Acco_Exhibition Catalogue_Eng

One Thousand Nights and Days
Akko through the Ages
Editors: Ann. E. Killebrew and Vered Raz-Romeo
Hecht Museum
University of Haifa

One Thousand Nights and Days – Akko through the Ages
Museum director and curator Ofra Rimon
Assistant to the director and curator Shunit Netter-Marmelstein
Registrar Perry Harel
Curators of the exhibition and editors of the catalogue Ann E. Killebrew and Vered Raz-Romeo
Exhibition design Tav Group
Catalogue design Noga Mizrachi
English translation and editing A.M. Goldstein
Hebrew editing Israel Ronen
Printing Millenum Ayalon Ltd.
Catalogue No. 31, Spring 2010
© All rights reserved to the Hecht Museum, University of Haifa
ISBN 978-965-7034-21-7

Contents
5* Ofra Rimon Preface
7* Ann E. Killebrew and Vered Raz-Romeo Akko’s Shared Heritage
15* Michal Artzy and Ron Beeri Tel Akko
25* Ron Beeri Funerary and Ancestor Worship Characteristics Identifiable
at Tel Akko
33* Yotam Tepper A Pagan Cemetery from the Roman Period at the Foot of
Tel Akko: Evidence of the Burial of Roman Soldiers
and Citizens of Colonia Ptolemais
41* Eliezer Stern and Hanaa Abu-Uqsa New Archaeological Discoveries from Crusader Period Acre
49* Adrian J. Boaz Daily Life in Frankish Acre
55* Edna J. Stern Ceramics as a Reflection of Maritime Commercial Activity
at Crusader Acre
61* Yael Fuhrmann-Na'aman Conservation of the Knights Hospitaller Compound
67* Danny Syon The Mint of Akko through the Ages
75* Anastasia Shapiro Ottoman Period Tobacco Smoking Pipes and Nargile Heads
from Excavations in the Old City of Akko
81* Deborah Cvikel and Ya'acov Kahanov Underwater Excavations at Akko
83* Bibliography

Fig 1: Aerial view of the Old City of Akko. (Photo: M. Eisenberg)
4*

Preface
The researchers, who collaborated to produce the exhibition One Thousand Nights and Days – Akko through
the Ages and its catalogue, share in uncovering the hidden treasures of Akko – a city of great importance on the
northern coast of the Land of Israel over the course of thousands of years. Its importance is due to its having a
closed natural harbor and in being located at both maritime and continental crossroads.
The absence of two researchers in this catalogue is apparent: the late Professors Moshe Dothan and Avner Raban.
Dothan, who founded the Department of Archaeology at the University of Haifa in 1983, joined the late Dr. Elisha
Linder and Raban in teaching at the University’s Department of Maritime Civilizations, which they had established
in 1973. The joint objective of these three scholars had been to research the ancient history of northern Israel.
Back in 1965, Raban had conducted the first survey and excavations of Akko harbor in the framework of the
activities of the Israel Underwater Archaeological Society. In the 1970s, he continued his research of Akko harbor,
this time on behalf of the Center for Maritime Studies at the University of Haifa. In the course of these underwater
excavations, the remains of sea-going vessels and the ancient harbor were investigated.
Between 1973 and 1989, Dothan conducted the excavations at Tel Akko. Students from the University of Haifa
and volunteers from both Israel and abroad took part in this activity. At the same time, Raban directed the
excavations at Areas P and F.
The results of the excavations at Tel Akko, which testify to the city’s great importance and to its land and seatrade
connections with neighboring countries, were published only in part. The finds are still being explored by
researchers, led by Prof. Michal Artzy of RIMS (Leon Recanati Institute for Maritime Studies) and the Department
of Maritime Civilizations at the University of Haifa.
We wish to extend our appreciation to the curators of the exhibition and editors of the catalogue, Professor Ann
E. Killebrew (Pennsylvania State University) and Dr. Vered Raz-Romeo (University of Haifa), whose personal and
professional affinity to Akko is manifested in this exhibition. Their special connection flourished in within the
framework of the US Department of State Wye River People-to-People program (2002-2006), a project devoted
to exploring Akko’s multicultural heritage that was conducted with the support of the University of Haifa and the
Israel Antiquities Authority.
Our appreciation and thanks go to all researchers who contributed to the exhibition and its catalogue; to Prof.
Michal Artzy, Dr. Ron Beeri, Dr. Ya'acov Kahanov, and Dr. Ezra Marcus, of the University of Haifa; to the staff
members of the Israel Antiquities Authority: Eliezer Stern, Dr. Danny Syon, Dr. Edna Stern, Dr. Hava Katz, Dr. Orit
Shamir, Michael Saban, Allegra Sabriago, Dr. Donald Ariel, and Gabriela Bichovsky; to Fawzi Ibrahim, curator of
the Rockefeller Museum; to the Department of Museums in the Israel Ministry of Culture and Sport; and to the
board of the Hecht Foundation.
Ofra Rimon
Museum Director and Curator
5*

Fig. 2: Aerial view and map of key historic structures and sites documented by the Wye River People-to-People Heritage Project.
(Photo: M. Eisenberg; drawing: K.M. Barry)
6* Ann E. Killebrew and Vered Raz-Romeo

Akko’s Shared Heritage
Ann E. Killebrew The Pennsylvania State University
Vered Raz-Romeo University of Haifa
Exhibition Curators
This exhibit – One Thousand Nights and Days – Akko through the Ages – is dedicated to Akko’s rich tangible
and intangible heritage, past and present. Akko’s impressive archaeological remains, historic structures, and
rich cultural heritage are illustrated by a multitude of historical texts, colorful stories, and oral histories. These
stories, together with Akko’s tangible heritage, serve as the centerpiece for this exhibit, which had its origins
in a University of Haifa project (2001-2005) devoted to Akko’s multi cultural heritage and diverse communities.
Our endeavor was part of a larger project entitled, “Recognizing and Preserving the Common Heritage of Israel
and the Palestinian National Authority,” that included teams from the University of Haifa and the Palestinian
Association for Cultural Exchange (PACE) in Ramallah. Supported by the United States Department of State, this
project was funded by the Wye River People-to-People Exchange Program, which resulted from the Wye River
Memorandum signed by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and PLO Chairman Yasser Arafat and witnessed by
President Bill Clinton at the White House on October 23, 1998. The stated goals of this program included the
enhancement of mutual understanding between Israelis and Palestinians and the strengthening of prospects for
peaceful co-existence. In the spirit of the exchange program, Akko was selected as one of several sites where our
team members met, worked, and explored the concept of a shared heritage and co-existence in the past and in
the present (Fig. 2).
Because of its strategic, coastal location and its natural harbor, Akko has served throughout its history as a major
cross road and meeting place between east and west. During the first three millennia (Early Bronze-Hellenistic
periods [ca. 3200-200 BCE]), Akko’s Canaanite and Phoenician inhabitants resided on the mound located to the
east of the modern city (Fig. 3). Beginning in the Hellenistic period, Akko was renamed Ptolemais, and it expanded
to the west, where it included parts of the present day Old and New City. In Byzantine times, Akko retained its
importance and was the seat of a bishopric in the archdiocese of Tyre. Following the Islamic conquest in the 7th
century CE, the city’s original Semitic name, Akka, was restored. During the medieval period at the beginning
of the 12th century CE, Acre, as it was known during the Crusader period, was an important naval base that
became the capital of the Crusader kingdom in 1191. In 1291, the Crusader stronghold was conquered and
destroyed by Mamluks, led by Al-Malik al-Ashraf. Following a period of decline, Akko regained its importance
as a port city during the Ottoman period. By the late 18th century, the city became the capital of the vilâyet of
Sidon. Pasha Ahmad al-Jazzar transformed Akko, refortifying and building numerous public structures, including
markets, inns (khans), mosques, and a sophisticated water system. Under his rule, Al-Jazzar created a political
and military center strong enough to deter Napoleon in 1799 during the “Little Corporal's” unsuccessful siege
of Acre, a disaster that marked the collapse of Napoleon’s expedition and conquest of the Middle East. In 1918,
Akko fell under British Mandate rule. Subsequently Akko was assigned by the UN Partition Plan to the Arabs in
1947 but fell to Israeli forces on May 17, 1948. Today its population of nearly 50,000 inhabitants is approximately
three-fourths Jewish and one-fourth Arab (for a more detailed overview of Akko’s history, see Schur 1990).
Ann E. Killebrew and Vered Raz-Romeo 7*

Fig. 3: View of the entrance to Tel Akko. (Photo: A.E. Killebrew)
In recognition of Akko’s outstanding universal value, the Old City of Akko was inscribed as a World Heritage site
in 2001. At present, Akko’s major stakeholders include Old Acre Development Company (a government company
that receives support from the Ministry of Tourism), Amidar (Israel National Housing Company and owner of
abandoned properties), UNESCO, Israel Antiquities Authority (IAA), municipality of Akko, numerous local and
religious groups (including the Bahai community, which considers Akko its most holy site [Ruhe 1983]), pre-and
post-1948 communities, private investors, local businesses, and academics. As in the past, 21st century Akko’s
inhabitants are diverse, representing all of the major religious and cultural traditions of the region. Today the city’s
most visible heritage comprises once-elegant, but deteriorating, Ottoman period villas and structures, which exist
side by side with and on top of the best-preserved Crusader site in the world.
Between 2001 and 2005, a University of Haifa team of archaeologists, in partnership with the IAA, implemented
several projects dealing with Akko’s diverse communities. Projects included the documentation of Akko’s religious
communities and their houses of worship, the digitalization of the British Mandate period archaeological archive
relating to Akko that is stored in the Rockefeller Museum in Jerusalem, and the compilation of oral histories in
regard to several historical residential Ottoman period villas, the families that resided in them, and the conservation
of these structures as domestic residences and hotels or their conversion into community centers (see, e.g., Balter
2002; Killebrew et al. 2006; Killebrew, Scham, and Weinstein-Evron in press).
8* Ann E. Killebrew and Vered Raz-Romeo

