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news organisation are decisions to subordinate journalism norms to<br />

profit norms ethical.’<br />

For individual journalists, economic necessities create conflicts<br />

between the ideal of independence <strong>and</strong> the need to pay production<br />

costs. There is a tension of loyalties: to those who pay you, your<br />

own values <strong>and</strong> your readers (Shrader 2011). In fragile states, this<br />

can become self-censorship for job security (Loza 2015). Sullivan<br />

(2013) urges local assessments of ethical behaviour when looking<br />

at investigative journalism in emerging democracies. Podesta (2014)<br />

finds that business journalism can thrive in repressive regimes<br />

because economic stories seem to be ‘viewed as less threatening’.<br />

Discussing journalists’ ethical duty to seek independence from<br />

economic pressures, Martin <strong>and</strong> Souder (2009) frame editorial<br />

independence as a matter of degree, proposing ‘interdependence as<br />

a guiding principle for media ethics’. It is widely acknowledged that<br />

many journalists find business-related policy <strong>and</strong> entrepreneurial<br />

practices <strong>and</strong> content difficult to accept (Sylvie <strong>and</strong> Witherspoon<br />

2002; Pekkala <strong>and</strong> Cook 2012). However, none of this directly<br />

confronts the ethical considerations for oppositional news outlets<br />

created by scarce resources <strong>and</strong> flawed markets.<br />

RESEARCH<br />

PAPER<br />

Research method<br />

The findings are based on further analysis of empirical data from semistructured<br />

interviews <strong>and</strong> a discussion group between December<br />

2013 <strong>and</strong> 2015. It includes 23 non-profit media in exile or restricted<br />

environments producing content to reach Tibet, Zimbabwe, Zambia,<br />

Sudan, Syria, Iran, Burma, Uzbekistan, Sri Lanka, Russian Caucasus,<br />

Eritrea, Azerbaijan, central Asia, Turkmenistan <strong>and</strong> Belarus. The<br />

media outlets were all groups or organisations producing content<br />

independent from, <strong>and</strong> alternative to, state-controlled media <strong>and</strong><br />

were mixed format: online media, broadcasting, shortwave radio,<br />

satellite <strong>and</strong> phone transmission. The sample was selected from<br />

grantees working with three philanthropic, non-governmental<br />

donor organisations. More systematic sampling was not possible,<br />

as no listing or database exists. In a new research field such as this,<br />

data gathered in this way is still valuable. The aim was to offer<br />

comparability by detecting ethical value sets in income-generation<br />

<strong>and</strong> revenue by a range of media. Anonymity was agreed to assure<br />

the participants’ safety, yet common factors were drawn out to<br />

preserve analytical relevance. Exiled editors who choose to live in<br />

a more open market area <strong>and</strong> supply content exclusively to the<br />

diaspora community were not included. Nor does the research<br />

include journalists who may be in exile but who work for large,<br />

government-sponsored organisations. A further ten semi-structured<br />

interviews with project managers from donor organisations, project<br />

coordinators or consultants working in the field were carried out.<br />

These were conducted to document reflections on ethics relevant<br />

to the sector more generally.<br />

Copyright 2016-2/3. Ethical Space: The International Journal of Communication Ethics. All rights reserved. Vol 13, No 2/3 2016 71

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