appreciation of their different lifestyles, a 

great historical injustice has befallen this community. We forget 

that the gypsy who is seen roaming the streets with a monkey 

and a snake is a sight that is captured by almost every tourist 

who visits our island nation. Thus, the gypsy becomes a cultural 

ambassador of this country. 

Just as much as biodiversity plays the most pivotal part in the 

workings of Mother Nature, cultural diversity is considered an 

essential guiding factor in the process of human civilisation and 

evolution. Indigenous people enrich and enhance the cultural 

diversity of the society we live in. I believe it is our duty to help 

them live their lives with honour and integrity. 

I believe living with dignity is our birthright; and not a 

privilege bestowed to us by a societal hierarchy. My wish is for 

the dawn of that day when men of all shape, caste and creed 

accept this as a basic human truth. I am happy that Dilmah is 

able to contribute towards preserving the cultural diversity of 

Sri Lanka and thereby help the country take a few steps towards 

embracing the beauty that this diversity brings. 

Merrill J. Fernando 

Founder – Dilmah Conservation 

8 The Ahikuntaka 

Dilmah Conservation

Dilmah Conservation The Ahikuntaka 9 

AB


Foreword 

Among the many clans and communities that reside in this 

beautiful nation, the Nomadic or gypsy communities have with 

them practices that are unique to their community. The gypsies 

live a lifestyle of a tourist moving from one place to another 

together with their props and this itself provides an extreme 

example of the unique traditions and practices the gypsies, as 

a community, possess. Despite this unique contribution it is 

sad to note that there is little or no research conducted on this 

community. The main criticism against the handful of research 

studies that have been conducted on this community is the 

fact that it lacks depth both on an angle of human interest and 

social science. The studies that have been conducted to this day 

on this community has either been confined to research done 

on a academic platform at a university or a study conducted 

by individuals who are enthralled by the nomadic lifestyle. 

These studies though small in number, I believe, have been the 

guiding lights for further study on the inner workings of this 

community. 

The research work of the renowned Indian human scientist 

M.D. Raghavan on the early cultural beginnings of the 

nomadic community and the tourist lifestyle of the members 

of this community takes pride of place in the handful of 

research that has been conducted on the gypsies. The work 

of Sunil Kularathne (1982) Chandra Shree Ranasinghe, Sepala 

Amarasinghe and Nadeera Jayathunga (2009) have all been 

illuminating in this regard. The constant articles and stories that 

have been published both, in news papers and magazines have 

also been contributory factors for the further study of the gypsy 

community. 

However all of the above research work lacks clarity simply due 

to the reason that they were not carried out to encompass the 

entire system of the Nomadic lifestyle and culture. Therefore, 

the subtleties and differences that exist within the community 

have failed to be highlighted. Studies are yet to be conducted 

on the historical evolution of the community from the ‘clan’ 

mentality to what it is today and this I believe is an area that 

needs indepth study discussion. The Christianisation of the 

community spearheaded by the visiting missionaries has directly 

resulted in the erosion of traditional beliefs, rituals and practices. 

The younger generation of the community has lost interest in 

continuing with their forefathers beliefs thus endangering the 

unique attributes that were a part and parcel of the nomadic 

lifestyle. 

The knowledge of the traditional workings of the community 

today is confined to a few members of the older generation, 

which if not preserved, would be lost to the world. Therefore 

the very fact that Dilmah Conservation have taken the initiative 

to preserve the knowledge on the cultural significance and value 

that the gypises possess should be commended. I believe that 

Dilmah Conservation has taken this initiative at the most crucial 

juncture believing it to be the last chance for any comprehensive 

work on the community. The task that Dilmah has sought to 

complete I believe will be priceless in terms of the value it would 

add to the big mix of the Lankan family. 

The gypsies are a community that prefers living away from 

traditional society. Their lineage is traced back to India and 

parts of this large gypsy family are scattered in different parts of 

the globe. The traditional homeland of all these communities is 

believed to be India. I believe that the Sri Lankan gypisies should 

be considered a part of this larger gypsy community scattered in 


Dilmah Conservation

many parts of the world and must be connected with them. 

This will result in the much needed infusion into the culture 

and lifestyle of the Sri Lankan gypsy community. 

I take this opportunity to thank Dilmah Conservation for 

taking the initiative to support and document the lives of 

traditional communities in Sri Lanka. It is a timely and 

necessary intervention. 

Professor Ranjith Bandara 

Department of Economics 

University of Colombo 

SP 


Contents 

Introduction to Nomadic Communities 

Snake charming exhibition methods 

exhibition methThe Ahikuntaka caste system in Sri Lanka 

Deities and gods of the Ahikuntaka community 

The Court system 

Traditional methods of medication 

A vanishing community Maddili 

Mahakanadarawa a village by the tank 

Kali Amma the woman who strayed away from tradition 

The story of Rengasamige Masanna 

The Ahikuntaka Varigasabha 

Kudagama Charter 

Preserving their cultural identity 

A Baseline Survey of Sri Lankan Nomads 

Acknowledgements 

18 

20 

24 

28 

32 

38 

40 

42 

44 

48 

54 

56 

60 

64 

112


14 The Ahikuntaka

“W 

ith pride we mention that, even though we are a minority community, 

our contribution towards nourishing Sri Lankan cultural diversity is 

significant. Our cultural identity plays a major role in that context. For a slight 

elaboration of our cultural identity, we are pleased to make mention of the snake 

charming and monkey performing, fortune telling and gypsy lifestyle which 

distinguishes the Ahikuntaka community from others.” 

This is an excerpt from the Kudagama Charter which was ratified on the banks of the Rajangana Tank, in Kudagama, 

Thambuttegama during the Dilmah Conservation sponsored Ahikuntaka Varigasabha held on January 28 th 2011. 

The Charter was signed by five leaders the of community, Nadarajah of Kudagama, Egatannage Masanna of 

Andarabedda, Anawattu Masanna of Kalawewa, M. Rasakumar of Aligambe and Karupan Silva of Sirivallipuram who 

represented different clans within the Ahikuntaka community. 

DS 


15


DCF 


Dilmah Conservation

DCF 

DCF 



17



Many South Asian countries have clans or tribes that 

specialise in ‘snake charming’. In Sri Lanka, they are 

known as ‘Ahikuntaka’ or ‘Kuthadi’ who engage in snake 

charming as a traditional method of livelihood. These clans 

have within them the skill to charm a number of snakes 

including the most dangerous cobras and vipers; species they 

have charmed hereditarily. These charmers make use of a ‘flute’ 

like instrument which exudes music to which the snake swiftly 

responds. India is home to many snake charming clans while 

they are also found across Pakistan, Bangladesh, Thailand, 

Malaysia and Sri Lanka. 

The type of snakes that are charmed by these men differ 

from region to region; the Indians specialise in charming the 

Indian cobra, Russell’s viper, Indian and Burmese pythons and 

mangrove snakes. The African tribes that practice this art make 

use of the Egyptian cobra, Puff Adder, Carpet viper and the 

Desert Horned viper, all of whom are extremely venomous. 

The ‘Abrahmic’ religious traditions which include the three 

main religions of the world - Judaism, Christianity and Islam 

consider the ‘snake’ to be the embodiment of evil. Therefore 

those who follow these religious traditions believe snake 

charmers to be extremely dangerous due to the belief that a 

snake charmer has the ability to even charm the devil or satan. 

The Indians have a very unique culture of snake charming. 

They seldom consider a snake to be the embodiment of evil 

and many even go as far as giving the snake spiritual status. 

Therefore, the charming of a snake is considered holy and done 

purely for entertainment. Like their relatives in Sri Lanka, many 

of the nomadic or gypsy tribes practices their trade by migrating 

from one city to another, stopping at requests and showcasing 


Introduction to Nomadic Communities

their exhibits. These men, more often than not, are known to 

sell herbs that can be used as anti-venom and some of them are 

even skilled at treating snake bites. 

The most ancient and informative readings regarding snake 

charmers are found in ancient Egyptian texts. The snake 

charmers of that era were considered magicians and even 

doctors, and are ranked among the most influential in society. 

They were known to be literate and had learnt the art of 

snake charming as a part of their education. The present day 

Indian tribes, who practice this art, are intertwined with the 

Hindu religious inclination towards the ‘snake’ or ‘nagaya’. 

According to this religious ideal, the ‘nagaya’ is considered a 

holy and sacred animal and during ancient times these snake 

charmers were considered ‘blessed beings’. Ancient Indian snake 

charmers were also known to have had the power of healing. 

Their guru or guardian saint to this day is ‘Baba Gulabir’ 

who is considered to be an avatar of the snake gods. He was 

instrumental in preaching love towards the snake and was 

very vocal about the need for snake conservation. Countless 

legends about his ‘miraculous powers’ have been woven 

around him and it was at the temple dedicated to him at 

Charkhi Dadri, that the snake charmers’ conference was held. 

‘Babaji was a reincarnation of Nag Devata,’ informed 

Mohinder Pal, a snake charmer from Bhiwandi. ‘He took the 

human form to stop people from killing snakes out of fear. He 

taught them to love snakes and keep them as their protectors. 

It is that legacy we have inherited and are carrying forward.’ 

DG 



19


Snake charming 

exhibition methods 

Snake charmers use various types of small boxes, or 

pouches to carry their snakes. Customarily, the box in 

which the snake is kept is inserted into a pouch made of 

cloth and is carried on one arm. They use an instrument 

which exudes the sound of a flute and move from place to 

place exhibiting their wares. 

Snake charmers take many precautions against an attack 

from the snake they carry. The most obvious being the 

removing of the venomous teeth. The African tradition is 

known as ‘sewing’ the mouth of the snake or serpent, which 

curtails the jaw movement of the reptile. This restricts the 

snakes ability to spit venom and its ability to capture prey. 

However, many animal rights activists are up in arms against 

this practice as it results in the snake not being able to have 

regular food, which could also result in the development of 

various infections in the mouth and subsequent death. 


Snake charming exhibition methods

BH 

Snake charming exhibition methods 


21


DCF 


DCF 


23


The Ahikuntaka caste system in Sri Lanka 

The entire gypsy population of the country, despite 

being limited to around 1000 families have within 

them a unique caste hierarchical system. During previous 

generations, the caste system was considered important 

and had an enormous bearing on marriages, similar to 

that of rural Sri Lankan society. However, the present day 

gypsies seems to have broken the shackles that had them 

restricted even within themselves, with social and economic 

factors taking more central roles in their lives. Nevertheless, 

to date, the ‘high’ or ‘low’ caste differentiation exists within 

the community, when deciding on vital matters. The origins 

of this caste hierarchy can be traced back to their relatives in 

India who pay great emphasis to this factor. 

Speaking to us during the research, a member of the gypsy 

community Andarabedde Masanna Arachchila, explained 

that the caste system had two distinct differences, namely 

‘Dugudoru’ and ‘Thapaloru’ which translates as ‘high’ and 

‘low’. The Dugudorus have four sub clans and the Thapalorus 

have five sub clans into which the entire community is 

divided. These sub clans are divided according to their 

hereditary professions, much like the rural Sinhala folk. The 

higher castes have the more prestigious duties, as cultivation 

and decoration of marriage festivals and brides. The lower 

castes have relatively less prestigious duties including washing 

clothes or cutting the hair of community members. The 

laundry and barber duties being considered low are common 

among the neighboring Sinhala folk as well. 

Upon inspection, the roots of these castes seems to have 

been divided based somewhat on their profession and their 

appearance. This however is a general view and cannot be 

used as an indication for all castes. One strain emanates from 

the hereditary profession of the members and the other, is 

the physical appearance of a set of members of a certain caste. 

Band playing and dancing at weddings is exclusively the duty 

of the ‘Burakaya Dugadoru’ tribe, while decorating weddings, 

jewellery making are the responsibility of the ‘Kunchammaru 

Dugadoru’ caste. Members of the Yaara Thapaloru caste 

are known as gypsies with ‘red skin’. However, whether this 

distinction is actually based on the colour of their skin or 

whether it is based on their profession – dealing in animal 

skins – is yet to be determined. 

Many older members of the gypsy community would swear 

by the fact that they were exclusively nomadic, moving from 

one village to another, with no permanent residence. Except 

for migrating from village to village, exhibiting their snakes, 

there is no evidence to suggest that the gypsies took refuge 

in a certain place and practiced another craft. According to 

many elders, the caste hierarchy was strongly prevalent until 

the early 1990’s and subsequent to the Christian missionary 

involvement which resulted in conversions; the impact of the 

caste system seems to have dwindled. 


The Ahikuntaka caste system in Sri Lanka

JS 

The Ahikuntaka caste system in Sri Lanka 


25



During previous generations, the caste 

system was considered important and had 

enormous bearing on marriages similar to 

that of rural Sri Lankan society 

BH 


27



Angates Sami 

This is a male god worshipped mainly by the ‘Burakaya’ caste. 

There are records of an annual offering made to this Sami 

for protection. The offering included a clay prototype of the 

god into which various ingredients, including rice and sugar, 

are mixed. After the offering is made, the members present 

during the pooja are said to have shared the offering amongst 

themselves. 