Religious Communities of Akko and Their Tangible Heritage: A Snapshot
Today, Akko’s religious communities include a mixed population of Christians, Jews, Muslims, Bahais, and Druze.
As one aspect of the Wye River People-to-People Project, we interviewed members of these communities and
documented the history of several of their houses of worship: the Jewish community/Ramchal Synagogue,
Greek Orthodox community/Church of St. George, the Malkite Greek community/St. Andrew Cathedral, Muslim
community/Al-Mualeq Mosque, and the Sufi Shadhiliyya-Yashrutiyya Zawiya. The University of Haifa team also
studied several other Ottoman period structures, including Khan al-Umdan, the Serai, Khammar House, and the
House of Crafts (Fig. 2; see Killebrew, Scham, and Weinstein-Evron in press).
Jewish Akko
Akko, unlike many cities in Israel, has no ancient Israelite history although it is mentioned several times in the
Bible. From the 3rd century BCE onward, Akko’s Jewish community is well documented from various sources
(see Be’eri 2004 for a compilation of these sources; see, also, Scham in press for a summary and detailed
bibliography). During the Hellenistic and Roman periods, a vital and largely Hellenized Jewish community lived
together with Greeks and Phoenicians in Ptolemais. The city was infamous for the capture of Jonathan Maccabee
and the slaughter of one thousand of his troops (1 Maccabees 12: 47-48). A second disaster befell Jews in Akko
during the First Jewish Revolt against the Romans, when thousands of Jews were massacred (Josephus, Jewish
War II: XVIII.5). Following the two Jewish revolts, Jews flocked to the Galilee and Akko. Numerous references to
Akko in Rabbinic sources, especially the Jerusalem and Babylonian Talmuds, indicate a once-flourishing Jewish
community (Beeri 2004: 40-65). Several well-known rabbis of Late Antiquity (i.e., the late Roman and Byzantine
periods) either visited or resided in Akko. Like most minority communities in Byzantine Eretz Israel, Akko’s
Jewish community experienced a period of turmoil, which may explain its alliance with the Sassanid Persian
Empire, whose troops invaded the region in the early 7th century, and its burning of Christian churches in Akko.
Conditions for the Jews of Akko worsened, however, with the return of Byzantine rule, but once again improved
in the aftermath of the Muslim conquest of Eretz Israel several decades later. Prior to the Crusader conquest of
Akko, sources mention both a rabbinical court and a yeshiva. During Crusader rule, the city’s prosperity attracted
large numbers of Jewish immigrants, who came for religious as well as economic reasons. Several important
Jewish leaders visited Akko during this period, including the Rambam (Maimonides). Following the Mamluk
conquest of Akko in 1291, we have little information on a Jewish community in the city until the Ottoman
period. Beginning with the reign of Dhaher al-Omar in the 18th century, Jews were encouraged to settle in Akko.
Jewish influence increased during the time of Ahmad
al-Jazzar as best illustrated by the influential position
held by Haim Fahri, who served as his chief advisor.
The final century of Ottoman rule and the subsequent
British Mandate represented a period of decline for
the Jewish community in Akko. During the Mandate,
the citadel of Acre functioned as a prison, and many
Jewish underground movement activists, including
Zeev Jabotinsky and Shlomo Ben-Yosef, as well as
Baha’u’llah (founder of the Bahai faith), were jailed
Fig. 4: Interior view of the Ramchal Synagogue.
there. Following the creation of the State of Israel in
(Photo: M. Eisenberg)
1948, new Jewish immigrants and also Arabs from
Ann E. Killebrew and Vered Raz-Romeo 9*

towns in the Galilee settled in parts of the city that had been deserted by the city’s pre-1948 Arab population
(see Scham in press for a detailed description of the history of Akko’s Jewish community).
Today’s Jewish community is served by two synagogues – Ohr Torah in the New City and the historic Ramchal
Synagogue located in the Old City. The latter is named in honor of the great kabbalist Moshe Chaim Luzzatto
(Ramchal), who arrived in 1743 and died in Akko between 1744 and 1747 (Fig. 4). According to tradition, the
original synagogue was built above a large Crusader structure that had served as a gate to the Genovese Quarter.
In 1758, the Bedouin ruler of Acre, Dhahar al-Omar, took over the synagogue and built the Al-Mualek Mosque
on top of it. In place of the synagogue, the Jews of Akko received a small building north of the mosque. The
building, a one-room, Ottoman-style structure with four arches and a domed ceiling, still functions as a house of
worship and bears the name of the Ramchal. The bimah (cantor's lectern) is located against the wall facing the
Torah shrine.
Muslim Akka
The Muslim history of Akko begins with Caliph Omar’s defeat of the Byzantine imperial army in 636 CE at the
battle of the Yarmouk. Although Akko doubtlessly remained a primary port city, little from written sources is
known of it during the centuries following the Islamic conquest of the region. From an account by Ahmad Ibn
Tulun, Akko was unfortified when he arrived in the 9th century. However, by the 11th century, the Persian pilgrim
Nisir-i-Khusrau described Akko’s strong fortifications and remarked that the city was the resting place of the
Prophet Salah. During the Crusader period, most Arab texts deal with historical events; an exception was Ibn
Jubair, who described the Crusader “defilement” of the city. In 1291, Mamluk forces succeeded in conquering
the city and razed it to the ground as described by the Muslim geographer Abu al-Fida (Abu-Uqsa 2004; see
Atrash et al. in press for a summary and detailed bibliography).
In early Ottoman times, Akko was a small village; in the 17th century, it was renovated by the Druze emir
Fahr a-Din. Akko’s fortunes further improved under Dhahar al-Omar, who had rebelled against Ottoman rule,
established the seat of his government in the city, and built a palace on the site of the monastery of the Knights
of St John. With the capture of Akko from al-Omar in 1775, Ahmad al-Jazzar was granted the title of Pasha
by Ottoman authorities. His construction of the Al-Jazzar mosque, where he was later buried, indicates the
significance of Akko. It is estimated that by the end of the Ottoman period, 90% of the area of Acre belonged to
the Islamic wakf. Today about two-thirds of the Old City’s residents are Arab Muslims, mainly families that were
relocated in the Old City from the Galilee after 1948.
Old Akko’s six mosques (Al-Jazzar, Al-Bahr, Al-Raml, Al-Majadila, Al-Zaytuna, and Al-Mualeq) and one Sufi Zawiya
(Al-Zawiya al-Shadhiliyya) serve as symbols of the past and as centers of spiritual life. Al-Jazzar is the most famous
of Akko’s mosques, with its dome and minaret serving as noteworthy landmarks (Figs. 5, 6). The University of
Haifa Shared Heritage group studied in greater detail two of the Muslim religious structures: the Al-Mualeq
Mosque and the Al-Zawiaya al-Shadhiliyya.
The Al-Mualeq Mosque is also known as Dhahar al-Omar Mosque in honor of its 18th century builder. As
mentioned, it was built above the Crusader period gate to the Genovese Quarter and on the foundations of
an earlier synagogue. After 1948, all of the mosques in Akko were closed, including Al-Mualeq, and squatters,
who had lost all of their property in the war, broke in and occupied them. One of the Akko's families, whose
father had worked as a guard in the mosque, took up residence in some of the rooms after his house had
collapsed. In 1988, after nearly forty years of residence there, the family was persuaded to leave. Donations were
10* Ann E. Killebrew and Vered Raz-Romeo

Fig. 5: General view of Al-Jazzar Mosque and the Old City, looking northwest. (Photo: A.E. Killebrew)
Fig. 6: Interior of Al-Jazzar Mosque. (Photo: M. Eisenberg)
Ann E. Killebrew and Vered Raz-Romeo 11*

given for renovating and restoring the mosque, which
was reopened in 1989. Today the Al-Mualeq Mosque
is also an important social institution that provides
assistance to the neediest members of its community.
Fig. 7: Entrance to the Church of St. George. (Photo: A.E. Killebrew)
Fig. 8: Interior of the Church of St. George. (Photo: M. Eisenberg)
Fig. 9: Western façade of St. Andrew Cathedral.
(Photo: M. Eisenberg)
The Al-Zawiya al-Shadhiliyya serves as a center for Sufi
worshippers from around the world. The Shadhiliyya
tariqa (school of Sufism) was established by Sheikh
Abu al-Hassan Ali al-Shadhali. The faithful affiliated
with the order are called dervishes, and members
espouse a life of simplicity and modesty. The zawiya
is a religious and social center that includes dwellings,
an assembly hall where prayers are conducted, and a
sheikh’s tomb where the founder of the brotherhood
is buried. Sheikh Ali Nur al-Din al-Yashruti, the founder
of the Al-Zawiya al-Shadhiliyya in Akko, was born into
an affluent and respected family in Tunisia at the end
of the 18th century. After the death of his mentor and
his mother in the same year, he set out on a journey,
during which the Prophet Yunis (Jonah) is said to have
told him to “go settle in Akko.” The construction
of the Al-Zawiya al-Shadhiliyya followed in 1862.
After Jewish forces captured Akko in 1948, refugees
arrived in the city from the surrounding Arab villages
and towns and took up residence in the abandoned
dwellings of the zawiya. Today the brotherhood has
plans for restoring the zawiya, and the order has hopes
of reviving its presence in Akko and participating fully
in the life of the city.
Christian Acre
The first mention of Christians in Akko is the Apostle
Paul’s arrival in 56 CE. In the Acts of the Apostles
21: 7, Paul writes: "We arrived at Ptolemais; and we
greeted the brethren and stayed with them for one
day." Following Paul's visit, the Christian community
grew and prospered. By the 4th century CE, Akko was
important enough to be represented by its bishop,
Aeneas, at Constantine’s Council of Nicaea in 325, the
first ecumenical council of the Christian church. During
the following decades, many of Acre's residents, who
had previously been pagans, converted and replaced
their temples with churches. The city’s Christian
12* Ann E. Killebrew and Vered Raz-Romeo

