Treatment of Sex Offenders
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304<br />
P. Lussier<br />
Peer Influence<br />
While criminologists have long recognized the role and importance <strong>of</strong> peer influence<br />
in delinquent activities (e.g., Sutherland, 1947 ), its interpretation differs across school<br />
<strong>of</strong> thoughts. Control theorists generally argue that peer delinquency is a consequence<br />
<strong>of</strong> individuals seeking the company <strong>of</strong> others with similar background, interests, lifestyle,<br />
and routine activities. In other words, the presence <strong>of</strong> negative social influences<br />
is a consequence rather than a cause <strong>of</strong> delinquency (e.g., Gottfredson & Hirschi,<br />
1990 ). This is reinforced by the idea that, especially in adolescence, delinquency is a<br />
group-phenomenon where co-<strong>of</strong>fending is common (e.g., Farrington, 2003 ). Social<br />
learning theorists, however, argue that delinquency is learned from others through the<br />
acquisition <strong>of</strong> attitudes supportive to crime and delinquency (Sutherland, 1947 ) or<br />
imitation and reinforcement (Akers & Cochran, 1985 ), while others argue that the<br />
peer-delinquency association is bidirectional (Thornberry et al., 1994 )—i.e., association<br />
with delinquent peers increase delinquency involvement through reinforcement<br />
provided by members <strong>of</strong> the peer network, while delinquency involvement favor further<br />
development <strong>of</strong> delinquent peer association. Warr ( 1993 ) has examined the role<br />
<strong>of</strong> peer influence in the context <strong>of</strong> desistance from <strong>of</strong>fending. He reported that the<br />
amount <strong>of</strong> time spend with friends, exposure to them and their influence as well as<br />
their commitment <strong>of</strong> friends follows the age–crime curve, that is, it peaks during<br />
adolescence at a time where delinquency involvement is most important and it typically<br />
drops thereafter. Warr ( 1998 ) argued that crucial to desistance from crime are<br />
changing patterns <strong>of</strong> peers relations over life course and significant life transitions<br />
may favor such changes. Of importance, marriage appears to discourage crime and<br />
delinquency by weakening former criminal associations. Warr’s analyses <strong>of</strong> the<br />
National Youth Survey data, a national probability sample <strong>of</strong> teens including a follow-up<br />
until age 24, revealed that time spent with friends changed following marriage<br />
and not before, suggesting that these individuals chose to settle not as a result<br />
<strong>of</strong> fractured peer relationships. These findings are intriguing but should be interpreted<br />
cautiously as these were observed with samples drawn from the general population<br />
which do not necessarily generalize to samples including chronic, violent and<br />
sexual <strong>of</strong>fenders. With a highly delinquent sample, Giordano et al. ( 2003 ) has shown<br />
that while marriage can serve to reduce contact with negative peer influence, it is not<br />
inevitable. They stressed that without a strong motivation to change and commitment<br />
to the idea <strong>of</strong> developing a more respectable identity, the person may simply ignore<br />
the partner’s efforts or even break the relationship altogether.<br />
Developmental, Life Course Explanations<br />
Life Course, Turning Points, and Access to Adult Roles<br />
Life course researchers have stressed the role <strong>of</strong> social factors and local circumstances<br />
to explain human development. Elder ( 1998 ), for example, argues that<br />
developmental trajectories are altered by social circumstances. This author emphasized<br />
the importance <strong>of</strong> approaching human lives from a dynamic perspective in that