Kanamma Sami 

A female deity worshipped and revered by those of 

the ‘Burakaya’ caste. According to a community elder, 

Andarabadde Masanna Arachchila, this deity is looked upon 

for good health and wealth. The offering includes milk and a 

concoction of fruits which mainly includes plantains which 

the followers offer as pooja. 

Masamma 

According to Andarabadde Masanna Arachchila, ’Masamma’ 

is the community’s version of the much revered and feared 

‘Kali Amma’, a deity who is looked upon with reverence and 

fear by the Sinhalese and Tamils even today. The offering 

includes a prototype of the god made out of clay onto which a 

concoction of rice and sugar is mixed. A red hen is also offered 

to the deity. The pooja ends with the red hens’ blood being 

poured over the prototype. According to community elders, 

the last pooja of this nature had taken place in 1953 at of 

Thalgaswewa. 

Sallapuramma 

This deity is worshipped for her healing powers. According 

to Andarabadde Masanna Arachchila, Sallapuramma is the 

Ahikuntaka version of ‘Paththini Amma’, a goddess much 

revered and respected by local Sinhalese and Tamils. The last 

pooja offered to this deity was held in Kudagama in 1990. 

Pullayar 

One of the main gods of the Hindu religious tradition, the 

Ahikuntaka community also worships this god. Despite 

being converted to Christianity, many community members 

still revere and worship this deity. During the dawn of the 

traditional New Year on January 1 st , Ahikuntaka families boil 

milk as an offering to him. Once the offering is made, the 

community uses the milk to prepare ‘milk rice’ which is shared 

with all present. This is seen as a direct result of the Sinhalese 

and Tamil communities’ influence upon the gypsies. 

Madu Meniyo 

According to Andarabadde Masanna Arachchila, the 

forefathers of this community have also worshipped ‘Madu 

Meniyo’, a saint who is looked upon with great respect by all 

communities in the country. However, what can be seen is 

that the Madu Meniyo the gypsies worship is different to the 

saint that all Christians hold in high esteem. According to our 

source, the deity they worship is actually ‘Paththini Amma’ 

who has a temple dedicated to her in the vicinity of the 

original Madu Temple in Mannar. 

There is also evidence to suggest that these folk paid homage 

to Lord Kataragama (Skanda) and a majority of gods revered 

in the Hindu tradition. 


Deities and gods of the Ahikuntaka community

DS 



29



DCF 


31



During the years gone by, with the community solely living 

a nomadic lifestyle, moving from one place to another, the 

community developed a unique system to decide on disputes that 

arose amongst them. It can be safely assumed that the system 

was a result of a mixture of customs and traditions that existed 

within the community and the influence of the neighboring 

communities. Rules and regulations were imposed upon the 

community by the will of the majority and where a set of elders 

well versed in the laws, decided on disputes. This system is similar 

to the ‘Panchayath Sabha’ practiced in rural India. The head of the 

council is the head of the ‘Kuppayama’ (village) and in the event 

of a dispute, the aggrieved party complains to the ‘Arachchila’ 

(head of the village) who in turn decides on a date for the hearing. 

The most important feature at this hearing, much to the surprise 

of many a civilised person, is the pride of place given to alcohol. 

The plaintiff, prior to the hearing has to entertain the respondents, 

the council and those present at the hearing with alcohol. Both the 

complainant and the respondent, in addition to providing alcohol, 

are obliged to pay the council a fee for the hearing and this fee in 

turn is also used to purchase some form of alcohol. Due to this, 

a hearing of a dispute is a much looked forward to event by the 

villagers. 

In the event one party does not agree with the decision arrived at 

by the council, there is the remedy of an appeal. For the appeal, 

the party disagreeing with the decision has to bear the cost of the 

alcohol. If a decision cannot be reached despite the appeal, then 

the hearing is shifted to another location. 

According to Thimmannage Engatana, if there is no agreeable 

decision at the appeal, the parties and those interested in the 

outcome, shift locations most often to a land close to a dam. The 

same procedure regarding the distribution of alcohol is strictly 

adhered to even during the second appeal. In the event that no 

proper judgment is arrived at, the parties then move to another 

gypsy village and can complain to the ‘Koralama’ who is considered 

as a regional head of a few villages. 

Finding the culprit 

If in the case of a hearing, the wrongdoer does not agree with 

the decision, the community has devised their own method 

of ‘swearing’ which involves deities and other transcendental 

aspects the community believes in. The method of swearing their 

innocence is similar to those of the Sinhala swearing methods used 

during the times of the kings. 

If the council decides that there has to be a swearing, the 

community adopts a very customary approach to the ceremony. 

The swearing is always scheduled to the day after the disputed 

decision is given. During that time the accused is kept under 

house arrest and held under the watchful eyes of the members of 

the council. Prior to the swearing, the accused has to bathe and 

cleanse himself. One of the main methods of swearing adopted 

by the community is the ‘burning oil’ method. Accordingly, the 

accused has to move around a pot of burning oil thrice and then 

put his thumb into the pot. If his thumb burns that is taken as an 

assurance of his guilt. Another method is making the accused hold 

a heated iron bar. If there is no burn on the accused, he is absolved 

of the crime. The community believes that the gods that be, protect 

the innocent during these trials. These trials by torture are not 

alien to the Ahikunatakas and have been used time and time again 

during Greek and Roman civilisations. 

If there are two suspects being accused of the same offence, there is 

a somewhat different method used to decide on the culprit. Both 

the accused are given similar amounts of rice, water and heat to 

boil a pot of rice. The first person to have boiled the pot of rice is 

considered innocent. 


The Court system

Rules and regulations were imposed upon 

the community by the will of the majority 

and where a set of elders well versed in the 

laws, decided on disputes 

DS 



33


DS 


DS 

DCF 



35



JS 


37



Both rural and urban Sri Lankans have strong belief that 

the gypsies have with them supernatural powers which 

include healing, taming of devils and casting of spells and 

charms. Therefore, the community makes a considerable 

income practicing the above. Many of the present day gypsies 

possess herbal remedies and stones which are said to suck out 

poison. However, there is no scientific basis with regard to the 

results that these herbs and stones are said to bring about. 

The ‘Visha Gala’ or the stone to suck out poison can be 

seen as the communities “main product”. There are many 

conflicting theories that have emerged with regard to the 

preparation of this stone. John Steele in his book Jungle Tide 

describes that the stone is made out of animal bone. 

However, Andarabedde Masanna Arachchila gave quite 

an elaborate description about the making of the stone. 

According to him, the stone includes rare herbs found in the 

forests and chemicals including mercury. The mixture is then 

bathed in human urine and lime. This concoction is then 

placed in the sun to harden and the resulting product is the 

Visha Gala. 

According to the gypsies, the stone is placed on the exact 

location of the snake bite, and it is said to suck in all the venom 

from the blood stream of the victim. Once all the poison has 

been sucked, the stone automatically falls off from the body of 

the victim. The stone is then put into a pot full of milk, to drain 

the poison within. Thereafter it is kept to dry under the sun 

which brings the stone back to a usable condition. 

The use of White Elavara roots 

White elavara roots are used as a ‘Kema’ or a local non-scientific 

method of healing. It consists of traditional methods of 

treatment that appear to be unrelated to the ailment but strongly 

believed to be effective. The community believes that if you 

have the roots planted within the precincts of your dwelling, no 

serpent will visit the abode. For this Kema to be effective, the 

gypsies believe that the uprooting of the root must be done in 

a very holy and sacred manner. They have their unique rituals 

when practicing this Kema. 

The community also uses parts of the Madara tree to ward off 

serpents. They use parts of the tree as a cure for headaches and 

other bodily ailments alike. 


Traditional methods of medication

DG 



39



Within the Galgamuwa Giribawa electorate, in 

Maduragama, resides a special nomadic clan known as 

‘Maddili’. The clan comprises of 60 families and they live in 

land that is owned by the Giribawa Veheragala Purana Raja 

Maha Viharaya. They seem to have moved away from their 

traditional nomadic lifestyle, and completely intertwined with 

the local Sinhalese lifestyle. 

To an outsider, the gypsies and Madillis would be one 

and the same. Both clans used Thelingu as their language 

of communication and lived the usual nomadic lifestyle, 

migrating from one place to another. However, the disparity 

between the two groups is such that there was no evidence of 

even a marriage taking place between the two communities. 

The Maddili exhibit ‘Rilawa’- the Macaque , a local version of 

the monkey while the Ahikuntaka are snake charmers. This is 

the main difference between the two groups. The forefathers 

of the two clans were proud of their respective livelihood 

and believed that one was below the other in the hierarchical 

structure and vice versa, therefore there was seldom an 

interconnection between the two exhibits. The Ahikuntaka 

would never exhibit a Rilawa just as the Maddili would never 

charm snakes. However, economic constraints mitigated this 

disparity within both communities when they realised that 

they could earn more money by having two exhibits. Today, a 

majority of gypsies, carry both a snake and a monkey as props. 

The senior most citizen of Maduragama is known as Somasiri. 

However, he told us that his original name was Thangayya, 

which he later changed in order to integate with the new 

environment. According to him, his father migrated to this 

area during the 1940’s from a place called Variyapola Bandara 

Koswaththe. Upon arrival they have lived in a place called 

‘Hambogama’ in the vicinity of a lake. They moved from 

place to place exhibiting Rilaw and were engaged in palm 

reading. Once they earn their wages, the men always came 

back to Hambogama. The reason for the shifting of residence 

from Hambogama to the current Maduragama was explained 

by the chief incumbent of the Raja Maha Viharaya, Ven. 

Maradankadawala Nandarama. ‘There was an incident with 

a village head during the 1960s, where some traders refused 

to sell him palm trees because they were being transported 

to the Madillis. This wasn’t taken well by that arachchi. He 

called for a council meeting and it was unanimously decided 

to chase away these people. They were given notice that 

evening to leave the environs of Hambogama. They had left 

the place and the next day they were found in the vicinity of 

the temple with no place to go. The villagers were very angry 

with the fact that the order had not been obeyed; they were 

insisting that the Madillis should leave the area for good. This 

issue was brought to the notice of the then chief incumbent 

of the temple who told the Madillis to live in land owned by 

the temple. To this day, this is where they live. The high priest 

did not change his decision despite so many threats from the 

villagers.’ 

The chief incumbent of the temple at the time was Ven. 

Weehenegama Dharmapala who then sought to transform 

this community. Subsequently, they gave up the practice of 

palm reading and exhibiting and got into other trades and 

industries in order to make a living. They have erased their 

original identity completely, with almost all members of the 

clan changing their names to local Sinhalese names. 


A vanishing community Maddili

DS 



41


Mahakanadarawa a village by the tank 

Situated on the bank of the Mahakanadarawa tank, within 

the jurisdiction of the Mihintale Urban Council, the 

Mahakanadarawa Ahikuntaka village bears the interesting 

postal address - New Telingu village, Seepukulam, Mihintale. 

Currently, the village is made up of 34 families amounting to 

over 200 inhabitants. The village has fairly recent beginnings, 

with former Minister S.M. Chandrasena taking measures to 

provide the community with permanent housing in 1999. 

This resulted in the construction of nearly 30 village houses 

on ten perch blocks of land. 

Prior to their migration to the present location, the 

inhabitants resided in Velangamuwa, also situated in close 

proximity to the Mahakanadarawa tank, which is an integral 

part of their day to day life. 

Among Sri Lanka’s migrating Ahikuntaka clans, two reside 

within this village. A majority of villagers identify themselves 

as ‘Lankan Telingu’ people and trace their ancestral beginnings 

to a community residing in Puttalam. Their livelihoods are 

centered on fishing while the females exercise their traditional 

mode of livelihood – palm reading in public places around the 

sacred city of Anuradhapura. 

Some six families residing within the village derive their 

identity from the original gypsy community, tracing their 

beginnings to the village of Thambuththegama. The men 

engage in snake charming and training performing monkeys 

as a mode of livelihood while the women continue the 

tradition of palm reading. 

Despite living in relatively close proximity to one another, 

these two clans give attention and priority to preserving their 

separate identities. Each clan professes superiority over the 

other. However, it also seemed that both groups were guilty of 

breaking some of their traditions along the way. 

When probed about their religion, many inhabitants told 

us that traditionally they have been Buddhists but have now 

moved towards the religion of the Bible. Some, mentioned 

that they were devotees of Kali Amma. However they didn’t 

seem to know which strand of the ‘religion of the Bible’ they 

belonged to. 

When asked why they converted, their reasoning was very 

simple. 

‘A big party is held every Christmas and the children are 

showered with gifts. They also pray for our sick and the 

needy’ they said. Still, many families send their children to the 

Buddhist temple for Sunday school. 

When we visited the village, the leader of the clan Aloysius, 

was cohabiting with a Telingu woman named Thangavelu 

Kamalawathie. It is worth to mention that, Aloysius claims he 

is a Sinhalese. Both the leader and his partner have children 

from separate marriages and there is no record of them being 

legally married to each other although they are currently living 

together. 


Mahakanadarawa a village by the tank

The villagers are burdened with many hardships. Of them, 

the constant lack of water is identified as the main issue. ‘The 

closest well is situated around a quarter of a mile away from 

the village’ they say. They are also challenged by the herds 

of wild elephant who roam the area. We were also made to 

understand that they were not welcome on public transport 

services in that area. ‘The busses don’t like to take us. They say 

that we are unclean and that we smell bad’. 