character during the Byzantine period is reflected in a 6th century account (570 CE) by an anonymous pilgrim
from Piacenza (Italy), who describes many lovely monasteries adorning the city. Following the Arab conquest of
the region (ca. 640 CE), Acre was under Islamic rule for almost 500 years. The Crusader period ushered in the
golden age of Christian Acre. The city played host to fourteen consecutive Catholic bishops. Many churches
were founded in this period, most of them associated with either one of the Italian cities, such as Venice, Pisa,
or Genoa, or one of the monastic orders, like the Dominicans, Hospitallers, or Templars. Serving as the main
port of arrival for pilgrims from the west, Acre was visited by thousands of Christian pilgrims annually. The fall
of Christian Acre to the Mamluks brought about its decline, and over the course of several centuries its churches
and public structures fell into ruin. During Giovanni Mariti’s visit (1760) to Akko, he writes that the Church of St.
Andrew, the bishop's palace, and various Christian institutions still stood in the western part of the town (Mariti
1769). He describes the Greek Orthodox Church, constructed on the ruins of ancient structures, as the largest in
Acre. Four Christian communities – Greek Catholic, Greek Orthodox, Roman Catholic, and Maronite – worship
in Old City churches today. Two of these churches and their communities formed part of the University of Haifa
Shared Heritage Project (see Beeri 2004; Raz-Romeo 2004; Beeri et al. in press).
The Greek Orthodox Church of St. George was named after the famous saint of Lydda, a Roman officer who was
executed for his refusal to harm other Christians (Figs. 7, 8). The Greek Orthodox community believes that it is
built over the foundations of a Byzantine church from the time of Constantine that might have been destroyed
by the Sassanids. The spot was, according to some writers, also the location of a synagogue between the 7th and
11th centuries CE; however, no remains of either building have been found up to now. The architectural plan of
the Church of St. George presents a modified Byzantine style, with a basilica and three aisles, ending in apses.
The recently restored monastery to the east of the Church of St. George is constructed on groined arches and
surrounds a central, rectangular space. On the ground floor of the monastery are an entrance corridor, an open
courtyard, a garden, and a broad hall that now functions as a religious meeting room.
Less than five years before the construction of the existing Greek Catholic Church of St. Andrew (1765), Giovanni
Mariti visited the area and noted the general dilapidation of the previous church (Mariti 1769). The present
cathedral of St. Andrew was constructed by special permission of Dhahar al-Omar in 1765 (Fig. 9). The 18th
century incarnation of the Church of St. Andrew is, in fact, a true cathedral – in terms of its function and size
and as the seat of a bishop - that served all of the Galilee during the last century and a half of Ottoman rule.
Currently church ministers tend mainly to the needs of Akko’s local community, numbering 400-450 members.
Today Akko continues its tradition of being a meeting place for diverse cultures and variegated backgrounds. The
increased awareness and significant investment in infrastructure and tangible heritage that Akko has gained in
recent years, together with its recognition as a UNESCO World Heritage Site, will hopefully serve to protect and
preserve both its heritage and its communities. The Hecht Museum exhibit and the accompanying collection of
essays in this catalogue on Akko’s heritage – past and present – are tributes to this great city, whose history and
many communities span the past five thousand years.
Ann E. Killebrew and Vered Raz-Romeo 13*

Fig. 10: Aerial Photograph of Tel Akko and its surroundings. (Photo: M. Eisenberg)
14* Michal Artzy and Ron Beeri

Tel Akko
Michal Artzy and Ron Beeri University of Haifa *
The ancient site of Akko is situated on a kurkar hill, west of the modern city of Akko (Fig. 10). Today’s local
inhabitants often refer to the mound as Tell el-Fukhar (the tell of the sherds) or "Napoleon’s Hill."
The tell is situated in fertile agricultural environs, with plentiful water from natural springs. In its close vicinity
are the best-protected natural anchorages along the southern Levantine coast. Geological studies showed that
the site was surrounded by water on the north-west, west, and south. It has been proposed that during some
periods, such as the Late Bronze age, the Na’aman (Belos) River estuary was used for anchorage nearby the
tell. Whatever the situation, an estuary could well have reached the site from the sea and an anchorage been
situated there (Sivan 1981; Inbar and Sivan 1984; Raban 1991; Zviely et al. 2006; Artzy 2006a). The site’s further
advantageous position was that it lay at the intersection of maritime with terrestrial routes, leading eastward to
the Jordan Valley and further to Cis-Jordan. This favorable geographic position encouraged trade and traders,
and Akko, with few intervals, functioned as an important administrative and trading center in the cultural and
geographic region of southern Syria, Phoenicia, and Eretz-Israel from the Middle Bronze II to the Ottoman Empire,
or for nearly three thousand years (Beeri 2008).
Excavations at Tel Akko (Fig. 11) took place intermittently from 1973-1989 under the direction of Prof. M.
Dothan. The excavations included delegations from Marburg University in Germany under the direction of Prof.
D. Conrad; an American team headed by Prof. A. Ritterschpach; and members of the University of Haifa’s thennamed
Center for Maritime Studies. The Center’s late Prof. A. Raban and Prof. M. Artzy acted as area supervisors
and assistant project directors interchangeably. In 1999, a limited study dig for students in the University of
Haifa’s Archaeology and Maritime Civilizations Departments took place under the direction of Profs. M. Artzy and
A.E. Killebrew. All in all, nine areas were excavated, revealing remains dating to the Early Bronze I, Middle Bronze
II, Late Bronze I and II, Iron I and II, Persian, Hellenistic, and Medieval periods.
Tel Akko in the Early Bronze Age
The site of Akko appears in the Ebla texts, dating to ca. 2400-2250 BCE (Matthiae 1981, Fig. 9). Akko is one of
several coastal sites, in addition to Byblos, Sidon, Dor, Ashdod, and Gaza, that were included on the itinerary of a
merchant from Ebla. Unfortunately, no remains from that period, whether Early Bronze II or III, have been found
on the mound, but ceramic remains from the Early Bronze I were documented in a survey carried out in the area
of the tell.
Tel Akko in the Middle Bronze Age
Akko and its Semitic ruler are among the locations and individuals mentioned in the early second millennium
Egyptian Execration Texts (Posner 1940: 31-34). Imports from the Lebanese coast and from Cyprus underscore
the importance of Akko’s anchorage/harbor and its trading network.
* Preparation of the Tel Akko material, both the artifacts for the exhibition, and the photos and drawings for our article in this catalogue, were
carried out by members of the Sir Maurice and Lady Irene Hatter Laboratory of Coastal and Harbor Archaeology, directed by Prof. Michal Artzy.
The Hatter and Frankel Foundations provided the financial aid.
Michal Artzy and Ron Beeri 15*

Fig. 11: Map of Tel Akko, with the excavated areas marked. (Drawing: J. Quartermaine)
The earliest architectural remains at Tel Akko date to the earliest phases of the Middle Bronze IIA period. The
excavation on the summit of the tell exposed a rampart that was not much higher than the natural kurkar hill.
On its apex, a wall was constructed either for defense or architectural purposes. From the presently available
archaeological data, it seems that only a portion of the tell as it appears today was settled or artificially constructed
in the early MB IIA (Fig. 12). During the latter part of the Middle Bronze IIA, settlement expanded and the
ramparts were extended to the south, west, and possibly to the east. The rampart (its Phase 3) reached a height
of 22 meters and a width of 60 meters. The northern part was strengthened, and a gate, named the “Sea Gate,”
erected (Fig. 13) (Dothan and Raban 1980). A fortress constructed of square mud bricks, protected by a glacis,
was also constructed at this time on the tell’s summit (Fig. 14). Because of the natural barrier of the sea bordering
on the western and southwestern side, the ramparts were lower in height. A stone-lined “postern gate” was
noted in the southern rampart under Area PH although its exact usage is questionable (Fig. 15). It is more likely
a sewage outlet for superfluous fluids from the site and/or the rampart.
Built graves, dating to the end of the MBIIB (MBIII, Akko Phase 2) and the earliest part of the Late Bronze period
(Phase 1), were found in Areas AB and H. Imported wares found in the graves originated in Egypt, Cyprus, Syria,
and Cilicia.
16* Michal Artzy and Ron Beeri

Fig. 12: Section in the rampart construction. (Tel Akko archives)
Fig. 13: Stairs in the entrance to the MBIIa "Sea Gate."
(Tel Akko archives)
Tel Akko in Late Bronze I and II,
The Amarna Period
During the Late Bronze Age, Akko appears in the
military annals of Thutmose III, Seti I, and Ramses II,
Pharaohs of the 18th and 19th Dynasties. Thus far,
no destruction levels attributable to the Egyptian
army campaigns have been uncovered. In Area AB on
the summit of the tell, the early Middle Bronze Age
fortifications have fallen into a state of disrepair and
neglect. The mud brick fortress was abandoned and
buried under garbage dumps and burials. Is it the Akko
that Tuthmose III boasts of sacking and plundering, or
had the settlement shifted and not yet been located?
There seems little doubt, though, that at a later period,
coinciding with increased Egyptian economic interests
in the area (Redford 1990:59; Mizrachi 2005:167,
266), Akko served as an active anchorage/harbor.
Remains of Egyptian storage jars and ceramics from
Cyprus and the Aegean dating to that period were
found in Akko, testimony to an active maritime trade.
Akko is mentioned 13 times in the Amarna letters
found in Egypt, an indication of its mercantile and
military importance. The city’s kings, like those of other
cities in the area, were officially vassals of the Egyptian
Pharaoh although, like those others, they evinced a
pronounced ambivalence toward the Pharaoh. El
Amarna letter 8 (EA 8) describes one king who sent
great amounts of lapis lazuli stone to the Pharaoh,
but embarrassed him by robbing a Babylonian caravan
on its way to Egypt in the vicinity of Hinaton. Despite
the fact that the ruler of Akko had independent
military and economic relationships with the chiefs of
Megiddo and Samaria, Akko’s importance to Egyptian
interests reveals itself in the number of soldiers and
pairs of horses received from the Pharaoh, far more
than did the ruler of Byblos as is known from a letter
sent by Rib-Addi of Byblos (EA 88). Egyptian Pharaohs
Seti I and his son, Ramses II, each boasted that they
conquered Akko. A written source found in Ugarit in
the Egyptian governor’s palace at Tel Apheq-Antipatris
mentions shipments of wheat from Akko.
Michal Artzy and Ron Beeri 17*

