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Denis Muller<br />

Case study 3: Mamamia<br />

In 2007, an Australian journalist <strong>and</strong> author, Mia Freedman,<br />

founded the Mamamia website targeted at women. In the seven<br />

years to 2014, it built an audience, engaged with it <strong>and</strong> made<br />

a profit. Native advertising was a critical factor in its success.<br />

Freedman calls it integrated content <strong>and</strong> it is written by the editorial<br />

staff. Freedman is quoted as saying: ‘We know how to engage.<br />

And it does work. Where it can go wrong is when clients come<br />

in here thinking they want to do this <strong>and</strong> they want to do that,<br />

<strong>and</strong> we are, like, look, we know how to engage women online.<br />

Leave it to us.’ Clearly, then, at Mamamia the staff <strong>and</strong> publisher<br />

take ownership of, as well as creative responsibility for, the native<br />

advertising project.<br />

An academic analysis of the Mamamia project (Cowcher-Guthrie<br />

2014) found that native advertising, written by Mamamia writers<br />

but sponsored by advertisers, made frequent appearances on the<br />

website <strong>and</strong> on social media. She found that while the native<br />

advertisements took on the tone <strong>and</strong> voice of Mamamia editorial<br />

content, they were, in fact, about products that advertising clients<br />

were paying to promote.<br />

Whilst some of this material was disclosed as ‘integrated content’,<br />

the disclosure was not always prominent. In several cases it appeared<br />

only after the second paragraph of what looked like a genuine (i.e.<br />

non-sponsored) editorial item. Cowcher-Guthrie also found that<br />

on social media, advertisements were completely disguised, with<br />

sponsored posts appearing on Facebook <strong>and</strong> Twitter with links that<br />

were not labelled as sponsored content yet which were identical<br />

to links to non-sponsored items. She found that the language <strong>and</strong><br />

topics of the sponsored articles so closely resembled non-sponsored<br />

content that, without the labelling, it would be almost impossible<br />

to distinguish one from the other.<br />

In one particular example, content that purported to be nonsponsored<br />

editorial content, in fact, exhibited the promotional<br />

characteristics of native advertising <strong>and</strong> straight public relations<br />

material. The item concerned the Dove range of products <strong>and</strong><br />

Dove’s Real Beauty campaign. As Cowcher-Guthrie described it,<br />

Real Beauty was modelled on the feminist notion that women<br />

ought not be valued principally on the basis of their weight <strong>and</strong><br />

appearance. Dove was an advertiser on Mamamia <strong>and</strong> its bodyimage-complex<br />

commodification of feminism reinforced the<br />

Mamamia br<strong>and</strong> of feminism that, according to the researcher’s<br />

interpretation, paid lip service to feminist issues such as women’s<br />

representation in advertising <strong>and</strong> media, but did not question or<br />

critique structural inequalities.<br />

104 Copyright 2016-2/3. Ethical Space: The International Journal of Communication Ethics. All rights reserved. Vol 13, No 2/3 2016

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