DG 

Mahakanadarawa a village by the tank The Ahikuntaka 43


Kali Amma the woman who strayed away from tradition 

While walking towards the partially built hut of Kali Amma, who 

resides on the banks of the Mahakanadarawa tank with others from 

her community, we heard what seemed like an ongoing session of 

prayer. 

‘Pray to god to take out the devil that lies within you, Jesus Christ 

suffered on the cross because of your sins and he was only 33 years 

old. What a young age is that to go through such trauma? I’m 

35 now, he was younger than me at the time’ we heard someone 

preach. 

When we peered into the house we saw a young man conducting 

the sermon. Behind him was a picture of Jesus Christ and in front 

was what looked like a replica of the holy bible. The man was 

seated on a chair while a small group of people, including children, 

congregated around him. It was within this mini congregation that 

we found Kali Amma. 

The predominantly Telingu speaking population in this village 

had migrated to this location an year before the dawn of the new 

millennium. When we inquired about their lives, we were told that 

the new village had very little infrastructure or facilities to live a 

comfortable life. 

The villagers had sheltered themselves within a few ‘cadjan huts’ 

and faced threats from marauding herds of wild elephant. Wild 

elephants are generally feared by villagers as they raid crops and 

cause damage to life and property. 

It was during this period that ‘Kali Amma’ rose to fame, speaking 

on behalf of the villagers who faced a multitude of obstacles in 

continuing their day-to-day lives. She used her eloquence to openly 

appeal to the authorities through both the print and electronic 

media in order to draw attention to the plight faced by her people. 

She was, for a while, representing her village as its sole leader. 

The moment she knew that we had come to meet her she moved 

out of the sermon and greeted us. However she seemed weary of 

talking to us, reasons which none of us had any idea about. 

‘I have spoken on behalf of our villagers many times and I have 

had to face many problems, created not by outsiders who were 

supposed to, but by the very people I spoke on behalf of. Therefore 

I decided to move away from this and not to speak again. The 

leader now is a man called Aloysius’ she said. 

We were fascinated by her story and intended to pursue it. We 

continued with what is normally termed as ‘small talk’ in order to 

familiarise with her and after a while she seemed to want to talk. 

‘We are Buddhists and our children attend Sunday school at the 

temple. However we also receive a lot of help from the Church. 

The pastor visits us every Sunday and pray for us. He teaches us 

the intricacies of the religion itself and pray for those who are 

incapacitated. But some villagers do not participate in these prayer 

sessions. There is a child who is paralysed below his waist and 

despite many appeals to his parents to bring the child for prayers, 

they are yet to come’ she said lamenting at the fate that has befallen 

the child. 

We figured that this confession was indeed a good start to continue 

our conversation. It was interesting to note that she didn’t seem to 

know if she was a follower of Christianity and simply referred to 

her faith as the ‘religion of the Bible’. 

We asked her about the traditions and culture surrounding the 

society that she is a part of. She was at first reluctant to speak about 

it as was evidence by her long silence, and then again she opened 

up. 

44 The Ahikuntaka Kali Amma the woman who strayed away from tradition

‘The only things I know about their traditions are the ones that 

I have learnt by observing them. There is nothing more that I 

know’. This was a strange confession. How could someone be 

part of a clan or tribe and know nothing about their traditions 

and culture, other than what she has witnessed? 

She seemed to be contemplating about what to say next and after 

a while she began to speak again. This time she said that she is 

about to share something that she has not told anyone. We were 

excited and tense at the same time. 

‘I haven’t told this to anyone but I don’t see any point in 

continuing to hide this fact. I am a Sinhalese from Madatugama, 

Kurunegala. My mother passed away when I was a little child 

and so did my sister. My father died a little while later and I was 

orphaned with no hope. I lived with some of my relatives but had 

to undergo many hardships in that house. I was fed up with life. 

In April 1974, a trader who sold incense sticks visited our village 

and I decided to run away with him. He was a Telingu national 

and from that day onwards I decided that I’m going to be one of 

them’ she recalled with a sense of nostalgia. 

We asked her how she became the leader of the clan and why she 

was named Kali Amma. 

‘At the time there was no one to speak on behalf of the villagers, 

so I decided to take it upon myself to voice the hardships faced 

by them. This is how an outsider like me ended up being the 

de-facto leader of the clan. Currently many villagers use Sinhala 

names. However, when I came here nearly four decades ago, a 

Sinhala name was unheard of among them, so I called myself Kali 

Amma’ she said. She politely declined to share her real name with 

us. 

NG 

Kali Amma the woman who strayed away from tradition The Ahikuntaka 45



DG 


47


The story of Rengasamige Masanna 

When we first went to meet the head of the Andarabedda 

village, Rengasamige Masanna, we were told that he had 

gone to the lake beside, in order to fish. The house was made 

of cement and had only two chairs which could be termed 

as furniture. There was a statue of the Buddha and a picture 

of the deceased Ven. Gangodawila Soma. We were told that 

the picture of the latter was kept in the premises due to the 

fact that this house was built and donated to Masanna as an 

offering to the venerable thero. 

Upon hearing of our arrival Masanna proudly showed us his 

wealth in the form of three snakes. We were told that Masanna’s 

livelihood was dependent upon the wellbeing of these three 

animals. ‘The snakes have four castes, namely, Raja, Bamunu, 

Weda and Govi. Snakes of the Raja caste are very rare and 

I have with me snakes of the other three castes as well’ he 

explained. 

When we visited him for the second time, he had an addition 

to his wealth, a python. He had removed the teeth from the 

serpent and now uses it when exhibiting his animals. ‘I was 

born when the gypsies were actually migrating from place to 

place, with no permanent abode that was back in 1939. I spent 

my childhood just like my forefathers did moving from place to 

place with our snakes.’ 

Apparently, he did not know his year of birth until the year 

1973. ‘In 1973 I had to get myself a national identity card and 

for that I needed my birth date, which I had no clue about. 

But, I knew my place of birth which was a village by the name 

of Pothasiyambalawa. During my birth, I heard that a healer 

by the name of Appuhami attended to my mother’s needs. I 

went in search of him. By the time I found his residence, he 

was dead and gone but there was a book that he had written 

about his healing. This book which was also used as a diary 

had a note regarding my birth. It was in the year 1939. That is 

how I have a rough idea about my age.’ 

‘Our group consisted of about 10 to 12 families. We carried 

our goods on the backs of donkeys. We also had around thirty 

to forty goats with us. We had a few hunter dogs as well. 

I spent my childhood looking after the goats and hunting 

with my father.’ According to Masanna, he was one of the 

first members of the community to have formal schooling. 

‘My father could not read or write, but he knew the value of 

education. During one of our migrations, my father decided 

to stop at a place in Galgamuwa. There he sent me to a 

Sinhala teacher who taught me Sinhala for six months. Later 

on he enrolled me at the Thalagaswewa School for formal 

education.’ 

Due to his son’s schooling, Masanna’s father decided to make 

Thalgaswewa their permanent residence. Both mother and 

father would go out in the morning and ply their trade and 

then come back home at dusk. ‘My father, after about five 

years of living had an altercation with the owner of the land 

we lived on and that was the end of my schooling. 


The story of Rengasamige Masanna

The story of Rengasamige Masanna The Ahikuntaka 49 

DS


My father could not read or write, but he 

knew the value of education 

We started migrating from place to place again’. After a brief 

sojourn, the clan decided to stay in a place near Nikerawatiya. 

‘I was put into the eighth grade at the local school. I was a good 

runner and won prizes. Both Prime Minister Bandaranaike 

and Sir John Kotelawala visited the school and awarded prizes 

to me’, boasts Masanna. His education was short-lived and he 

stopped schooling that year. 

Subsequently, he tells us ‘I had to find a way to make ends 

meet. I didn’t know how to charm snakes because I was 

attending school, while the rest learnt the art. But this was my 

forefather’s trade, so I started moving about with one of my 

elders in order to master the art. One day, when walking along 

the paddy fields in Veyangoda, my companion saw a snake. I 

watched how he caught it and then removed the poison teeth 

from it. Then he gave me his old snake and took the new one. I 

started walking alone with his snake’ recalls Masanna. 

His ‘first catch’ also brings out and interesting story. “Once 

I was walking on the roads in Homagama, suddenly a set of 

people saw me and shouted, ‘here is a gypsy, here is a gypsy.’ I 

had no clue as to why they shouted, until one man approached 

me and told me that there was a snake inside the house. They 

wanted me to get hold of it. I started sweating because I’ve 

never caught a snake in my life. I felt very embarrassed and used 

my ‘Dutch courage’. I told myself that it doesn’t matter even if 

the snake bites me, I will try and tame it. 

Fortunately, the snake was an old one and since I acted exactly 

how my companion did the other day. I was able to tame it 

and since that day I have had no fear. I have now caught over 

1500 snakes” he says. 

Masanna married a relative of his and they lived temporarily 

in Medawachchiya. The whole clan was of the opinion that 

they needed to find permanent residence in order to provide 

their children with an uninterrupted education. Accordingly, 

the state, after many requests resettled them in the year 1969, 

giving them land in the District of Vavuniya at a village by 

the name of Nochchikulam. This clan, for the first time 

in its history, found solace in making a livelihood through 

cultivation. 

‘On the 17 th of August 1985, the Tamil Tigers attacked our 

village. All the Sinhalese people and we left Vavuniya for 

Anuradhdapura. We had to live in refugee camps for a few 

days and then we moved to Kudagama. Kudagama was also 

a place where many of our kind lived. We lived there till 

1992. But many of us didn’t like living with them. The place 

I call home and I know very well is Galgamuwa. Therefore I 

requested land from Galgamuwa. A minister at the time gave 

us land from the area. Initially there were some families who 

joined me and later on five more joined us. It was in 1996 

that we got permanent land in Andarabedda.’ Masanna is very 

keen to keep the Ahikuntaka tradition alive; making sure his 

clan adheres to all the rules and regulations. 


The story of Rengasamige Masanna

The story of Rengasamige Masanna The Ahikuntaka 51 

DCF



DCF 


53


The Ahikuntaka Varigasabha 

The Ahikuntaka Community in Sri Lanka was able to hold a tribal 

meeting or Varigasabha for the first time in six decades with the 

support of Dilmah Conservation. This event took place on the banks 

of the Rajangana Tank in Kudagama, Thambuttegama on January 28, 

2011. Gypsies from all corners of Sri Lanka met as one community and 

spoke to each other about their lives, changing times, concerns and the 

need to preserve their unique identity that is disappearing in the face of 

modernisation. 

Dilmah Conservation supported the Varigasabha to enable the 

community leaders to come together and discuss issues that are affecting 

the very existence of the community and the ways in which to address 

them. The meeting was preceded by an elaborate cultural ceremony that 

commenced with flute playing and a traditional dance by the womenfolk. 

The Varigasabha brought together five community leaders to one 

platform where they discussed the problems they faced. The discussions 

among these leaders, K. Nadrajah of Kudagama, Enkatenna Masanna 

of Andarabedda, M. Rasakumara of Aligambe, Karupan Silva of 

Siriwallipuram and Anawattu Masanna of Kalawewa paved the way 

for better understanding among the communities. The community 

leaders discussed their core issues including the lack of infrastructure 

development in their respective villages; lack of employment 

opportunities for community members and the need to ensure that their 

traditional forms of livelihood are secured in the years to come. 

The leaders made a pledge to unite in order to strengthen and save 

their unique cultural identity. The first Charter of the Ahinkuntaka 

community, the ‘Kudagama Charter of the Sri Lanka Ahikuntaka 

Community’ was brought forward endorsed by the five community 

leaders on behalf of their communities. This is regarded as a landmark 

event not only for a minority community in Sri Lanka but also for the 

worldwide Gypsy community at large. 


The Ahikuntaka Varigasabha

The Ahikuntaka Varigasabha The Ahikuntaka 55 

DG



We belong to the clan called Ahikuntika, and we do hereby issue this 

statement on the banks of the Rajangana Tank of Thambuttegama in 

the historically acclaimed city of Anuradhapura on this day of 28th 

January 2011. First and foremost we take pleasure in elucidating of 

our clan which is less exposed to publicity. 

We are commonly known as Ahikuntika at present, although we 

were called by various other names in the past such as Nai Panikkiyo 

and Nai karayo (cobra charmers). Different communities have their 

own names for us. To mention a few, people of the Vanni address us 

as Kuthandi, while Kurawan, Kuravar, Vahakkuravan or Kattuvasi 

are the Tamil names for us. Our culture and identity are based 

chiefly on our traditional profession- snake charming and our life 

style which is one that is not stagnant at a particular place. It is a 

known fact that we have lived a gypsy life. The language we speak is 

Telungu which is the state language of Andra Pradesh in India. That 

fact provides evidence of our tourist life style and the fact that we 

arrived in Sri Lanka from another state. 

Our mode of transport in the past was carrying goods on donkeys. 

We used to travel around the country to engage in our professions. 