Fig. 14: Mud bricks in the MBIIa rampart construction.
(Tel Akko archives)
Fig. 15: Postern Gate, or sewage outlet in MBIIa rampart.
(Photo: M. Artzy)
Tel Akko at the End of the Late Bronze (Late Bronze III) Period
During the 13th century BCE, settlement patterns on the tell changed. Augmented settlement on the ramparts,
pits, some lined with stones for storage, metal recycling, including jewelry production, and a purple dye industry
using murex shells were all uncovered in Areas AB (Fig. 16), H (Fig. 17), and PH (Fig. 18) (Artzy 2006a, 2006b).
An unusual cultic area, found on the northern rampart in Area H, included an altar bearing designs made by
incisions of four ships (Artzy 2003). Three large pebbles, two of which were incised, one with a ship and a fish
(dolphin?) and the other with a dolphin or tuna (Fig. 19), were found inside the altar, which was connected by a
row of stones to a partially lined pit bordered by ash. Imported ceramics dating to the last part of the 13th/early
12th century BCE were found in all excavated areas. All this provides ample evidence of Akko’s active maritime
trade with Egypt, as well as the Aegean, but especially with Cyprus. The southern MBII gate was actively utilized
in this period, as well. The anchorage was likely moved from the north-western side of the tell to the south in
association with the Na’aman River estuary. Akko’s adaptation to the Iron IA period seems to have taken place
with little disruption. No signs of destructions by the “Sea Peoples” or others were noted. The site continued
to function and slowly bolstered habitation on its eastern side, closer to the agricultural area, as the maritime
network weakened.
Tel Akko in the Iron Age
During the Iron I period, Tell Keisan (Tel Kison), a few kilometers further inland, may have replaced Akko as an
administrative center, most likely because of the lull in maritime contact, combined with the favorable agricultural
position enjoyed by Tell Keisan. Akko was not “inherited” by the Israelites (Judges 1:31-32). According to I
Kings 9:12-13, the city was one of the settlements given by Solomon to Hiram, King of Tyre, as payment for the
construction of the palace and the Temple in Jerusalem. Nevertheless, Akko continued to serve as an important
settlement, along with other Phoenician cities, such as Tyre and Sarepta.
With the growing power of the Assyrian Empire in Phoenicia, the harbor of Akko regained its importance. The
city is mentioned in the Annals of Sennacherib and Essarhadon, kings of Assyria. Akko, along with Tyre and
Sidon, submitted to Assyria and was eventually conquered. When Assyrian power waned, the inhabitants of
Akko rebelled, only to be subdued by Assurbanipal. His boastful words describe a gory scene of hanged bodies
around the parameters of the city, forced conscription into the Assyrian army, and the dispersal of the inhabitants
to the land of Geshur.
18* Michal Artzy and Ron Beeri

Fig. 16: Area AB of the Late Bronze II/III period. (Tel Akko archives)
Fig. 17: Pit and its ceramic contents in Area H. (Photo: M. Artzy)
Michal Artzy and Ron Beeri 19*

Fig. 18: Area PH pits and Cypriote imports found in one of them. (Photo: M. Artzy)
A small section of a floor paved with ceramic sherds dating to the Assyrian period was found on the summit of
the tell in Area A. The limited excavations in the area unearthed a few remains that could be attributed to that
period.
Tel Akko in the Persian Period
The harbor of Akko played a major role during the Persian period. In his quest for control of Egypt, Cambyses, the
Achamaenid Persian king, established Akko as his major harbor. His army included soldiers from many different
nationalities as we are told both by Herodotus (Books 3, 7) and by Egyptian annals. The maritime contingent
stationed in Akko consisted of seafarers, Phoenicians from the coastal Levant, Cypriotes, and possibly Greeks.
The location of the Persian period harbor is still under debate. Raban felt that a Phoenician-type artificial harbor
was constructed in the bay of Akko and used by Cambyses (Raban 1991, 1995). In response, the city slowly
expanded westward toward the port. Another possibility is that the harbor was more of an anchorage closer to
the tell. Only later, during the late Persian or early Hellenistic Period, was a harbor actually constructed in the bay.
Persian period remains on the tell itself are numerous. Good stratigraphic remains of buildings were located
mainly in two areas: Area AB, where ostraca, including one of the longest Phoenician texts ever unearthed in
Israel (Dothan 1985), were found in an administrative building (Fig. 20); and in G, where undeciphered ostraca
written in a Phoenician script were recovered from a massive construction of which only the robbers’ trenches
are extant. The Phoenician-style material culture included the sherds of cremation containers, miniature glass
figurines and clay figurines, and East Greek and imported Cypriot decorated ware. A large number of storage
jars, often mistakenly referred to as “Persian,” was also found; most likely, they served as the standard maritime
shipping containers for Phoenicians traders. The unusual number of sherds (which gave rise to the Arabic name
of the site, Tell el-Fukhar) and the limited construction might indicate at least the construction on the tell of
20* Michal Artzy and Ron Beeri

Fig. 19: Photograph and drawing of ships’ altar and one of the pebbles. (Photo: M. Artzy; Drawing: R. Pollak)
Michal Artzy and Ron Beeri 21*

temporary shelters, possibly for Persian soldiers, whose
supplies were administered by the Phoenicians.
Fig. 20: Phoenician ostracon from Area AB. (Tel Akko archives)
In Area F, a concentration of imported Greek ceramics
was found. Among the wares are Black Figure Wares
and a Red Figure krater that bears a Dionysian scene.
As to whether these finds symbolize a “Greek colony”
or merely imports is difficult to determine. However,
one should remember that the army of Cambyses II, as
Herodotus noted (III.7, 88), was assembled from many
different nationalities, and some of the soldiers could
well have stayed in the area to take advantage of Akko’s
active maritime site.
The importance of Akko harbor is indicated by the Aristeas letter: "The country has good ports providing for its
needs at Ashkelon, Jaffa, Gaza, and also Ptolemais which was founded by the king…" (Rappaport 1970: 2-3;
Hadas 1973). Aristeas describes Akko as one of the four major port cities of the Land of Israel and as its most
important northern port via which many traders arrived in the country (Kashtan 1988: 38-40). The 4th century
BCE Athenian orator Demosthenes tells of an Athenian trader who lent his friend the sum of forty mina to
cover the expense of traveling to “Akkah.” Thus we know that the port of Akko was very attractive to Greek
merchants prior to its conquest by Alexander of Macedon (Demosthenes: Against Klypus, Chapter 52, 20, p. 87).
For somewhat more direct evidence, we hear from the Greek orator Isaeus (Isaeus: IV: 7), who lived in the 4th
century BCE; he mentions a colony of Athenian merchants that was located in the city.
Tel Akko in the Hellenistic Period
In 332 BCE, Akko fell to Alexander of Macedonia, apparently without a struggle. This elevated the city’s status
to that of Tyre and Sidon, cities that previously had been more important than Akko. Following Alexander’s
death, Akko played a key role in the struggle of the Ptolemaic and Seleucid kings. In 312 BCE, it was destroyed
by Ptolemy I. In 301 BCE, he renovated the city when it finally passed into his hands, and the Ptolemaic dynasty
proceeded to rule Akko for the next one hundred years. His successor, Ptolemy II Philadelphus, changed the
city’s name to Ptolemais, by which it was known until the time of the Arab conquest. In 200 BCE, Akko fell to
Antiochus III and became the seat of the Seleucid governor of the Land of Israel. Antiochus IV Epiphanes granted
the city the status of a polis and changed its name temporarily to Antiochia. The Hasmonean kings unsuccessfully
attempted first to control Akko and then to convert the population of the area to Judaism.
During the Hellenistic period, Greek merchants frequented and lived in Ptolemais as indicated by a 2nd century
BCE short funerary inscription near the tell. It reads:
Hypergenes,
son of Eurymedes, Cretan
from Detonion, farewell!
(Dothan 1976: 39-40).
22* Michal Artzy and Ron Beeri

The trade passing through the harbor of Ptolemais is noted in the Xenon Papyrus, which mentions trade in slaves,
grain, oil, dried figs, wine, cheese, fish, meat, pomegranate seeds, mushrooms, honey, and fruit; and the import
of cheese, walnuts, wine, and honey from Greece (Tcherikover 1959: 60-72).
The Hellenistic finds on Tel Akko reflect the city’s growth and prosperity during this period, which began at the
same time as the population gradually began relocating to the lower city. The scope of the finds in all of the
excavation areas indicates the almost complete exploitation of the area for dwellings and the high status of the
population that resided there. In almost every excavation square, objects were found attesting to trade from
overseas; foremost among these objects are hundreds of imported jar handles, more than at any other site in the
country, large quantities of potsherds, coins, jewelry, and figurines. From the very disturbed architectural remains,
which show signs of robbery, on the tell, at least two main Hellenistic period levels were discerned. The later of
these stages evinced urban planning, despite the absence of signs of destruction or the changing population that
vacated areas for this construction.
Tel Akko in the Roman Period
Following Pompey’s conquest of the Land of Israel in 66 BCE, the country’s main maritime links were via the
harbor of Akko. Despite Ptolemais’ being subject to Rome, no archaeological remains dating to the Roman period
have so far been uncovered on the tell. However, on the western side, just below the tell, a Roman cemetery
was recently excavated in a salvage project conducted by the Israel Department of Antiquities (see Tepper in this
catalogue).
Tel Akko in the Medieval Period
No written sources on the role of Tel Akko during the medieval period have thus far been discovered. In Area
H, located in the “krater” of the tell, foundations from the Crusader period were found. The building, which
could be identified in early 20th century aerial photographs, seems to have been constructed around a large
courtyard. In excavations in the vicinity of the architectural element, namely Areas H (on the rampart) and G,
sherds belonging to the period 11th-13th centuries CE were noted, especially in shallow “pits” that contained
mainly artifacts dating to the Persian and Hellenistic periods. The present working hypothesis is that these artifacts
might be connected with the leveling of the area for construction and planting gardens.
Michal Artzy and Ron Beeri 23*

