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news organisation are decisions to subordinate journalism norms to<br />
profit norms ethical.’<br />
For individual journalists, economic necessities create conflicts<br />
between the ideal of independence <strong>and</strong> the need to pay production<br />
costs. There is a tension of loyalties: to those who pay you, your<br />
own values <strong>and</strong> your readers (Shrader 2011). In fragile states, this<br />
can become self-censorship for job security (Loza 2015). Sullivan<br />
(2013) urges local assessments of ethical behaviour when looking<br />
at investigative journalism in emerging democracies. Podesta (2014)<br />
finds that business journalism can thrive in repressive regimes<br />
because economic stories seem to be ‘viewed as less threatening’.<br />
Discussing journalists’ ethical duty to seek independence from<br />
economic pressures, Martin <strong>and</strong> Souder (2009) frame editorial<br />
independence as a matter of degree, proposing ‘interdependence as<br />
a guiding principle for media ethics’. It is widely acknowledged that<br />
many journalists find business-related policy <strong>and</strong> entrepreneurial<br />
practices <strong>and</strong> content difficult to accept (Sylvie <strong>and</strong> Witherspoon<br />
2002; Pekkala <strong>and</strong> Cook 2012). However, none of this directly<br />
confronts the ethical considerations for oppositional news outlets<br />
created by scarce resources <strong>and</strong> flawed markets.<br />
RESEARCH<br />
PAPER<br />
Research method<br />
The findings are based on further analysis of empirical data from semistructured<br />
interviews <strong>and</strong> a discussion group between December<br />
2013 <strong>and</strong> 2015. It includes 23 non-profit media in exile or restricted<br />
environments producing content to reach Tibet, Zimbabwe, Zambia,<br />
Sudan, Syria, Iran, Burma, Uzbekistan, Sri Lanka, Russian Caucasus,<br />
Eritrea, Azerbaijan, central Asia, Turkmenistan <strong>and</strong> Belarus. The<br />
media outlets were all groups or organisations producing content<br />
independent from, <strong>and</strong> alternative to, state-controlled media <strong>and</strong><br />
were mixed format: online media, broadcasting, shortwave radio,<br />
satellite <strong>and</strong> phone transmission. The sample was selected from<br />
grantees working with three philanthropic, non-governmental<br />
donor organisations. More systematic sampling was not possible,<br />
as no listing or database exists. In a new research field such as this,<br />
data gathered in this way is still valuable. The aim was to offer<br />
comparability by detecting ethical value sets in income-generation<br />
<strong>and</strong> revenue by a range of media. Anonymity was agreed to assure<br />
the participants’ safety, yet common factors were drawn out to<br />
preserve analytical relevance. Exiled editors who choose to live in<br />
a more open market area <strong>and</strong> supply content exclusively to the<br />
diaspora community were not included. Nor does the research<br />
include journalists who may be in exile but who work for large,<br />
government-sponsored organisations. A further ten semi-structured<br />
interviews with project managers from donor organisations, project<br />
coordinators or consultants working in the field were carried out.<br />
These were conducted to document reflections on ethics relevant<br />
to the sector more generally.<br />
Copyright 2016-2/3. Ethical Space: The International Journal of Communication Ethics. All rights reserved. Vol 13, No 2/3 2016 71