It is noteworthy to mention that during the middle of the previous 

century, the Sri Lankan government took several measures to 

settle our community in colonies. As a result of that at present the 

Ahikuntika community is settled in Kudagama of Thambuttegama, 

Kalaweva, Aligambay, Sirivallipuram of Akkaraipattu in Ampara 

and Andarabedda of Kurunegala. Although the highest density 

of Ahikuntika people is living in the aforementioned areas, the 

population is scattered on a small scale throughout the country. We 

are a minority group of people in Sri Lanka of which the number of 

families does not exceed thousand. 

With pride we mention that, even though we are a minority 

community, our contribution towards nourishing Sri Lankan 

cultural diversity is significant. Our cultural identity plays a major 

role in that context. For a slight elaboration of our cultural identity, 

we are pleased to make mention of the snake charming and monkey 

performing, fortune telling and gypsy lifestyle which distinguishes 

the Ahikuntika community from others. 

We are confident that our community is strong enough to live on its 

own and in nowhere in history is it mentioned of our conditional 

protests against the majority community in Sri Lanka. 

Unlike at present, there were lesser amusement oriented events in 

the past. It will not be pretentious if our community alone bags that 

pride of being the one and only entertainer of the nation during the 

past. 

We do not deny the fact that our community too has been affected 

by the social, religious and economic upheavals during the past 

few decades. The fact that our community has been unpleasantly 

affected by the aforementioned conditions should not be omitted 

though the space does not warrant pinning them all down. We can 

still cite some examples; due to the rapid urbanization taking place, 

we are facing the threat of losing sterile lands which we use to put up 

our temporary tents during our tours around the country. As a result 

of this, we are compelled to give up our gypsy life style which is one 

of our major means of living. This has also adversely affected our 

economic status. Moreover it resulted in the erosion of our traditions 

and culture. 

The main purpose of this gathering of the Ahikuntika leaders 

from all five villages, on the banks of the Rajangana Tank of 

Thambuttegama today is to put forward and address our problems 

and grievances. It is also expected to draw the attention of every 

potential philanthropist who could assist us in solving our problems. 


Kudagama Charter

We strive towards re-establishing our diminishing culture. 

We affirm that we will continue our peace-loving lifestyle with 

no involvement in uprisings of any kind against anybody or any 

authority. 

With this affirmation, we enclose herewith a document consisting 

of the issues we are currently facing. It is our sincere hope that the 

relevant authorities would pay serious attention to them. 

Finally, we put forward our humble request - assist us in preserving 

our precious traditions and culture while going hand in hand with 

modernization. 

We offer our sincere and heartfelt gratitude and honor to Dilmah 

Conservation which extended a liberal hand in organizing this 

Variga Sabha after a lapse of over sixty years which was a long felt 

need. Last but not least, the staff of the Divisional Secretariat of 

Thambuttegama is highly appreciated for their hard work towards 

the success of our program. 

Thank You. 

This charter has been discussed and ratified on the banks of the 

Rajangana Tank of Kudagama, Thambuttegama at 7.30 pm on 

28.01.2011 by our community and signed by the following leaders 

on behalf of their communities. 

1. Nadarajah of Kudagama 

2. Egatannage Masanna of Andarabedda 

3. Anawattu Masanna of Kalawewa 

4. M. Rasakumar of Aligambe 

5. Karupan Silva of Sirivallipuram 

DS 



57



DG 


59


Preserving their cultural identity 

As a result of the Varigasabha and subsequent discussions 

with the Ahikuntaka community, Dilmah Conservation 

undertook to support the preservation of this unique 

communities’ cultural identity. As part of these efforts, the 

Ahikuntaka Resource Centre was built in Kudagama in 

Thambuttegama. The Centre has an open air theatre and a 

museum to house traditional arts and crafts. All these efforts 

are aimed at making Kudagama into a tourist hub visited by 

locals and foreigners alike. Dilmah Conservation envisages 

that the Ahikuntaka Resource Centre will not only lead to 

the preservation of their identity and culture but it will also 

lead to the general upliftment of their social conditions. 

The design and construction of the Centre is handled by the 

Department of Architecture of the University of Moratuwa 

while the Divisional Secretariat of Thambuttegama is 

working in collaboration with Dilmah Conservation to 

complete the project. 


Preserving their cultural identity

An architect’s impression of the 

Kudagama Ahikuntaka Resource Centre 

Preserving their cultural identity The Ahikuntaka 61



DG 


63


A Baseline Survey of Sri Lankan Nomads – 

The Gypsies in Sri Lanka by Professor Ranjith Bandara 

Conducted from March to August 2011. 

The study was conducted as result of the request made by Dilmah Conservation to the University of Colombo to carry out a 

comprehensive study on the socio economic aspects of the Ahikuntika Community in Sri Lanka. It was done as part of Dilmah’s 

Culture & Indigenous Communities Programme, which aims to collate information on traditional communities in Sri Lanka and 

publish the findings in a series of publications. 

Executive Summary 

This report is based on a baseline survey of Sri Lankan nomads - “the gypsies in Sri Lanka” carried out by the researcher on all 

gypsy families in a government settlement in the village of Kudagama in the North Central Province adopting stratified random 

sampling tech¬niques. Baseline information with reference to four main sectors - ethnographic analysis, current socio-economic 

condition of the community, issues concerning the upliftment of the socioeconomic conditions of the community without hindering 

the cultural heritage of the gypsies and measures to empower them were obtained. In the process of data collection three data collecting 

instruments, namely: semi-structured questionnaires, focus group discussions and interactive group sessions were used to elicit the 

desired information. As such the research survey is a comprehensive analysis of the Sri Lankan gypsy community with reference to their 

culture and society in the chang¬ing world, encompassing all aspects of the life of a gypsy. 

The researcher has dealt with heads of households with relation to gender and age, the type of abode (residence), family size, 

distribution of individuals in the community with relevance to age, level of education and educational attainment, type of occupation, 

civil status, gender distribution, number employed in a family, nature of employment, total monthly family income, monthly 

expen¬diture as a percentage of the income, borrowing and purpose of borrowing, lending sources, satis¬faction in the socio-economic 

status, characterisation of their culture, their opinion with regard to the uniqueness of their culture, whether they feel there is a threat 

to their culture, if so why and if not why they feel so. Their reaction to the proposal by the Dilmah conservation in collaboration with 

the Sri Lanka Tourism Authority, their expectations of possible further integration into the mainstream society, the extent to which they 

have adopted cultural aspects of the mainstream society, their inte¬gration to mainstream society as individuals and as a community 

and why they feel they are well integrated into the mainstream society, their access to public amenities, public utilities and their cultural 

remnants which could be preserved for the next generation. 

It may be concluded that the research has been comprehensively carried out using methods and techniques vital to an investigation 

of this nature and the conclusions arrived at through the research not only gives a correct insight into the culture and society of Sri 

Lankan gypsies but also provides information to plan out and implement programmes addressing two vital issues confronted by the 

gypsy community: Firstly their integration into the mainstream society with full civic rights and the right to preserve their cultural 

heritage. Secondly they should be settled with full and equal human rights, particularly social cultural and religious rights. 


Introduction to Survey 

The people of Sri Lanka are divided into ethnic groups. The four major ethnic groups are the Sinhalese, Tamils, Muslims and 

Burghers. Historical circumstances have favoured more groups at different times. However, at present the absolute majority is 

constituted of the Sinhalese who are concentrated in the southern, western, central, and north-central parts of the nation. In the rural 

areas of the Wet Zone lowlands more than 95 % of the population is Sinhalese. Sinhalese make up about 74% of the Sri Lankan 

people. The language they speak is Sinhala, which is the social language, and the majority of them are Buddhists. A small number are 

Christians (8%). The Sri Lankan Tamils are concentrated in the Jaffna Peninsula and in the nearby districts of the northern lowlands 

as well as the eastern littorals. They make up about 18 percent of Sri Lankan people. Most of them are Hindus. The Muslims consist 

of 7% and the main concentrations of this group occur mainly in the eastern lowlands and southern areas. They form a small but 

noteworthy valuable portion of the urban and suburban population in other areas like Colombo, Kandy, Puttalam, and Gampaha. The 

agglomeration of the Indian Tamils, a majority of whom are plantation workers transported by the British, is in the higher areas of the 

Central Highlands. The Veddhas the Indigenous inhabitants of Sri Lanka preserve a direct line of descendants from the island’s original 

Neolithic community and have a different culture and dialect of their own. 

The Sri Lankan nomads, gypsies, known as Ahikuntikas are a minority community in the country, slowly disappearing in their 

numbers. Threatened by the change and technology advancements, many find it hard to fit into the common culture even though 

some of them have successfully integrated into the mainstream society, resulting in a drastic change in their traditional lifestyle and 

customs. The gypsies are believed to be descendants of populations originating in Northern India, although, exactly when it is not 

known, and some of them still speak Telegu whilst being fluent in Sinhala and Tamil. The gypsies are, almost, a forgotten community. 

In most cases, there are no records of them, such as births, marriages and deaths, and even addresses. Therefore, they were not 

given the opportunity to enjoy most of the basic human rights, including the right to vote in the past. The lack of documentation 

makes it difficult to admit gypsy kids to schools. The lack of records of these communities and the information gap has resulted in 

creating a great vacuum in understanding their socio-economic condition and identifying their issues. As a result, they have been 

highly victimized and this has become a major problem. The gypsy community is scattered in Puttalam, Moratuwa, Anuradhapura, 

Galgamuwa and few other parts of Sri Lanka. 

Gypsies in general all over the world, are a small community living peacefully, surrounded by nature, moving from place to place. The 

Gypsies are also called Nomads since they travel from place to place. In Sri Lanka, they make a living by using snakes and monkeys 

for tricks and palm reading or fortune telling. Most women and men enjoy illicit liquor and smoking ganja which are some of their 

common practices. The Gypsies are a happy group of people cherishing a human right of their own – ‘Born free and live as the wind 

blows’. The gypsy communities have a rich cultural and historic heritage and a value system. In the recent past there had been a few 

initiatives to improve their lifestyle, but this does not suffice to fully cater to their welfare. Although they still depend on their endemic 

occupations, permanent settlements have also been used by this group. Their uniqueness needs to be preserved whilst enhancing their 

livelihoods. To facilitate this, as aforesaid it is important to have baseline information of them, which is currently lacking. The purpose 

of the study is to provide an information base to identify the issues as at hand and against which to assess and monitor developmental 

activities, progress and effectiveness during implementation and follow up once the activity is completed. Consequently, this study 

concentrates on gathering and later establishing baseline information of the gypsy community in Kudagama, a small village in 

Anuradhapura district. 


65


The Objective of this study 

The Sri Lankan gypsy community has a rich cultural heritage. However, due to lack of records this community has become a 

neglected minority. Furthermore, this information gap has led to poor interventions towards upliftment of their socio-economic 

conditions. The proposed study would enable the establishment of an empirical account of ethnographic analysis of the gypsy 

community living in Kudagama, in addition, this would facilitate the introduction of development activities which will provide 

solutions to their issues while preserving the culture. Thus, this study provides baseline data on the Sri Lankan Gypsy community 

in the context of a changing world order. Furthermore, this study also establishes an empirical account of ethnographic analysis 

encompassing their composition, resettlement, social welfare characteristics, as well as their material and spiritual culture, i.e. gathering 

empirical data on gypsy community and culture. 

This study also aims at achieving the following specific objectives: 

• To identify the existence and current status of the cultural inheritance of the gypsy community, the likelihood of carrying forward 

these inheritances and the transferability of these from one generation to the other. 

• To understand the extent to which the cultural heritage can be utilized to improve their livelihood activities and also to identify the 

impediments in doing so, 

• To examine their willingness to integrate into the mainstream society and the probable hindrances. 

• To identify the main concerns of the gypsy community in order to suggest possible policy alternatives to improve their livelihood. 

Research Questions to be Tested and Answered 

There is little doubt that gypsies are gradually changing as a result of evolving economic and social factors, although the change 

cannot be marked as a radical change towards total social and economic integration. It is also a high probability that at least some 

(if not all) within the clan would like to integrate with society so that they could enjoy the lifestyle of the average citizen. Thus, this 

research builds on the view that a baseline study will enable us to better understand the needs and issues of the gypsy communities 

whilst identifying development interventions needed to uplift their socio-economic conditions. Research questions will be presented 

to generate information to assess composition, resettlement, social welfare characteristics, as well as their material and spiritual culture, 

furthermore, the likelihood of carrying forward these inheritances and the transferability from one generation to the other, the extent 

to which the cultural heritage can be utilized to improve their livelihood activities, identification of impediments in doing so, the 

willingness to integrate into the mainstream society and what the hindrances are in this process and identification of the main concerns 

of the gypsy community. 

These concerns call for a concerted national and global strategy at settlement of the Gypsy community that would address two issues. 