Fig. 21: Three pit graves were found one above the other, beneath the floor of a house. The first grave interred a man in his mid-30s (Tomb 851).
The body was laid on its right side in a fetal position. In the second grave, an infant was buried (Tomb 848) above the first skeleton. It seems that
the skull and parts of the first skeleton were removed at the time of burial and interred, in secondary burial, in a bowl that was placed over the
infant. A small stone anchor and two other stones were placed as a gravestone in place of the skull that had been removed.
(Beeri 2008: 180-183, Fig. 6.58b)
24* Ron Beeri

Funerary and Ancestor Worship
Characteristics Identifiable at Tel Akko
Ron Beeri University of Haifa
The emigration of a population from the coast of Lebanon and Syria at the beginning of the second millennium
BCE has led to a new understanding of the funerary practices that had been prevalent in the southern Levant
at the end of the third millennium BCE. One of the most important changes that the new population brought
with it was to move the location of the burial site from outside the settlement as had been practiced in Canaan
in previous periods to inside the settlement. 1 This phenomenon had been identified on the Plain of Akko, where
52 of the 59 burials that have been dated to the first half of the second millennium BCE were located inside the
tells. Furthermore, the shape of the tombs was also modified. In the preceding Middle Bronze I period, it was
customary to inter the deceased in shaft tombs or in burial caves outside the settlement, compared to a greater
variety of burial types used during the Middle Bronze II period (first half of the second millennium BCE; Beeri
2003). In the latter period, four main types of burial, described below, were prevalent on the Plain of Akko in
general and at Tel Akko in particular.
Pit Graves (Fig. 21) 2
Plain graves were dug into the ramparts, below the floors of the houses, and in courtyards. They were intended
for interring families or individuals, whether children or adults, male or female. A considerable number of the
graves were marked with a large tombstone or cluster of small stones placed on top of or around the grave.
Pit graves were typically used for one-time burials.
The number of funerary offerings associated with this
type was small, averaging two to three objects per
individual. Although there was a clear preference for
small pottery vessels, the offerings usually included
small juglets for liquids and, to a lesser extent, dipper
juglets, open serving bowls, carinated bowls, a few
pieces of jewelry, and occasionally scarabs (Fig. 22).
Cist Tombs
Cist tombs with a rectangular or slightly rounded
shape were excavated. They were lined with stones
and covered with a gabled roof of stone slabs. These
tombs, apparently intended for a one-time, primary
burial of two or more individuals, were sealed after
the interment; thus, they do not have an entrance. The
number of funerary offerings in cist tombs was greater
than that in pit graves, and the obvious predilection
was for small vessels and serving vessels.
Fig. 22: Scarab and scaraboid from Pit Grave 848, Phase 1
(ascribed to LB1). (Beeri 2008: 326, Figs. 8.1, 8.10)
Ron Beeri 25*

Jar Burials (Fig. 23)
The jar burials from the Middle Bronze II constitute one
of the more typical groups that have been documented
in the Levant in general and in Canaan in particular. All
of the jar burials found on the Plain of Akko in general
and at Tel Akko in particular consisted of individual
burials of infants two years of age or younger who
had been interred inside the ramparts encircling the
tell or below the floors of a house. The burial jars
selected for this purpose were usually without handles,
decorations, or paint. It seems that most of them had
Fig. 23: Jar Burial L1045. (Based on Dothan 1990: Fig. 1;
Beeri 2003: Fig. 16; Beeri 2008: Fig. 6.9)
been used for storage and were adapted for burial as
a secondary use (Beeri 2003: 98). The neck on most of
the jars was intentionally broken to serve as the burial opening. A few offerings were also inserted in a few of
the burial jars, such as a spoon, a fishing weight, cylinder seals, or beads. The burial jars were usually placed at a
symbolic distance from the rest of the interred, sometimes separated from the others by a wall or circle of stones.
Most of the infants were found buried on their side, in a fetal position (Beeri 2003: 99). In most instances, the
head was placed next to the jar opening and the feet were resting next to its base. It is interesting to note that
children over the age of two were buried alongside the jar, not inside it.
Similar interment of infants in jars (in which the infant’s head almost always faced the direction of the storage
container’s opening) was prevalent in Syria and Mesopotamia in the third millennium BCE (Ilan 1991: 191-193;
1996: 151-250; Beeri 2003: 99; Beeri 2008: 374). Echoes of this pattern are evidenced in the jar burial uncovered
at Tel Kabri and dated to the Early Bronze 1A.
We can presume that in the second millennium BCE, the practice of burying in jars spread from Syria to the coast
of Lebanon, and from there to the southern Levant (Beeri 2003: 101; see references cited there).
Burial Chambers (Figs. 24, 25)
Burial chambers are family burial cellars built beneath the ramparts or the floors of a house. Their uniqueness lies
in the fact that these chambers were actually built, a rare funerary-practice phenomenon throughout the Bronze
Age. Burial chambers were used during most of the Middle Bronze II and later at Tel Akko (Artzy 2006a: 119-120;
Beeri 2008: 165-167, 376, 378).
The tombs are built like a rectangular building, with a vertical or an inclined access shaft. The burial chamber
had straight walls covered with stone slabs or a “pseudo-vault.” Some of the tombs were used for a one-time
interment of one family, and therefore the burial in them was primary. Others were used for longer periods
of time, and therefore the burials in most of those were secondary; these tombs also contained more objects,
including items of prestige, such as scarabs and coroids (Figs. 22, 26). With each new interment, the remains of
the previous burials were piled up near the walls. According to Ilan (1991: 193; 1996: 250), the burial chamber
is not Canaanite in origin; its beginnings should be sought in Mesopotamia in the Early Dynastic period. It seems
that the use of burial chambers spread from Mesopotamia to Syria during the Early Dynastic III and reached the
Syrian-Lebanese coast, Canaan, and Egypt in the first half of the second millennium BCE (Ilan 1991: 193; Ilan
1996: 250; Beeri 2008: 376, and see references cited there).
26* Ron Beeri

Fig. 24: Burial Chamber L691. (Beeri 2008: Fig. 6.37)
Fig. 25: Detail of Burial Chamber L691 and funerary gifts.
Functions of the Burial Shaft
The entrance shaft to a burial chamber, which was used in the final phase of the funeral journey, made it possible
to conduct more than one burial in a tomb without having to remove the roof. The shafts functioned as more
than just a means of disposing of the body. The funeral journey ended in the shaft, and therefore the remains
of religious ceremonies can be identified in it, such as many clay lamps discarded in the shaft of Tomb 498 at Tel
Kabri and a thick burned layer found in the shaft of Tomb 691 at Tel Akko.
The shaft served symbolically as an intermediate phase between life and death; a kind of pipeline between
the tangible entity of the community and the mystery of the “depths of Sheol” (Deut. 32:22). 3 The transition
from the world of the living to the world of the dead was “carried out” in the sources by an act of descending
(Gen. 37:35). 4 Another term for the world of the dead that resembles the burial shaft is “the depths of the pit”
(Lamentations 3:55); indeed, “pit” 5 is analogous to the Akkadian bûru.
A thick layer of ash that was found on the floor of the shaft of Burial Chamber 691 at Tel Akko and the broken
clay lamps at the entrance to Tomb 498 at Tel Kabri are indicative of religious ceremonies conducted for the dead
at the time of the funeral and possibly also afterwards. At Tell el-Dab'a, Bietak discerned that fires in honor of
the dead had apparently been set in the built tombs in the Temple of the Dead of Stratum E; this is evidenced by
layers of ash in the fill inside the tomb (Ziffer 1990: 115, based on Bietak 1968: 98).
In addition to the above-mentioned functions, it seems that burial shafts were used as public storage for the
burial chambers because many of them contained large store jars that had been placed there in clusters, and not
next to one of the dead inside the tomb (Beeri 2008: 377) (Fig. 27). The storage containers and their contents
were probably renewed from time to time after the burial.
Ron Beeri 27*

Fig. 26: Coroid from the burial shaft of Tomb 691.
(Drawing and photo: S. Zagorski, courtesy of M. Artzy, Head, Hatter Laboratory, Recanati Institute of Maritime Studies)
In Mesopotamia, for example, the family attended to the sustenance and worship of their dead ancestors. There
are many Akkadian texts that describe the bitter fate of the dead person whom no one provides with water or
nourishment (Loewenstamm 1962: 759). In Egypt, the dead were provided with food on a permanent, daily
basis; in Egyptian funerary texts, known as Pyramid Texts, there are appeals pleading that the dead arise and eat
the food that the mourner has brought.
Beliefs Associated with Burial
Burial constituted a religious-social expression that was permanent in society and not easily changed. Essentially
it manifested the belief that there is another life that follows death, and therefore the tomb is used, if only for
a brief period, as a home where the deceased will be “reborn.” The location of the tomb, its structure, and its
offerings are, therefore, indicative not just of the material culture but also of a significant share of the religious
beliefs and social conventions that were common to all members of this society. Thus it may be possible from an
archaeological standpoint to follow the origins of the burial and the social structure, religious beliefs, family ties,
and social stratification of all of its members.
In ancient societies, death and “rebirth” were considered part of the fertility circle (Ilan 1995: 319). This is
primarily manifested in the infant jar burials (see below). According to Ugaritic mythology, Ba’al was considered
the source of life and the fertility of plants, people, and the gods. When Ba’al was killed by the god Mot and
descended to Sheol, the earth ceased to produce its crops for half a year, an extended hot, arid summer. Every
year, Anat, the goddess of fertility and war, arrived in order to fight with Mot and return her brother Ba’al to the
good, life-giving winter. When Ba’al was brought back to life, everything in the country returned to being olive
trees and honey (Cassuto 1965: 46-51). In Egypt, the god Osiris fulfilled a similar function to that of Ba’al, and
Seth to that of Mot (see, e.g., Raven 1982: 11; Hornung 1995: 1718, Fig. 11; Schoske 1992: Fig. 47; Ziffer 2006:
423, Figs. 8-9).
28* Ron Beeri