Firstly, their integration into society should be accompanied by full civic rights while their right to their own cultural heritage should 

be preserved. What this means is that the Gypsies, like any other community in society, should be entitled to the respect and legacy 

of physical artefacts and intangible attributes of their own society, no matter how they are settled. They should also have the right 

to citizenship, the right to political representation and the right to vote. What they have inherited from past generations should be 

maintained in the present and bestowed for the benefit of their future generations. Secondly, their settlement should be with full and 

equal human rights, in particular social, cultural and religious rights. As a final gesture of democracy, and taking into consideration 

their traditional proclivity of moving from place to place, they should have the freedom of choice to move their abode and should not 

be tied down to a particular settlement for any length of time. It should be noted that there have been instances where the government 

had made attempts at settling groups of the Gypsy community. For example, a group of Ahikuntikas were given houses in the North 

Central province in a village called Kudagama. The current study was based on investigations of the community living in this village. 

It is also reported that a community of 25 Gypsy families with a population of about 100 persons speaking the Thelingu language 

encamped on the banks of the Mahakanadarawa tank at Mihintale during the New Year season. 


Method of Data Collection and Analysis 

Both qualitative and quantitative methods were used to gather baseline information. The methodology was designed to gather 

information with regard to four main sectors, ethnographic analysis, existing socio-economic conditions, issues in the upliftment 

of the socio-economic conditions without disturbing the cultural heritage of the gypsy community, and measures to empower them. 

Face-to-face surveys were conducted for with respect to all the 380 families currently residing in Kudagama. 

In order to provide all possible baseline information of the community, a sample of households was selected from Kudagama by 

adopting stratified random sampling techniques. The emphasis was given to select respondents for this study by considering gender, 

type of occupation as stratum and sub stratum respectively. In view of the objectives set forth for the study, three data gathering 

instruments were employed to collect sufficient data needed to assess the objectives stated above. These data collection instruments 

were: (i) a semi-structured questionnaire used to interview respondents/ households selected for the sample while (ii) focus group 

discussion and (iii) interactive group sessions were held to solicit information from the respondents especially qualitative information 

that would be useful to supplement the results drawn from descriptive and more inferential statistical analysis. Face-to-face surveys 

have many advantages apart from the fact that trained interviewers can actually interact with respondents, and can clarify respondents’ 

doubts, thereby minimising non-response rates. In addition, relevant documents and secondary data sources were also explored to 

supplement as well as to check authenticity of the data gathered. Wherever necessary, observations were made to assess the physical 

improvements made to the household and the income generating activities that this community is engaged in. 

In line with the research objectives, a comprehensive and structured questionnaire consisting of nine sections was developed as listed 

below. 

1. Demographic features of the Household 

2. Household Assets (Land, vehicles, building, electronic appliances, etc) 

3. Income generating activities of the Household 

4. Condition of house (structure, water supply, electricity, sanitary facility and communication facility) 

5. Source of income and expenditure pattern of the Household 

6. Savings/borrowing 

7. Social interactions 

8. Ability to utilize their cultural heritage to improve their livelihood activities 

9. Identification of impediments in order to use the culture as a source of generating livelihood 

10. Their willingness to integrate into the mainstream society 

11. Identification of the main concerns of the gypsy community 

The questionnaire was administered by two experienced interviewers to fifty respondents randomly selected from the group who had 

settled down in Kudagama. The questionnaire was then modified according to the results of the pre-test. Ten interviewers were hired 

and trained by the principal researcher and were directed to conduct the field survey. After the initial field survey was completed, 7% 

of the sample drawn for the field survey was selected to conduct an in-depth study as cases to verify the information collected through 

the structured questionnaire. In addition, four Focus Group Discussions (FGD) were also held to get respondents’ perception, attitude 

and expectation on the survey undertaken. While conducting the focus group discussion, investigators were individually responsible 

for moderating, observing and recoding the information. Each focus group consisted of six respondents and sufficient care was taken to 

record the representative’s views of each group. Respondents were facilitated by the researchers. 


67


Results and Discussion 

Tables 1 and 2 elaborate the distribution of the heads of households in the sample in relation to gender and age respectively. It is 

evident from Table 1 that the majority (58.26%) of the households are headed by male respondents. Table 2 indicates that out of 

this majority of male heads of households, 30.28% belong to the age group of 34 - 41 years, followed next by age group 41 - 50 years 

(19.71%) while only a very small percentage (7.69%) belongs to the age group of above 60 years. In contrast in the case of households 

headed by females 38.25% are headed by the age group over 60 years followed by 30.87% falling within the age group 51 - 60 yrs 

while a very small almost insignificant percentage of 1.34 is headed by the age group 18 - 25 yrs of age. Thus it is revealed that males in 

this community take over the family responsibilities at a relatively younger age by being the head of the family than females who may 

be compelled to take on family responsibilities at a comparatively older age due perhaps to the loss of their husbands or separation from 

the husband or the lack of a male able to handle the responsibilities 

Table 1: Distribution of the heads of households in the sample in relation to their gender 

Gender Frequency % of total 

Male 208 58.26 

Female 149 41.74 

Total 357 100 

Table 2: Distribution of the head of the household in the sample in relation to their gender and age 

Age (in years) Male Female 

Frequency % of total Frequency % of total 

18 - 25 years 32 15.38 2 1.34 

26 - 33 years 37 17.79 9 6.04 

34 - 41 years 63 30.28 11 7.38 

42 - 50 years 41 19.71 24 16.10 

51 - 60 years 19 9.13 46 30.87 

More than 60 years 16 7.69 57 38.25 

Total 208 100 149 100 


Table 3: Distribution of the respondents in the sample in Kudagama in relation to their residency 

Nature of the residency Frequency % of total 

Permanent 258 72.2 

Temporary 14 3.92 

Permanent yet nomadic for the occupation 85 23.8 

Total 357 100 

Table 3 above indicates the distribution of the nature of the respondents abodes (dwellings) in the sample in Kudagama. According 

to this sample, 72% of the respondents reside in permanent houses while 23.80% live in permanent houses but are nomadic relevant 

to their occupations. Only a very small percentage (3.92%) live in temporary abodes (houses). Although 23.80% are nomadic with 

relevance to their occupations they sill have permanent abodes indicating a total of 96.00% owning permanent houses, while a very 

small percentage of 3.92% only still occupy temporary houses. It may therefore be concluded that as far as permanency of housing is 

concerned the condition is satisfactory. 

Table 4: Distribution of the households in relation to their family size 

No of members in the family Frequency % of total 

Less than 3 87 24.37 

4 - 6 217 60.78 

7 and above 53 14.85 

Total 357 100 

Table 4 indicates the breakdown of households according to the number of members in the household. According to the data, the 

majority of households belong to the average family size of 4 - 6 members in the family, which constitutes 60.78% of the families 

surveyed. This is followed by the group which recorded 1 - 3 members in a family amounting to 24.37%. Only 14.85% of the 

respondents recorded a family of 7 and above. The average family size (4 - 6) in this community therefore may be larger than the 

average family size in an urban area which is between 2 - 4 in a family. 


69


Table 5: Distribution of the sample under survey in relation to their ages 

Age (in years) Frequency % of total 

Less than one year 12 0.79 

1 - 5 49 3.23 

6 - 11 64 4.22 

12 - 17 224 14.76 

18 - 24 296 19.15 

25 - 34 387 25.51 

35 - 44 293 19.31 

45 - 54 117 7.71 

55 - 64 59 3.89 

65 - 74 16 1.05 

Total 1517 100 

According to data in Table 5 the age group 25 - 34 records a percentage of 25.51% which is the highest for the sample followed by 

a percentage of 19.31% for the age group 35 - 44. The over 45 group has the lowest percentage of 1.05 for the 65 - 74 group. The 

sample shows a decline in the population with age. At the same time there is also a very low concentration between the ages 1 - 11 years 

the least being in the case of those below 1 year of age 0.79. The indication is that the current birth rate of the community is low while 

at the same time the life span also is short; may be due to lack of access to proper medical and health facilities and also perhaps due to 

ignorance and malnutrition. 

Table 6: Distribution of the respondents’ family members in relation to their educational 

attainments 

Education attainments Frequency % of total 

Never attended school 379 24.98 

Grade 1 - 5 567 37.38 

Grade 6 - 10 487 32.10 

Completed O/L 62 4.08 

Grade 11 - 12 13 0.85 

Completed A/L 9 0.59 

Basic degree 0 0 

Other qualifications 0 0 

Total 1517 100 

Table 6 indicates the distribution of the respondents’ family members in relation to their educational attainments. According to the 

data collected, the majority of the family members have gone through primary education (grade 1 - 5). A slightly lower percentage 

32.10% have studied from grade (6 - 10) and a very low percentage of 4.08% have completed their O/L and an almost insignificant 

percentage of 0.59% has completed A/L. 


No member in the community has had access to higher education or further education. Education has been limited to the primary 

and secondary grades in a formal school. This is an indication that the community lacks facilities for higher and further education. 

A considerable 24.98% has never attended school which indicates educational deprivation in the community. Taken as a whole, the 

educational attainment in the community reveals to a large extent the lack of facilities and provision for higher education within the 

community and also a lack of general interest in education among the members in the community. 

Table 7: Distribution of the respondents’ family members in relation to their occupation 

Occupation Frequency % of total 

Snake charmer 192 22.6 

Animal handler 264 31.32 

Palm reader 317 37.33 

Carpenter 5 0.588 

Tailor 1 0.12 

Mason 5 0.588 

Small business 2 0.23 

Trishaw driver 6 0.71 

Mechanic 3 0.35 

Farmer 22 2.59 

Blacksmith 0 - 

Electrician 0 - 

Welder 1 0.12 

Watch repairer 0 - 

Barber 2 0.23 

Any other occupation 29 3.42 

Total 849 100 

Table 7 above describes the distribution of the respondents’ family members in relation to their occupations. According to the data 

collected and compiled, it shows that the vast majority in the community practice palm reading occupations. Among the traditional occupations, 

palm reading takes first place with 37.33% followed closely by animal handling 31.32% and 22.6% snake charming. A few 

have broken away from these traditional occupations and taken to other non traditional occupations. Of these 2.59% have resorted to 

farming as their main occupation. Only a very few were recorded outside the realm of traditional occupation, which included 1 tailor 

and 1 welder, 6 trishaw drivers, 5 masons and 5 carpenters and 2 barbers, 3 mechanics and 2 engaged in small scale business and the 

rest engaged in various odd jobs. The study reveals that there is to some extent a tendency slow and gradual to break away from traditional 

occupations provided there is opportunity to do so. 


71


Table 8: Distribution of the respondents’ family members in relation to their civil status 

Civil status Frequency % of total 

Underage 576 37.96 

Unmarried 152 10.01 

Married 686 45.22 

Separated / living apart 87 5.73 

Divorced 16 1.05 

Total 1517 100 

The table above indicates the civil status of the respondents’ family members. According to the findings, majority of the respondents 

who fall within the eligible age for marriage are married (45.22%) while a small percentage are either living apart, separated from 

their spouses (5.73%) or divorced (1.05%). However, 10.01% of those within the marriageable age remain unmarried while 37.96% 

are below marriageable age. According to data marriages in this community appear to be more stable than in urban areas where the 

percentage living apart or divorced is generally higher. 

Table 9: Distribution of the sample under survey in relation to their gender 

Gender Frequency % of total 

Male 638 42.05 

Female 879 57.94 

Total 1517 100 

Table 9 above indicates the gender of the family members of the sample under survey. According to recorded data it is shown that the 

majority are females amounting to 57.94% of the total population under survey while males constitute 42.05% of the total indicating a 

female dominated community. 


Table 10: Distribution of number of persons employed per family and the nature of employment 

(income generation) 

Source of income 1 2 - 3 3 - 4 5 and above Total 

Traditional Employment 157 81 39 2 279 

Non traditional employment 4 2 - - 6 

Farming 18 2 - - 20 

Self employment/ business 8 - - - 8 

Samurdhi benefits 15 - - - 15 

Other income source 26 3 - - 29 

Total 228 88 39 2 357 

Table 10 indicates the number of people employed in a family which varies from one person per family to 5 or more, although only a 

couple of families fall under the second category 0.56%. Majority of the families have one person employed, 63.86% which is followed 

by the families where 2-3 people are employed 24.64%. Their sources of income generation too vary from traditional employment to 

non-traditional employment as well as those who live on Samurdhi benefits. A clear majority of those surveyed adhere to traditional 

employment as their main source of income generation amounting to 78.15%. The second most common source of income generation 

falls within other income sources which constitutes 8.12%, while 5.6% of the sample under survey has taken up farming as their main 

source of income generation. Samurdhi beneficiaries in the community amount to 4.2% an extremely small percentage of 2.24 engage 

in self employment. 

The analysis reveals that a significantly large section of the community still are engaged in their traditional occupations and that 

the tendency to break away from traditional occupations is slow either due to their reluctance to do so or due perhaps to the nonavailability 

of opportunities to do so. 

Table 11: Distribution of the respondents’ surveyed in relation to their average total family income 

per month 

Average monthly income (LKR) Frequency % of total 

Less than 5000 26 7.28 

5000 - 10000 68 19.04 

10001 - 15000 161 45.09 

15001 - 20000 70 19.61 

20001 - 25000 11 3.08 

25001 - 30000 9 2.52 

30001 - 35000 7 1.96 

35001 - 40000 2 0.56 

40001 and above 3 0.84 

Total 357 100 


73


Table 11 (on previous page) shows that the majority of the respondents 45.09% have an average monthly family income between 

LKR10001-15000. An almost equal percentage (19.41% and 19.04%) falls within the monthly income range of LKR 15001-20000 

and LKR 5000-10000 respectively. A very small percentage of 0.84% belongs to the category having a monthly income of LKR40001 

and above while the percentage having a monthly income between LKR 25000 and LKR40000 is 5.04, the percentage below the 

LKR5000 is 7.28%. It is observed that a percentage of 64.70% fall within the income group between LKR 10001 – 20000 which 

may be considered just above the poverty level depending on the needs of the households in a hamlet of this type. A small percentage 

of households 3.36% come above the range of LKR 30001 – 40000 which may be considered affluence in this community, while a 

still smaller percent of 1.40% have the highest income of between LKR 35001 – 40001 and above and may be considered very affluent 

within the community. 

Table 12: Distribution of the responses of the families in relation to their average monthly 

expenditure as a percentage of the total family income 

Expenditure 

Category 

Children’s 

education 

Number of families / Percentage of total income 

Table 13: Distribution of the families surveyed in relation to their purpose of borrowing and the 

lending source 

Purpose 

Construction/ 

Purchase of house 

Number of families / Percentage total 

Purchase of land 

Purchase of 

motor bicycle 

or Vehicle 

Purchase 

jewellery/ 

white 

goods 

To meet 

wedding/ 

funeral 

expenditure 

Meeting 

day-to-day 

expenditure 

Source 

Bank 2 3 12 - - - 17/357 

(4.49) 

Corporative 

society 

Samurdhi 

bank 

Community 

organization 

Total 

3 2 1 - - - 06/357 

(1.68) 

6 - 2 - - - 08/357 

(2.24) 

- - - - 19 15 34/357 

(9.52) 

Relatives - - - 3 - 48 51/357 

(14.28) 

Local money 

lenders 

Other 

sources 

- - - - 13 89 102/357 

(28.57) 

- - - - 13 28 41/357 

(11.48) 

Table 13 – The study reveals that 28.57% of the population under survey borrows money from the local money lender, followed by 

14.28% from relatives and 11.48% from other sources and 9.52% from community organizations. Borrowing from Banks including 

the Samurdhi Bank shows a very low percentage of 4.49% and 2.24% respectively. The local money lender seems to be the most 

popular source for borrowing probably because he is easily accessible. Moreover, the process of borrowing is quick and immediate while 

borrowing from banks and other registered institutions is much more time consuming. It also involves paper work which perhaps the 

respondents find it difficult to go through thus making them to rely more on the local money lenders. 

The purpose of borrowing ranges from borrowing for day to day expenses, for weddings and funerals, purchase of land or house, 

purchase of vehicles and jewellery. The pattern of borrowing indicates clearly the socio economic condition of the sample. The majority 

50.42% borrowing for day to day living followed by 12.60% borrowing for funerals and weddings show that the community is living 

under difficult economic conditions. 


75


Table 14: Distribution of the families surveyed in relation to their current status of average 

borrowing with respect to source of lending 

Amount borrowed 

(LKR) 

Lending source 

Less than 

5,000 

Table 15: Distribution of the respondents’ reactions to their satisfaction in relation to the prevailing 

status of socioeconomic conditions 

Respondents reaction 

Number of respondents’ / Percentage of total 

Not satisfactory 

at all 

Satisfactory 

to some extent 

Satisfactory 

Much 

satisfied 

Highly 

satisfied 

Aspects of socio-economic condition 

Main source of income 129(36.13) 208(58.27) 17(4.76) 03(0.84) - 357 

Living condition 210(58.82) 67(18.76) 59(16.53) 21(5.89) - 357 

Social status 261(73.10) 54(15.12) 40(11.20) 02(0.56) - 357 

Social acceptance 237(66.39) 116(32.49) 04(1.12) - - 357 

Acceptance by the mainstream 

271(75.92) 29(8.12) 57(15.96) - - 357 

society mainstream society 

Opportunities to interact and integrate 

28(7.85) 68(19.05) 261(73.1) - - 357 

with the mainstream society 

Other source of income 93(25.49) 260(72.85) 06(1.68) - - 357 

Education 95(26.61) 219(61.34) 37(10.37) 06(1.68) - 357 

Health 169(47.33) 117(32.77) 58(16.26) 13(3.64) - 357 

Public amenities 218(61.06) 119(33.34) 17(4.76) 03(0.84) - 357 

Total 

When questioned about their level of satisfaction in the prevailing status of socio-economic conditions, the respondents reacted in 

varying degrees of both satisfaction and dissatisfaction. Their reactions are indicated in Table 15. The table indicates that a majority 

of 58.27% are satisfied to some extent in the main source of their income. A majority of the respondents have indicated that the 

opportunities to interact and integrate with the mainstream society are satisfactory (73.1%). Most of the respondents have stated that 

they are satisfied to some extent with their other sources of income (72.85%) and also the facilities available for education (61.34%). 

However the study revealed a high degree of dissatisfaction with reference to social acceptance by the main stream society – 75.92%, 

social status 73.10%, general social acceptance 66.39%, public amenities 61.06%, living conditions 58.82% and health 47.33%. 

There is therefore in the community under survey a general dissatisfaction of the prevalent socio economic status with reference to 

social acceptance by the mainstream society, social status, general acceptance, public amenities, living conditions and health. 


77


Table 16: Distribution of the respondents’ responses to the question in relation to possible 

characterization of their culture 

Respondents’ response Frequency % of the total 

A small and primitive tribe 124 34.73 

Special behavioural patterns and customs 38 10.64 

Local culture distinctly separate from contemporary 19 5.32 

Depend on traditional occupations 117 32.77 

Present or historical reliance upon subsistence-based production - - 

Distinctive mixed dialect 24 6.72 

Predominantly non-urbanized society - - 

Settled in a given locale/region or exhibit a nomadic lifestyle 35 9.8 

Total 357 100 

When the respondents were asked about the characterization of their culture, as shown in Table 16, a majority of the respondents 

amounting to 34.73% indicated that they would characterize their culture as a small and primitive tribe, while 32.77% stated that they 

would depend on traditional occupations. A small number of respondents amounting to 5.32% characterized it as a culture distinctly 

separate from the contemporary. When asked for their opinion on the uniqueness of their culture, as indicated in table 17, over 70% 

of the respondents felt that their culture was unique while only 26.89% felt that it was no so. The sample under survey with regard 

to characterization of their culture, as accepted by the majority is a small and primitive tribe depending on traditional occupations, 

exhibiting special behavioural patterns and customs and leading a nomadic life in a given region. The greater majority 73.10% accept 

that their culture is unique, while only 26.89 feel that their culture is not unique. The sample under survey considered themselves 

to be having a unique culture as they feel and accept they are a small and primitive tribe engaging in occupations traditional to their 

community and having special behavioural patterns and customs and living in aprimitive non-urbanised area, exhibiting a nomadic life 

style. 

Table 17: Distribution of the respondents’ response to the question in relation to their opinion on 

the uniqueness of their culture 


Yes 261 73.10 

No 96 26.89 

Total 357 100 


Table 18: Distribution of the respondents’ response about why they feel they are enjoying a unique 

culture 


A small and primitive tribe 77 29.51 

Special behavioural patterns and customs 29 11.11 

Local culture distinctly separate from contemporary 13 4.98 

Depend on endemic occupations 42 16.09 

Present or historical reliance upon subsistence-based production 2 0.76 

Distinctive mixed dialect 13 4.98 

Predominantly non-urbanized society 54 20.68 

Settled in a given local /region or exhibit a nomadic lifestyle 31 11.87 

Total 261 100 

Table 19: Distribution of the respondents’ response to the question asked whether they feel that 

their culture is at a threat 


Yes 329 92.15 

No 28 7.84 

Total 357 100 

As indicated in Tables 18 and 19, when asked why they felt they were enjoying a unique culture, the highest number of respondents 

77 amounting to 29.51% felt it was because they were a small and primitive tribe, while a relatively smaller number 54 amounting to 

20.68% felt it was because they were a predominantly non-urbanized society. When asked if this culture of theirs is at a threat, a vast 

majority of over 92% replied in the affirmative while an insignificantly low number of 28 (7.84%) indicated that they did not feel so. 


79


Table 20: Distribution of the respondents’ response as to why they feel their culture is currently at a 

threat 


Traditional lifestyle is changed with modernization 149 45.28 

The culture, value system and customs are integrated with the mainstream 

114 34.65 

society diluting the uniqueness 

Negative and stereotypical association with the culture has made things to alter 13 3.95 

Human expansion and development leading to migration, relocation and forced 

21 6.38 

resettlement 

Language, norms, values, practices, lands and traditional territories 

30 9.11 

encroachment upon 

Traditional lifestyles damaged due to climate changes related to floods, 

2 0.61 

contamination and pollution of water and lands 

Total 329 100 

Table 20 indicates the response of the respondents when asked why they felt their culture was at a threat, corresponding to the 

response given in Table 19. A majority 149 (45.28%) of the respondents felt this was due to the traditional lifestyle being changed 

with modernization. A second high percentage 34.65% representing 114 in number responded by stating that this was due to the 

culture, value system and customs being integrated with the mainstream society which contributes to the elimination of its uniqueness. 

Encroachment of traditional territories (9.11%) relocation and forced resettlement were also reasons given by very few as a threat to 

their culture. 

Table 21: Distribution of the respondents’ responses as to why they do not feel their culture is at a 

threat 


Have been able to conserve the traditional lifestyle in the changing world 4 14.28 

The culture, value system and customs are kept solid and unique 

5 17.85 

preserved even with the integration to the mainstream society 

Able to still practice endemic occupations without any hindrance 15 53.57 

The traditional and indigenous knowledge is passed down to the 

2 7.14 

future generations to a great extent ensuring the existence in future 

The cultural aspects of the community, the traditions are commonly practiced 2 7.14 

Total 28 100 


Out of the 357 respondents, 28 felt that their culture was not at a threat (ref. table 20). Out of these, over 53% of the respondents 

cited the fact that they were able to still practice traditional occupations without any hindrance as the reason for their answer (Table 21) 

A minority of 7.84% of the sample under survey, fell their culture was not at a threat giving the following as main reasons – ability to 

maintain their culture, value system and customs stable and unique even with integration to the mainstream society (17.85%) and also 

the ability to conserve the traditional life-style in the changing world (14.28%) as the main reasons while a small percentage 7.14% 

felt that they still practice the cultural aspects of the community and other traditions, while another 7.14% felt that the traditional 

indigenous knowledge is to a great extent passed on to the future generation. 

Table 22: Distribution of the respondents’ responses in relation to their assessment of the aspects of 

the culture that they currently practice 

Respondents’ response 

Not at all in 

existence in its 

original form 

Frequency / % of total 

The original 

form is slightly 

in existence 


form exists to 

an extent 


form is in 

existence 

The 

original form 

greatly 

exists 

Cultural aspects - - - - - - 

Language 252(70.58) 69 (19.32) 31(8.68) 05(1.40) - 357 

Literature, arts, theatre and music 269(75.35) 54(15.12) 28(7.85) 06(1.68) - 357 

Indigenous knowledge 51(14.29) 196(54.90) 67(18.77) 43(12.04) - 357 

Social values and norms 42(11.76) 96(26.89) 189(52.94) 22(6.17) 08(2.24) 357 

Customs and traditions 12(3.36) 132(36.99) 167(46.77) 34(9.52) 12(3.36) 357 

Religion and religious beliefs 53(14.84) 162(45.37) 102(28.58) 23(6.45) 17(4.76) 357 

Ethnicity 132(36.97) 150(42.01) 59(16.53) 12(3.37) 4(1.12) 357 

Lifestyle 238(66.67) 94(26.33) 16(4.48) 9(2.52) - 357 

Traditional occupation 34(9.52) 77(21.57) 216(60.50) 19(5.33) 11(3.08) 357 

Mobility 133(37.25) 173(48.45) 38(10.64) 13(3.64) - 357 

When the respondents were questioned as to their assessment of the culture they currently practice, they responded in various ways 

as indicated in Table 22. A vast majority over 70% felt that their language, literature, arts, theatre and music, as well as their present 

lifestyle were not at all in existence in its original form. In terms of their indigenous knowledge, religion and religious beliefs, ethnicity 

and mobility, a majority of the respondents felt that the original form is still slightly in existence. As far as social values and norms, 

customs and traditions and traditional occupations were concerned, majority of the respondents stated that the original forms exist to 

an extent. 

The greater majority believed that their uniqueness did not exist at all in its original form while a small percentage felt it was existing 

to a very slight degree, a still smaller percentage felt it was existing to some extent while a very insignificant percentage felt that the 

original form greatly exists. 

Total 


81


Table 23: Distribution of the respondents’ response to the question whether they wish to preserve 

their culture 


Yes 284 79.55 

No 73 20.44 

Total 357 100 

When the respondents were asked if they wished to preserve their culture, a 79.55% majority stated that they wished to do so (Table 

23) while only a small percentage of 20.44% responded in the negative. As indicated in Table 24, a majority of the respondents 

45.07% who felt their culture should be preserved, felt so for the purpose of showcasing a unique and dying culture. The second largest 

group29.57% felt so for the purpose of passing on the traditional knowledge to the future generation. Out of the 357 respondents, 73 

felt that their culture could not be preserved. 