Analysis of the Beliefs behind
the Burials at Akko
In the burials at Tel Akko, the people
were interred inside the ramparts
and beneath the habitation level of
residential buildings, or near them.
The dead were of different ages and
sex, a fact that allows us to assume
that at least some of these tombs
were family tombs. The common
denominator of all these burials is
that they were located within the
precincts of the settlement, close to
the community. The family graves and
single graves that were found below
buildings suggest the existence of
close family ties among a significant
number of the dead and a close
connection between the living and
the person buried.
We can assume that the meals in
the house were eaten close to the
dead and that the dead probably
“participated” in them by means Fig. 27: The burial shaft of Tomb 691. (Beeri 2008: Fig. 6.39)
of libations conducted by the living
(Ziffer 1990: 114). The relatively large
number of tablewares found in the tombs likely reflects the importance of meals there. The goblets, dipper
juglets, and jugs (for libation) found in the tombs most likely show the importance of the element of drinking
in the meals that “the dead ate in the tombs.” A study of Ugaritic documents reveals that the souls of the dead
that resided in Sheol were actually in bet haftat and spent their days feasting and drinking (Cassuto 1965: 22).
In the same way, one can explain the offerings of sheep/goat, cattle, fallow deer, and fish found alongside the
drinking vessels in the tombs of Tel Akko and Tel Kabri (some of the food was still in the bowls) (Lernau 2002:
422; Kolska-Horwitz 2002: 397). The numerous juglets near the heads of the deceased were probably used to
hold precious liquids, such as perfumes, oils, medicines, and cosmetics. The juglets were often placed near the
faces of the dead, as can be seen in Tomb 848 from Tel Akko (Fig. 21). Remembering the dead and taking care
to feed them are mentioned in the Panmo, King of Yadi, inscription. The king commanded his son to mention his
name when the latter made a sacrifice to the god Haddad and to say, “Eat the soul of Panmo with Hadad and
drink the soul of Panmo with Haddad” (Loewenstamm 1962: 759). The offerings that were placed next to the
dead are known from the Mari letters as Kipsu, which were meant to silence the repha’im (ghosts or spirits) 6 or
to serve them as a source of sustenance (Bayliss 1973; Skiast 1980: 123-128; Dalley 1984: 124).
Ron Beeri 29*

Fig. 28: Jar Burial L868. (Beeri 2008: Fig. 6.11) (Drawing: S. Haad)
The repha’im required food and drink, and there are numerous Akkadian texts that describe the fate of the
man who was not served food after his death. In the Gilgamesh Epic, Enkidu, who went down to Sheol, says
that the dead man who is not taken care of is forced to eat “leftovers from the pot, crumbs of bread, garbage
of the streets – these are his foods” (Loewenstamm 1962: 759, based on the Gilgamesh Epic, Tablet 12, Lines
151, 154).
Analysis of the Beliefs behind the Jar Burials
In the jar burials, we have the clearest, most unequivocal evidence of a group affiliation based on age group and
social status. This type of burial was meant for premature babies and infants under the age of two, and we are
specifically dealing with an age cross-section and a social identity common to extensive geographical regions
during the Middle Bronze II (Ilan 1991: 202, 204). Similar burials of adults are uncommon in the Levant in the first
half of the second millennium BCE. The characteristics of the jar burial reflect a belief in the concept of “rebirth”
following death. The burial of infants in jars most likely symbolizes the connection among death, the fertility of a
woman’s womb, and the fertility of birth from inside the womb (Fig. 28; see Ilan 1991: 206; Ilan 1996: 255-258;
Beeri 2008: 374, 382-384, for a detailed description) (Figs 23, 28).
30* Ron Beeri

Social Stratification
No evidence whatsoever of social stratification was found in the cemeteries of Tel Akko. This determination relies
on the funerary offerings in the tombs, the location of the tombs in the sites, the plan of the tombs, the kind
of burial (primary or secondary), the position of the dead, and their age and sex. It is apparent that the various
types of burials, save the jar burials, and the two kinds of burials (primary or secondary) that were examined were
common, regardless of the age and sex of the deceased; there was also a more or less set number of funerary
objects. It therefore seems that the main factors that determined the richness of the tomb are its continued use
and the number of dead interred in it at a given time.
Notes
1 At Megiddo, for example, the eastern cemetery from the Early Bronze Age and Middle Bronze Age I was abandoned, and burials were
conducted in the heart of the city, below the houses (Kempinski 1993: 200).
2 All drawings are by Svetlana Zagorski and Sapir Haad, courtesy of Michal Artzy, Head of Hatter Laboratory of the Recanati Institute of Maritime
Studies.
3 The world of the afterlife has many names, the most well known being the southwestern Semitic term Sheol. In Akkadian, the world of the
dead is called Sha’âru, which is somewhat similar to Sheol.
4 An expression meaning ’going down to death’ appears in many other biblical writings and in the Ugarit texts (Proverbs 5:5; Psalms 22:30; the
Ugaritic Acts of the Gods, Pl. 67=31, Lines 14-17, based on the translation by S. Rin and S. Rin, 1996).
5 Proverbs 28:17; Isaiah 14:15; Isaiah 38:18; Lamentations 3:55.
6 Repha’im are mentioned in the Bible, in Ugaritic letters, and in Phoenician tomb inscriptions (on the coffins of Tabnit and Eshmunazar, who
were kings of the Sidonites). The word appears in a number of contexts, one of which is a name for the spirits of the dead that reside in Sheol
(see S. Rin and S. Rin 1996: 841-844; Loewenstamm 1962, 404-407).
Ron Beeri 31*

Fig. 29: Excavation of the cemetery, looking west. (Photo: T. Sagiv, IAA)
32* Yotam Tepper

A Pagan Cemetery from the Roman Period
at the Foot of Tel Akko:
Evidence of the Burial of Roman Soldiers
and Citizens of Colonia Ptolemais
Yotam Tepper Israel Antiquities Authority 1
Introduction
A large cemetery from the Roman period was exposed in archaeological excavations the Israel Antiquities
Authority conducted at the foot of Tel Akko. The cemetery was used for burial from the second half of the
1st century CE until late 3rd century/beginning of the 4th century CE. In the article we will review briefly the
archaeological finds from the tombs, the funerary offerings that were also placed above the graves and in the
burial mounds, as well as the sex and age of the deceased. All of these indicate that the cemetery served a pagan
population that included soldiers in the Roman army and citizens of Colonia Ptolemais.
Historical Background
The polis of Akko, established as Ptolemais by Ptolemy II Philadelphus, became an important port and commercial
city in the Hellenistic period. During the Roman period, Claudius (41-54 CE) founded a new Roman colony
at Ptolemais (51/2-54 CE), which he named Colonia
Claudia Felix Ptolemais Garmanica Stabilis, and veterans
discharged from four Roman legions garrisoned in
Syria (Isaac 1992) settled there. 2 In 56 CE, the imperial
road was paved from Antioch to Colonia Ptolemais
(Goodchild 1949); a dedicatory inscription honoring
Nero (54-68 CE) found at the side of the Roman road
in Nahariya contains proof of a veterans’ settlement
in the vicinity of the colony (Avi-Yonah 1946; Millar
1990). 3 Gaius (66 CE) marched with his army along the
road from Antioch to Akko, followed by Vespasian (67
CE), who established his military headquarters in the
city and set out from there in his campaign to conquer
the Galilee and put down the rebellion. There is very
little evidence about the colony’s population (Millar
1990). The sole evidence we have of a noted personage
residing there during the Roman period is the name
of one Flavius Boethus, governor of Palestine from
162-166 CE; he was a scholar and philosopher who
was also interested in medicine (Isaac 1992). During
Fig. 30: Schematic map of Akko and the cemeteries from the Roman
the Mishnah and Talmud Period, the port of Akko was period sign on Tzaferis map. (Tzaferis 1985: 275)
Yotam Tepper 33*

the Galilee’s principal outlet to the sea; although sages
passed through the city, it was considered outside the
bounds of the Land of Israel (Tsafrir, Di Segni, and
Green 1994).
B
A
Fig. 31: A. An in situ cremation burial. B. Cremated human bones
found in the cooking pot urn. (Photo: Y. Tepper, IAA)
Fig. 32: A coin next to the deceased’s skull, Roman period.
(Photo: Y. Tepper, IAA)
Remains of Akko from the Roman Period
There are not many archaeological remains from
the Roman period within the area of modern Akko.
In Dothan’s excavations outside the Crusader city
walls, building remains that date to the Early Roman
period were uncovered in Areas E and D, west of
the tell (Dothan 1993). Other architectural remains
from the Roman period were exposed inside the city,
near the courthouse and south of it (Goldman 1993,
Applebaum 1986, Avshalom-Gorni 1997, Thatcher
2000). Underwater archaeological remains reveal
a city involved in commerce; the artifacts that were
recovered in those excavations include, among other
things, imported products from the coastal cities of
Italy, Syria, and North Africa (Galili and Rosen 2008).
But it seems that the most outstanding finds from the
Roman period in Akko are two extensive cemeteries,
one of which is located north of the city (referred
to below as the northern cemetery; Fortuna 1966,
Tzaferis 1986) and the other, in the area east of the
modern city near the tell (the eastern cemetery; Amiran
1951, Goldman 1993, Mokary 1995, Finkielsztejn 2007,
Abu ‘Uqsa 2009). Within this context, we should note
Memnon’s monument, which Josephus mentioned in
The Jewish Wars (Shahar 2005). 4 One can assume that
because of the monument’s proximity to the Belus
River (Nahal Na’aman), there was a burial and ritual
site there and that the Roman cemetery developed
around it, east of the city (Fig. 30). 5
The Eastern Cemetery – Results of the
Archaeological Excavation (Fig. 29)
An extensive cemetery was revealed in the excavations. 6
Tombs were dug into layers of sandy ground, and a
few were excavated even deeper, to the layer of kurkar
and natural sand. 7 Two main burial methods were
found: cremation after the corpse was burned; and
inhumations, involving anatomically articulated supine
burials.
34* Yotam Tepper