Table 24: Distribution of the respondents’ responses in relation to why they feel that their culture 

should be preserved in the present form 


In order to conserve the culture, value system and customs 54 19.01 

With the intention of practicing the unique endemic occupations 18 6.33 

With the aim of passing on the traditional knowledge to the future generations 84 29.57 

With the purpose of showing a unique and dying culture 128 45.07 

Total 284 100 

Reasons given as to why they feel the culture should be preserved (Table 24) ranged from their desire to conserve their culture, value 

system and customs practising the endemic occupations passing a traditional knowledge to future generations and also to showcase a 

unique and dying culture. 


Table 25: Distribution of the respondents’ response about why they feel that their culture could not 

be preserved 


Negative and stereotypical association with the community, leading to 

19 26.02 

discriminations, thus sensible to integrate to the mainstream society 

Finding it difficult to be in par with the modern world being nomadic and 

42 57.53 

practicing endemic occupations, thus find no reason to preserve the culture 

The uniqueness of the culture and value system is irreparably damaged hence 

12 16.43 

there is nothing left to conserve 

Total 73 100 

The small percentage (20.44%) that responded in the negative felt that their culture could not be preserved for the following reasons 

(Table 25) being nomadic, practising endemic occupations, find it difficult to be on par with modern society, hence not able to preserve 

the uniqueness of their culture (57.53%) discrimination by the mainstream society and stereo typical association with the community 

therefore sensible to integrate with the mainstream society (20.02%) and their belief that uniqueness and value systems have been 

irreparably damaged hence nothing left to conserve (16.43%). 

Table 26: Distribution of the respondents’ response to the question whether they think that their 

culture could be utilized to generate a solid and continuous source of income 


Yes 301 84.31 

No 56 15.68 

Total 357 100 

As indicated in Table 26, the respondents were asked whether they think their culture could be utilized to generate a stable and 

continuous source of income. 84.31% of the respondents stated that they think this could be done while 15.68% felt it could not do 

so. When asked why they felt their culture could be utilized to generate a stable income (Table 27), 84% of the respondents felt this 

was due to the fact that they practice distinctive and traditional occupations. Only 5% felt this would be to showcase an endemic, 

dying culture. When asked those who responded in the negative in Table 26 why they felt their culture could not be utilized to generate 

an income, a majority of 62.5% responded by saying that the uniqueness of the culture and value system was irreparably damaged, 

hence leaving nothing to be conserved (Table 28), 23.21% responded by saying they could not earn a decent wage being nomadic and 

practicing traditional occupations and 14.28% gave as a reason the negative association with the community leading to discriminations 

and closer of opportunities. 


83


Table 27: Distribution of the respondents’ responses as to why they feel that their culture 

could be utilized to generate a stable and continuous source of income 


Possessing a unique culture, value system and customs 31 10.29 

Practicing distinctive traditional occupations 254 84.38 

Showcasing a unique and dying culture 16 5.31 

Total 301 100 

Table 28: Distribution of the respondents’ response as to why they feel that their culture could not 

be utilized to generate a stable and continuous source of income 



8 14.28 

discriminations and closure of opportunities 

Finding it difficult to earn a decent living being nomadic and practicing endemic 

13 23.21 

occupations 

The uniqueness of the culture and value system is irreparably damaged hence there is 

35 62.50 

nothing left to conserve 

Total 56 100 

Table 29: Distribution of the respondents’ reaction to the proposal by the Dilmah Conservation in 

collaboration with Sri Lanka Tourism Authority 

Respondents’ 

response 

Frequency 

% of the total 

Very bad Bad Not bad Fair Good Very 

good 

Excellent 

Total 

- - 4 64 76 116 97 357 

- - 1.12 17.92 21.28 32.49 27.17 100 

When asked what they felt about the proposal by the Dilmah Conservation in collaboration with Sri Lanka Tourism Authority, 116 

of the 357 (32.48%) respondents felt it was a very good idea while 97 respondents (27.17%) felt it was an excellent idea. Not a single 

respondent stated that it was a bad or very bad idea (Table 29). 


Table 30: Distribution of the respondents’ response in relation to their expectations of further 

possible integration to the mainstream society 

Respondents’ response Frequency % of Total 

Integration would facilitate better economic growth and financial stability 54 15.12 

It will enable better access to public amenities 76 21.28 

Enhancing the social status 122 34.17 

Curtail discrimination and social bias 64 17.92 

Better life for future generations 11.48 11.48 

Total 357 100 

Table 30 above indicates the respondents’ response in relation to their expectations of further possible integration to the mainstream 

society. 34% of the respondents felt such a move would enhance their social status, while 21% believed it would enable them better 

access to public amenities. 17.92% felt that it would curtail discrimination and social bias while 15,12% felt that it would facilitate 

better economic growth and financial stability. 

Although a majority stated in Table 30 that integration to mainstream society will enhance their social status, when asked to what 

extent they have adopted to certain cultural aspects of the mainstream society, their responses varied at different levels, as indicated 

in Table 31. As far as language and religion and religious beliefs were concerned, majority 65.26% and 60.78% of the respondents 

respectively stated that these were adaptable. In terms of social values and norms and lifestyle of the mainstream society, majority of 

the respondents between 45.09% and 55.18% felt these were adapted to an extent. While in relation to customs and traditions, the 

higher percentage 53.23% believed it to be slightly adapted, the majority felt that where literature, arts, theatre and music as well as 

employment were concerned, it was not at all adapted in relation to the mainstream society. 


85


Table 31: Distribution of the respondents’ responses to the question in relation to the extent they 

have adopted the following cultural aspects of the mainstream society 

Respondents response Not at all adapted Slightly 

adapted 

Respondents’ response (frequency and % of total) 

Adapted to an 

extent 

Adaptable Adapted totally Total 

Socio-cultural aspects 

Language - 54(15.12) 38(10.64) 233(65.26) 32(8.96) 357 

Literature, arts, theatre and music 134(37.53) 128(35.87) 81(22.68) 11(3.08) 3(0.84) 357 

Social values and norms 11(3.08) 156(43.70) 161(45.09) 26(7.29) 3(0.84) 357 

Customs and traditions 34(9.52) 190(53.23) 118(33.05) 11(3.08) 4(1.12) 357 

Religion and religious beliefs 13(3.64) 21(5.88) 94(26.34) 217(60.78) 12(3.36) 357 

Lifestyle 5(1.40) 56(15.68) 197(55.18) 76(21.29) 23(6.45) 357 

Employment 272(76.19) 31(8.68) 27(7.56) 16(4.49) 11(3.08) 357 

When asked what they felt about their current overall integration to the mainstream society both as an individual and as a community, 

a majority of the respondents felt that it was not bad (43.41%), as indicated in Table 32. The overall majority fell within the range of 

not bad to excellent. 

Table 32: Distribution of the respondents’ reaction to their current overall integration to the mainstream 

society both as an individual and as a community 

Respondents 

response 

Frequency 

% of the total 

Very 

bad 

Not so 

good 

Not bad 

Good to 

an extent 

Good 

Very 

good 

Excellent 

Total 

14 51 155 59 17 42 19 357 

3.92 14.28 43.41 16.52 4.76 11.76 5.32 100 


Table 33: Distribution of the respondents’ responses to the question why they feel that they are not 

integrated well with the mainstream society 


Finding it difficult to adapt to the new social order 12 18.46 


42 64.61 

discriminations and closure of opportunities 

Rapid changes in the modern society 11 16.92 

Total 65 100 

Table 33 indicates why the respondents felt that they were not integrated well with the mainstream society. A 64.61% majority 

responded this was due to negative and stereotypical association with the community, leading to discriminations and closure of 

opportunities for them. A low percentage of 18.46% said it was difficult to adapt to a new social order and 16.92% attributed it to 

rapid changes in modern society. 

Table 34: Distribution of the respondents’ responses to the question why they feel that they are well 

integrated well with the mainstream society 


Good understanding of the new social order 31 39.74 

Ability to break the barriers of negativism associated with the community 27 34.61 

Capability to transform to the rapid changes in the modern society 20 25.64 

Total 78 100 

Those who responded positively to integration with the mainstream society when asked as to why they felt they were well integrated 

with the mainstream society, a majority 39.74% responded saying this was due to good understanding of the new social order, while 

a close second (34.61%) stated this was due to their ability to break the barriers of negativism associated with the community, while a 

smaller percentage of 25.64% stated that they were able to transform to the rapid changes in modern society. 


87


Table 35: Distribution of the respondents’ responses to the question in relation to their accessibility 

to public amenities 

Accessibility 

completely 

denied 


Accessibility 

considerably 

denied 

Accessible 

Relatively 

good 

accessibility 

Complete 

accessibility 

Education - - 287(80.39) 63(17.65) 7(1.96) 357 

Healthcare 

- 12(3.36) 216(60.50) 121(33.89) 8(2.25) 357 

facilities 

Public parks and 

- 31(8.68) 312(87.39) 14(3.93) - 357 

entertainment 

Law and order 

- 54(15.12) 289(80.95) 12(3.36) 2(0.57) 357 

institutions 

Public libraries - 98(27.45) 201(56.3) 57(15.97) 1(0.28) 357 

Total 

Table 35 indicates the responses of the respondents to their accessibility to public amenities. As far as education, public parks and 

entertainment, law and order institutions, and public libraries were concerned, the respondents stated that these amenities were 

accessible to them. In terms of health care facilities, a majority of the respondents stated that they have accessibility to this amenity. 

The level of complete accessibility to any of the public amenities listed in the table above were indicated as very low, based on the 

respondents’ answers. 


Table 36: Distribution of the respondents’ responses to the question about their accessibility to 

public utilities 


Accessibility 

completely 

denied 

Accessibility 

considerably 

denied 

Accessible 

Relatively 

good 

accessibility 

Complete 

accessibility 

Telecommunication services - - 312(87.39) 34(9.53) 11(3.08) 357 

Electricity 37(10.36) 7(1.97) 288(80.67) 12(3.36) 13(3.64) 357 

Water and sanitary services - 357(100) - - - 357 

Transport 54(15.12) 82(22.96) 178(49.85) 23(6.47) 20(5.60) 357 

Postal - - 317(88.79) 24(6.73) 16(4.48) 357 

Other government services 67(18.77) 93(26.05) 174(48.74) 12(3.36) 11(3.08) 357 

As indicated in Table 36, the respondents were asked about their accessibility to public utilities and their responses indicated that a 

majority of the respondents had access to telecommunication services, electricity, postal services, and other government services and 

also transport. All 357 respondents had stated that accessibility was considerably denied to them as far as water and sanitation services 

were concerned. Access to postal services had the highest percentage of 88.79% followed by telecommunication services 87.39% and 

electricity 80.67% respectively. The table also shows that 10.36% is completely denied of access to electricity, while 15.12% have no 

access to transport and 18.77% no access to other governmental services 

Total 


89


Table 37: Distribution of the respondents’ responses to the question in relation to the cultural 

remnants left and which could be preserved for the next generation 

Respondents’ response 

(frequency and % of total) 

Leftovers of the cultural aspects Yes No Total 

Cultural and ritual artefacts 313 (87.67) 44 (12.32) 357 

Practice of black magic or the belief of practices of magic that draws on assumed 214 (60.50) 140 (39.49) 360 

malevolent powers 

Indigenous medicine and practices 49 (13.72) 308 (86.28) 357 

Photographs 31 (8.68) 326 (91.31) - 

Writings - 357 (100.00) 357 

Traditional knowledge passed down from generation to generation through 218 (61.06) 139 (38.93) 357 

word-of-mouth 

Traditions and rituals 267 (74.78) 90 (25.21) 357 

Table 37 indicates the respondents’ response to the question asked about their cultural remnants which are still left and which could 

be preserved for the next generation. Their responses indicate that 88% of the respondents have stated that cultural and ritual artifacts 

could be preserved. 60.5% has stated that the practice of black magic or the belief of practices of magic that draws on assumed 

malevolent powers could be preserved for the next generation. A majority has stated that indigenous medicine and practices, 

photographs and writings could not be preserved for the next generation. They also believe that traditional knowledge (61.06%, 

traditions and rituals (74.8%) could be preserved for the next generation. 


Final Remarks and Policy Implications 

Gypsies represent a small community of people scattered all over the world, living peacefully having a common culture and historic 

heritage moving from place to place, hence referred to as nomads. The Sri Lankan gypsies belong to a minority in the country 

threatened by the fast development of technology making it difficult for them to fit into the common culture and integrate into 

mainstream society. They show signs of gradual disappearance and are a forgotten and neglected community lacking any records 

pertaining to births, marriages, deaths and even residence – hence subject to gross deprivation of all human rights, which has 

victimized them to a very large extent causing a major problem. 

It is in this back drop that the researcher has conducted a baseline survey of 380 gypsy families(households) living in a gypsy 

community in a village settlement in Kudagama in the North Central Province. 

The researcher has made use of both quantitative and qualitative data gathering techniques like structured questionnaires, face to face 

interviews, focus group discussions and also interactive group sessions. The use of experienced and trained interviewers to administer 

the questionnaires and conduct interviews has facilitated the extraction of information minimizing the non responsive rates. 