Cremation: The excavation exposed a number
of burned areas containing charred wood, ash
concentrations, as well as urns that held burned
human remains (Fig. 31). Cremation was the most
common funerary practice among certain cultures,
primarily in the western provinces during the
Hellenistic and Roman periods (Audin 1960; Toynbee
1971; Irion 1968). In the Land of Israel, this custom
was documented in isolated instances of Phoenician
archaeological remains dating to the Hellenistic period
(Tepper in press) and at a number of sites that were
Fig. 33: Several of the dead in the mass grave. (Photo: Y. Tepper, IAA)
dated to the Roman period and associated with the
presence of a pagan population and/or Roman army units (Tepper 2007). Among the other finds that were also
uncovered in the excavation were clusters of pottery and glass vessels without human bones and both with and
without ash marks. The funerary offerings without the remains of ashes and/or bones may indicate that their
contents were completely consumed when burned or that they gradually disintegrated over the course of the
years (Ubelaker and Rife 2007). 8
Inhumation: Most of the dead were interred by this method and of the more than 350 tombs documented,
165 of them were identified by age and sex in a complete or partial form. The inhumation was conducted by a
variety of methods, including in the ground with or without a stone covering, in ceramic coffins with or without
a tile covering, and in ashlar-built tombs with a slab covering; there was a single case of a jar burial. A number of
mausoleums that had been dug into the ground were also found, and pieces of colored plaster and decorations
in a variety of colors were discovered in the soil fill in their interior. Many of the tombs were covered with stone
heaps, in which numerous artifacts were found that helped provide a date for the tomb and the funerary rites
practiced at the site.
Dating the Burials in the Cemetery
As previously mentioned, the large cemetery dates to the Roman period. The tombs were excavated into layers of
soil that yielded ceramic artifacts dating to the Persian, Hellenistic, and Roman periods. An intact discus lamp that
dates to the 1st-2nd centuries CE was found in a burial structure containing two coffins that were only partially
excavated. A mounted horseman is depicted on the discus. The glass vessels that were found in the excavation,
including the whole vessels inside the tombs and next to the dead, date to the 1st-3rd centuries CE.
The numismatic finds at the site include an assemblage of more than 100 coins that range in date from the 3rd
century BCE until the 4th century CE. Some 90 coins were identified (of which more than a third are from a
single hoard). More than two-thirds of these coins date to the 1st-4th centuries CE, the rest to the Hellenistic and
Byzantine periods and a few to the Early Islamic and Mamluk periods. In at least one instance, a coin was found
resting alongside a skull, perhaps hinting at the well-known custom practiced by pagan populations of inserting
a single coin into the mouth of the deceased (Charon’s Obol) as payment to Charon, the ferryman who sailed
the dead into Hades (Fig. 32; Rahmani 1993; Syon 2006).
Mass Grave and a Hoard of Silver Coins from the Time of Hadrian
Part of a mass grave was excavated in an area in the southwestern section of the cemetery delineated to the west
and north by built walls. Sixteen individuals were identified in the excavation, all of whom were males between
Yotam Tepper 35*

B
A
Fig. 34: A. Deceased No. 641 at the time the hoard was found. B. Part of the hoard at the time it was removed from the ground.
(Photo: Y. Tepper, IAA)
20 and 30 years of age. The dead were stacked atop one another and alongside each other so that the upper
body was placed over and perpendicular to the body below it in a manner resembling the letter X (Fig. 33).
Funerary offerings (see below) that are characteristic of the cemetery were found next to the dead, and a hoard
of silver coins lay on top of the uppermost individual in the pile (Fig. 34). The hoard included 44 silver provincial
tetradrachmae that were minted over a period of time, from the time of Nero (60/1 CE), during the reigns of
the emperors Vespasian, Nerva, and Trajan, to the time of Hadrian (a single coin). 9 The date of the latest coin
in the hoard also serves to determine the earliest date of burial of all the coins. In our case, it is also the date of
the inhumations; that is, a terminus post quem of 118 CE. The 44 tetradrachmae in the hoard were equivalent
to about 176 dinars, which constituted several months’ salary for a Roman soldier at that time (Watson 1969).
It is unreasonable to assume that such a large sum of money was intentionally left in a wallet in the clothes of
the deceased. On the other hand, the hoard was found right next to the body, which was placed at the top of a
heap of other dead people, and perhaps some importance should be ascribed to the fact whether the hoard had
been buried accidently or intentionally. In any event, it seems that the dead in the mass grave had all been killed
and buried in the same circumstances of a single specific tragic event, such as an epidemic or, based on the sex
and ages of the bodies, more likely some sort of armed conflict. On the basis of numismatic finds, it seems that
the time of the interment can be dated to the beginning of Hadrian’s rule, and not before 118 CE. As we know,
Jewish uprisings broke out in Cyrenaica, Egypt, and Cyprus, in what is referred to as the Diaspora Revolt or Kitos
War, during the last two years of Trajan’s rule. The sources allude to unrest among the Jews of the Land of Israel at
the beginning of Hadrian’s rule, which was probably also a reason that another legion was brought into Judaea,
which turned into a consular province (Smallwood 1978; Smallwood 1981; Oppenheimer 1977). It is possible
that the burial of soldiers in one grave, which appears to have been hasty, as well as communal, is archaeological
evidence of one of the insurgencies that preceded the Bar Kokhba Revolt.
36* Yotam Tepper

Fig. 35: Funerary offerings, such as the bones of animals, were
apparently placed alongside a tomb. (Photo: Y. Tepper, IAA)
A
Fig. 36: A. A clay coffin and an offering bowl placed above it.
B. Rabbit (?) bones in the bowl. (Photo: Y. Tepper, IAA)
B
Funerary Rites and the Ethnic Identity
of the Dead
Most of the dead were found covered with heaps
of stones, and evidence was found between the
stones and on top of the heaps of a unique ritual
conducted at the cemetery. A number of the stone
items are fashioned in the shape of a pedestal for a
statue. Others are round and square stone altars, the
upper part of some being concave and they possibly
functioned as sacrificial or libation installations. The
remains of offerings or the communal funerary meals
that were held at the grave site were found on top of
the stone heaps and alongside the graves (Fig. 35). An
examination of the animal bones has shown that they
belong to pigs, sheep, goats, and horses. Some exhibit
signs of cutting, evidence that the animals had been
slaughtered and prepared especially for the purpose
of the cemetery ritual. In one instance, a ceramic
bowl was found placed upside down above a clay
coffin, and in it were the remains of a small mammal,
probably a rabbit (Fig. 36). The fact that there are
funerary offerings of non-kosher animals (e.g., rabbit
and pig) suggests that the dead did not observe Jewish
dietary laws (see the review and other references cited
in Horwitz 1999).
During the excavation of the cemetery, many clay
juglets were found inside and alongside the tombs
and on top of the stone heaps (Fig. 37). The juglets are
round and somewhat piriform and have a tall neck. In
most cases, the juglets were broken in the vicinity of
the shoulder so that the neck was separated from the
body. In some instances, it was possible to connect the
neck of a juglet found on one side of the tomb with
the body of the juglet discovered on the other side. It
seems that the juglets were intentionally broken during
the burial ceremony, and this is additional evidence of
the funerary rites prevalent among the city’s population
at that time. Burial with broken vessels was also
widespread in other cemeteries of the Roman period,
and it has been suggested that this phenomenon be
viewed as a symbol of the end and the destruction of
life itself (Tuffreau-Libre 2001: 184-187).
Yotam Tepper 37*

B
Fig. 37: A. A tomb and fragments of a burial juglet next to it. B. Clay
juglet at the time it was removed from the ground.
(Photo: Y. Tepper, IAA)
A
A fragment of a marble plaque inscribed with three
lines of an epitaph was found next to an excavated
built and plastered tomb located not far from the mass
grave and the coin hoard (Fig. 38). The inscription
marked the tomb of a soldier or veteran of the VII
Legion Claudia. This legion had been garrisoned
in Moesia from the middle of the 1st century CE.
Because of epigraphic and historic considerations, we
can assume that the soldier had been buried about
the time of Trajan’s reign. In any event, the soldier’s
name was Olpius Martidus (or Martinus), and even
though much information about him was lost when
the tombstone was destroyed, there is no doubt that
the interred individual had served as a Roman soldier
and been buried in the cemetery of Colonia Ptolemais
(Eck and Tepper 2005).
Gender Identify of Bodies in the Cemetery
The sex and age of the dead in the entire cemetery
reflect the characteristics of the population buried
there. A comparison between Akko’s northern
cemetery (Hellenistic-Roman-Byzantine) and the
city’s eastern cemetery (Roman) shows a different
distribution of sexes and ages of the dead (Nagar and
Tepper 2007). In the eastern cemetery, the number of
young men (90% of all dead identified), 20-30 years
of age, is significantly greater than the percentage in
the city’s northern cemetery. Moreover, few women and children were found in the eastern cemetery than in
the northern cemetery, where the breakdown is normal and characteristic of a civilian population. It should be
mentioned that the burials of children and women in the eastern cemetery occurred after the 3rd century CE and
date to the second and later phase of the burials at the site. Their burials took place on top of the grave coverings
and the coffins that contained the young males who had been buried earlier, and inside coffins and tombs after
the bones of the dead in the earlier phase had been moved aside.
Fig. 38: Epitaph for Olipius, inscribed on a marble plaque.
(Photo: H. Smithline, IAA)
Conclusion
Many archaeological finds were discovered in the cemetery excavated at the foot of Tel Akko, and only some
of them have been discussed in this short review. When the research and analysis of the excavation finds are
completed, it will be possible to draw more conclusions about the identity and profession of the dead interred
there. However, at this point we can summarize and state that the burial methods, particularly cremation, the
funerary offerings, and especially the animal offerings, attest to the burial of a foreign, pagan population. To all
of this evidence, we must add the altars and the clay juglets that apparently were intentionally broken. What we
have here, it seems, is a cultic reality – one that is becoming increasingly clear – of a unique form of burial that is
unknown in the Land of Israel and in the variety of burials common among the Jewish population.
38* Yotam Tepper