This baseline survey eliciting information from 380 families residing in a gypsy community encom-passing all aspects of the life of a 

gypsy gives insight into the way of life of a Sri Lankan gypsy and provides an information base vital to understand and identify the 

needs and issues of the gypsy community and to assess, plan out, implement and monitor development activities to uplift the socio 

economic conditions of the gypsy community in Sri Lanka. 

Based on the finding of the research, the need for a very special programme of work to conserve (preserve) the cultural inheritances of 

the community is highly substantiated by the data collected. Such a programme of work while not isolating this community from the 

mainstream society will enable them to retain their identity as a cultural inheritance and also stabilise their base within the mainstream 

society. The pathetic situation is that although the need for such a programme of work has been highlighted there is no such systematic 

programme initiated either by the community, any institution or any other outside agency. Motivation for such a programme by the 

community has its limitations as the community moves from place to place throughout the island in small groups separated from each 

other engaged untiringly in the different modes of livelihood for their sustenance. 

The community leadership is not in a position to effectively implement and control such a programme of work. As observed by us the 

need for the uplift of the socio economic level of this community to a considerable extent can be found within the community itself. 

In order to highlight this the intervention by an external organisation is vital and there should be valuable guidance in a systematic 

manner. Development of a programme of work in this direction is vital and inevitable and an environment more conducive should be 

created for them to carry on their means of livelihood easily. 

The developing tourist industry may be utilised as an implement for this purpose. It is observed that in most developed countries in the 

world that the cultural inheritance of small community groups has been harnessed as an attraction in the tourist industry. In Sri Lanka 

too it is now seen that the socio cultural background of the veddhas is being used as an attraction in the tourist industry. 


91


This has resulted in the gradual absorption of this community into the mainstream society and also the enhancement of their socio 

economic status. As an example it is seen that a large number of graduates, teachers, journalists and social workers from the veddha 

community have entered the mainstream society. In this back drop it should be emphasised that in order to bring about social 

enhancement in the gypsy community the following suggestions have to be implemented without delay. 

1) The development of a special programme to preserve the culture of the gypsy community that is fast disappearing and the 

establishment of a community cultural centre. 

2) The commencement of a suitable programme of work for those who are willing to break off from traditional occupations. 

3) Enhancement of access to education and integration into the mainstream society. 

4) Provision of the freedom of movement from place to place to those who want to stick to the traditional modes of occupation and 

also provision of dwelling facilities to those moving to different parts of the island. 

5) A planned programme to change the social attitudes of the mainstream society and stabilise the community in the mainstream 

society. 

6) Conservation of the disappearing cultural factors in order to acquaint the future generations with a knowledge of their cultural 

traits. 

7) To find solutions to the problem of water, transport and other common amenities faced by the gypsies residing as a community in 

gypsy villages. 

8) As available written records of their cultural inheritance is very scanty an endeavour to extract vital information from elders in their 

community and to record such findings methodically. 

9) To create awareness in the tourism industry of the socio-cultural and economic inheritances of this community and to exhibit these 

inheritances to be used effectively and feasibly in the tourism industry. 

10) It is important to establish a centre to show case the socio-cultural inheritances of this commu-nity with the patronage of state and 

private organizations. This will eventually lead to the enhancement of their economic status as well as their family and social 

relationships. 



93



Many contributed 

towards the success 

of this publication, 

in numerous ways… 


95



Our commitment to sustainability 

Dilmah Conservation is part of Dilmah’s core 

commitment to sustainability. It was initiated in 2007 to 

incorporate environmental conservation efforts into the MJF 

Charitable Foundation, which focuses on social justice. The 

promise made by Dilmah Founder Merrill J. Fernando that 

business should be a matter of human service where the profits 

accrued are used for the benefit of the people and for taking 

care of the environment is deeply ingrained within the work 

programme of Dilmah Conservation. 

The significance of establishing a conservation extension 

to the existing Foundation became an absolute necessity 

in the wake of the 2004 Asian Tsunami. This cataclysmic 

event, not only destroyed lives and livelihoods; it also created 

environmental destruction of unimaginable proportions which 

needed to be addressed and remediated. In doing so, Dilmah 

Conservation carried out successful work in post tsunami 

rehabilitation and reconstruction of the lives, livelihoods and 

the environment. 

Up to date, Dilmah Conservation has partnered with many 

institutions, including the International Union for the 

Conservation of Nature (IUCN), Department of Wildlife 

Conservation, Universities of Colombo, Peradeniya, Moratuwa, 

and East, the Field Ornithology Group of Sri Lanka (FOGSL), 

Sri Lanka Association for the Advancement of Science 

(SLAAS), Sri Lanka Cashew Corporation, Ocean Resources 

Conservation Association (ORCA) and the Sri Lanka Army to 

carry out successful work programmes island-wide. 


Dilmah Conservation

MP 



97


The initiatives carried out by Dilmah Conservation include 

ensuring sustainability in Dilmah tea gardens to improve 

its productivity, carrying out research on high yield food crops 

and biodiversity assessments to document the fauna and flora 

within Dilmah tea gardens. A dual purpose initiative was 

established to increase the green cover in Batticaloa through 

the planting of cashew trees and Dilmah Conservation 

hopes that this will translate into an income source for the 

communities in future. Education on peaceful coexistence 

with nature, environmental educations and awareness for 

healing rifts between communities are some of the activities 

that Dilmah Conservation has carried out successfully. 

Dilmah’s commitment to implementing the Montreal 

Protocol in Sri Lanka is evident in the change over from ozone 

depleting chemical fumigants to earth friendly substitutes in 

Dilmah tea gardens. 

This initiative has been recognised by the United Nations 

Environment Programme (UNEP) as one of the success 

stories in implementing the Protocol in their publication 

Goal Zero – Success Stories from Asia and the Pacific in phasing 

out ozone depleting chemicals, UNEP 2010. Additionally, to 

uphold the Protocol and to encourage environmentally sound 

transportation, Dilmah’s Small Entrepreneur Programme (SEP) 

supported nearly 50 bicycle repairmen from Batticaloa to 

upgrade their existing facilities in order provide better service to 

their customers. 


Dilmah Conservation

MP 



99


The ongoing Reconciliation though Power of Nature 

initiative aims to heal the wounds of war using nature as 

a source. The first publication on birds in the Tamil language 

was published for the benefit of Jaffna’s school children while 

the Thondaimannaru Field Research Station, the pride and 

joy of Jaffna’s scientific community was rebuilt and vested on 

its hereditary custodians the Field Work Centre (FWC) under 

this initiative. 


Dilmah Conservation

JS 



101


Work in the Udawalawe National Park and adjacent 

communities are part of Dilmah Conservations’ 

Terrestrial Habitat and Species Conservation initiative 

aimed at making Udawalawe into a model national park. 

Dilmah supports the Elephant Transit Home (ETH) while 

continuously upgrading the Elephant Information Centre. 

The Mankada pottery centre in Udawalawe, set up by 

Dilmah Conservation produces world class pottery ware while 

providing livelihood opportunities for women from adjacent 

communities. 


Dilmah Conservation

SP 



103


programme to support and uplift the lives and livelihoods 

A of indigenous Veddah’s and nomadic Ahikuntaka people 

was launched by Dilmah Conservation under the Culture 

and Indigenous Communities Programme. The Ahikuntaka 

community will benefit with the setting up of a cultural centre 

while the Veddah community will be supported to continue 

their traditional way of life. The lives of the Veddahs were 

documented in Indigenous Communities in Sri Lanka – The 

Veddahs published in May 2012. 


Dilmah Conservation


BH


Dilmah Conservation is currently working closely with 

the Sri Lanka Army in Thoppigala, in eastern Sri Lanka 

to support social and economic progress of the communities 

while launching initiatives to regenerate the land scarred 

by 30 years of war. As part of the activities, 20,000 trees 

have been planted and a heritage centre has been established 

to promote the historical, cultural and environmental 

significance of the area. 


Dilmah Conservation


DS


Dilmah Conservation launched its Marine Habitat and 

Species Conservation Programme to address some of 

the salient issues affecting Sri Lanka’s marine habitats. Dilmah 

Conservation currently carries out work in several marine 

habitats that are home to some of Sri Lanka’s pristine coral 

reefs and important marine species. Research carried out 

includes status documentation of the reef as well as ongoing 

research on dugongs. 


Dilmah Conservation

DJ 



109


Dilmah Conservation believes that every individual 

and business has an obligation to ensure sustainable 

interactions with the environment where man and nature can 

coexist in harmony. 


Dilmah Conservation

For additional information visit our website at www.dilmahconservation.org 

SP 



111


Dilmah Conservation deeply appreciates the contributions 

made by numerous individual and groups towards the 

successful completion of our publication Traditional 

Communities in Sri Lanka – The Ahikuntaka. 

We thank all 5 village leaders of the Ahikuntaka community 

and their clans for the relentless support and corporation 

extended to Dilmah Conservation during our research and 

subsequent search for the roots of the Ahikuntaka community. 

We also thank Professor Ranjith Bandara of the University 

of Colombo and his research team for their untiring efforts 

in conducting the first socio economic survey in Kudagama 

covering the entire community and producing a ground 

breaking analysis. 

We appreciate with deep gratitude the contributions 

and logistical support given by the Divisional Secretary 

Ranjani Perera, Grama Niladhari N.G Senevirathne, 

Samurdhi Niladhari Piyal Chandrasiri and D. Nimal during 

research carried out and for organising of the Ahikuntaka 

Varigasabha in Kudagama. We thank Krishantha Nandasena 

of Galgamuwa for giving guidance and providing insight 

to the Kudagama Community. We thank the former Chief 

Minister of the North Central Province Hon. Berty Premalal 

Dissanayake and Ajith Pushpalal of the Chief Minister’s office 

for releasing the land for the construction of the community 

centre and Lankathilaka Lebunahewa, Lakmal Bandara and 

Ananda Perera, Technical Officers of the Thambuttegama 


Dilmah Conservation

Acknowledgements 

Divisional Secretariat for assistance in the construction work. 

We profoundly thank Professor Harsha Munasinghe and 

Prasad Boteju of the Department of Architecture, University 

of Moratuwa for organising the design competition to select 

the design for the Ahikuntaka Cultural Centre and the 

winner Fathima Rizna Arooz for her winning design. We also 

thank Upali Vidanagamage and Dishani Perera of Dilmah 

Engineering for their efforts during the construction of the 

Centre. 

We thank Hon. Vasudeva Nanayakkara, Minister of National 

Languages and Social Integration and Rev. Bulathkohupitiye 

Pemalankara for their advice and guidance. We also thank 

Hemanlin Karunaratne and the HTV crew for their efforts in 

documenting the community activities and support provided 

by all officers of the Thambuttegama Police Station on the 

Varigasabha day. 

This publication would not have been possible if not for the 

wealth of information gathered and compiled by writers as 

M.D. Ragavan, Sunil Kularatne, Chandra Sri Ranasinghe, 

Sepala Samarasekara and Nadeera Jayatunge who dedicated 

their valuable time to studying and documenting the lives of 

Ahikuntaka community. 

This is a visual representation of the Ahikuntaka community 

as it is informative. We take this opportunity to thank 

Darrell Bartholomeusz, Alan Benson, Dhanush De Costa, 

Dimithri Cruze, Dharshana Jayawardena, Bree Hutchins, 

Namal Kamalgoda, Sarath Perera, Malaka Premasiri, M. A. 

Pushpakumara, Devaka Seneviratne, Julian Stevenson, Dilhan 

C. Fernando, Nuwan Gankanda and Asanka Abayakoon for 

their efforts at capturing these stunning images. 

The English translation of the text was completed by Hafeel 

Farisz. We thank him for his clear and precise translation. 

We thank Professor Ranjith Bandara for the foreword. 

We thank the Chairman of the MJF Group 

Merrill J. Fernando and Malik J. Fernando - Director, the 

Dilmah Conservation Advisory Panel headed by 

Dilhan C. Fernando and members Professor S.W. Kotagama, 

Shiranee Yasaratne and Dr. Sumith Pilapitiya for guidance and 

support given during the entire exercise. 

Special appreciation is extended to the Dilmah Conservation 

research team comprising of Nuwan Gankanda (Principal 

Investigator) and Asanka Abayakoon for their work in remote 

corners of the country often under trying conditions. 

We thank the Brand Marketing Team of Dilmah for their 

contributions. 

We thank all the unnamed people who worked tirelessly to 

bring this publication out. 




DS 


115



Dilmah Conservation was initiated in 2007 by Dilmah to incorporate environmental 

conservation efforts into the MJF Charitable Foundation, which focuses on social justice. Dilmah 

Conservation works towards the sustainable use of the environment in partnership with other 

organisations including the International Union for Conservation of Nature - IUCN. The pledge 

made by Dilmah founder Merrill J. Fernando to make business a matter of human service is 

deeply ingrained in the work carried out by Dilmah Conservation. For additional information 

visit our website at www.dilmahconservation.org. 

ISBN: 978-955-0081-08-0 


Dilmah Conservation

The Ahikuntaka

You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles

Delete template?

Save as template?