Other artifacts, consisting of arrowheads and weapons from the Roman period, were found in the excavation,
and their analysis has not yet been completed. These join the communal burial of 16 males, a hoard of silver
coins from the time of Hadrian found next to them, and a fragment of a Latin epitaph for a soldier from the VII
Claudia Legion. In light of all of the above, it seems that soldiers of the Roman army were buried in the cemetery.
An analysis of the sex and age of the dead at the site has also reinforced this conclusion. In our opinion, the
later internments of women and children at the site also indicate the burial of a foreign pagan population. In
any event, the dating of the finds in the cemetery connects this burial site with the time of Colonia Ptolemais
and constitutes a significant contribution to our knowledge and understanding of its population. The completion
of the distribution analysis of the tombs from the Roman period around the city also constitutes an important
contribution to solving the puzzle of the precise location and extent of the colony, which holds a place of honor
in Akko’s glorious past.
Notes
1 The archaeological excavation (Permit No. A-4063/2004) on Remez Street in Akko was undertaken on behalf of the Israel Antiquities Authority
and underwritten by the Yafe Nof Company for the purpose of developing infrastructures at the eastern entrance to Akko. The excavation was
directed by Y. Tepper and H. Abu ‘Uqsa, with assistance from E. ‘Awawdy, A. Thatcher, N. Getzov, E. Stern, M. Hartal, L. Porat, F. Abu Zeidan,
R. Abu Raya, A. Shapiro, H. Tahan, E. Bron, O. Zingboym (filed directors), and laborers of the Israel Antiquities Authority from Akko, Nazareth,
and Kafr Manda. Additional assistance was provided by H. Smithline and T. Sagiv (photography), A. Hajian (drafting), D. Syon (numismatics),
Y. Gorin-Rosen (glass), G. Finkielsztejn (amphorae), L. Di Segni and W. Eck (epigraphy), G. Bar Oz and N. Raban-Gerstel (archaeozoology),
G. Stiebel (weapons), M. Pounting (metallurgy), M. Inbar (geomorphology), D. Bar-Yosef (mollusks), and Y. Shahar (historical sources). The
treatment of the finds and cleaning of metallic artifacts were done in the laboratories of the Israel Antiquities Authority. The analysis and study
of the finds are in their preliminary stages, and upon completion the final excavation report will be published on behalf of the Israel Antiquities
Authority. For a preliminary publication, see also Tepper and Nagar 2009.
2 Meshorer (1985: 12.2) suggested that these were the III, VI, X, and XII Legions. Indeed, four legions do appear on the standards on the city’s
“founder coin,” from the year 66 CE but there is no agreement with regard to the small numbers that appear on them. See, also, Millar 1990:
note 79, 25. I wish to thank Donald Z. Ariel, Alla Stein, and Danny Syon for this information (see D. Syon in this catalogue).
3 In this context, Applebaum (1989) draws the boundaries of the colony and estimates that about 1,640 veterans resided there.
4 "The very small river Belus runs by it, at the distance of two furlongs; near which there is Memnon's monument, and hath near it a place no
larger than a hundred cubits, which deserves admiration; for the place is round and hollow, and affords such sand as glass is made of…"
(The Jewish War II 10: 2). The idea of identifying the large cemetery that was found east of the modern city with the region where Memnon’s
monument once stood and of associating the production of glass with the region was first proposed by Yael Gorin of the Israel Antiquities
Authority and was examined by Yuval Shahar in a presentation at the Northern Studies Conference 2005, sponsored by the IAA and the
University of Haifa.
5 Raban (1986) has shown that the riverbed passed close to the tell during the Hellenistic and Roman periods
6 The cemetery in the excavation extends between the Akko-Safed road in the north, the soccer field in the south, Tel Akko in the east, and
Remez Street in the west. Tombs that date to later periods, probably to the Mamluk and Ottoman periods, were also uncovered in the western
part of the excavation of the cemetery, near the modern Christian cemetery.
7 The ancient channel of a small stream that once flowed to the east of Tel Akko was exposed in the middle of the excavation area. The dark
layer of soil that was revealed above the level of the tombs probably represents a later deposit, possibly as a result of Nahal Na’aman flooding,
which occurred after the 4th century CE.
8 There is a possibility of an empty grave (cenotaph), which meant a symbolic interment of a dead person whose body was never found. The
place is marked in the area and constitutes the ritual location for family members and friends of the deceased (Blamangin 1996).
9 The hoard includes 5 coins from the time of Nero (Antioch), from the years 60/1-62/3 CE; 14 coins from the time of Vespasian (Antioch), from
69-79 CE; 2 coins from the time of Nerva (Antioch), from 96-97 CE; 22 coins from the time of Trajan (Tyre), most of which are from 111-114
CE; and a single coin from the time of Hadrian (Antioch), 118 CE. Two other tetradrachmae were found on the surface level that could not be
connected with the same hoard; the first of these dates to the reign of Vespasian and the second, like that in the hoard, to the time of Hadrian
and the year 118 CE.
Yotam Tepper 39*

Fig. 39: The Hospitaller compound, ground level.
40* Eliezer Stern and Hanaa Abu-Uqsa

New Archaeological Discoveries from
Crusader Period Acre 1
Eliezer Stern and Hanaa Abu-Uqsa Israel Antiquities Authority
Five years after Jerusalem was conquered by Crusader forces, Baldwin I, King of Jerusalem, and the Genovese
naval fleet laid siege to Acre. The city fell to the Crusaders in 1104 (Prawer 1971: 181).
The Hospitallers in Acre: The earliest evidence that the Hospitallers received property in Acre during the first
years of the Crusader occupation of the city is found in a document from 1110, when King Baldwin I allowed
the order to keep buildings they had received as conscience contributions for the Church of the Holy Cross.
Some of the order’s buildings were damaged in 1135, when the church compound was expanded to the north.
This event resulted in the Hospitallers abandoning the compound and starting construction of a new center in
the northwestern part of the city, next to the northern city wall. The first evidence we have of this center is a
document in which Queen Melisande (1149) describes the construction of a church that is named for Saint John
and located in the Hospitaller quarter south of the new center (Pringle 2009: 83).
Following the Crusader defeat at the Battle of the Horns of Hattin (1187), Acre fell to the Muslims, and its
Christian residents fled. They returned four years later (1191), when Richard Lion-Heart, the king of England who
led the Third Crusade, reconquered the city. The Hospitallers also returned to Acre; however, the buildings they
had used in the early 12th century were now inadequate for their needs, because Jerusalem was no longer under
Christian control. The Latin Kingdom’s new rulers, Guy de Lusignan (1192) and Henry of Champagne (1193),
granted renewed concessions that allowed the Hospitallers to enlarge their center in Acre as far as the street next
to the city’s northern walls and to transfer the head of the order and its headquarters to Acre (Riley-Smith 1999:
43). The construction for this enterprise was started at the beginning of the 13th century and probably continued
until the kingdom was vanquished by the Mamluks in 1291.
Historical sources have described four main structures in the Hospitaller quarter in Acre: Brothers’ Residence,
situated in the Montmusard Quarter, where the knights of the order dwelled; the Hospitaller center (its
headquarters), where the head of the order and its senior members lived and also served as the order’s logistics
and command center and was situated next to the city’s northern wall from the 12th century; Church of St. John,
which was located south of the Hospitaller center; and the Hospitaller hospital, which was south of the church.
History of the Research
Prof. Joshua Prawer began the first excavations in the Hospitaller center, and these lasted from 1955-1964.
Parts of what we now know as the Hospitaller center were exposed during these excavations: three halls in the
northern part of the complex, a narrow corridor in the Pillared Hall, as well as the Hall of Columns (the dining
room). After cracks were discovered at the site in 1990, new excavations were begun. The excavations and
conservation work are now being implemented by the Israel Antiquities Authority, in cooperation with the Israeli
government, the Ministry of Tourism, and the Old Acre Development Company.
Eliezer Stern and Hanaa Abu-Uqsa 41*

Description of the Finds
The building that was discovered in the excavations
(and described below) represents the final phase of the
Hospitaller center, as it was abandoned in 1291. It is
important to remember that the construction of the
center, which took place in several stages during the
course of the period, continued throughout the 13th
century.
Fig. 40: The central courtyard. (Photo: D. Stern)
The Central Courtyard (Fig. 39:9): This is an open
central courtyard that extends over an area of 1,200
sq. m. A 4.5 m deep well in the north of the courtyard
probably supplied water for drinking and laundry
(Fig. 40). Two shallow plastered pools, 40 cm deep,
were built next to the well. The pools drained into
the main sewerage conduit (see below) by means of
underground channels. In its southern and western
parts, the courtyard was enclosed by a series of arches
that apparently supported a corridor leading to the
rooms on the second story of the building. A staircase
was located in the eastern part of the courtyard.
The Northern Hall (Fig. 39:5a-f): This wing was
constructed next to the city’s northern wall. The hall
Fig. 41: The northern hall. (Photo: D. Stern)
was built as a single space divided into six separate
halls by walls that had arched openings incorporated
in them. The halls were covered with a barrel vault measuring 10 m high (Fig. 41). The exterior walls of this
compound were massively built from 3.5 m thick ashlars.
Entire parts of the Northern Hall were found lying atop fill that was 3 m or more thick. Thus, it can be concluded
that a collapse occurred long after the structure had been abandoned by the Hospitallers. After this fill was
excavated, hundreds of pottery vessels were discovered arranged in situ in rows on the floor along the eastern
wall of Hall 7. These pottery vessels are “sugar pots” – conical vessels with a drain hole in the bottom. Dozens of
amphoriskoi, called “molasses jars,” were also found. The latter vessels were used at the end of the process of
producing crystallized sugar, an industry that had become one of the most important enterprises in the country
during the Crusader period.
A stairway that led to the third story was discovered adjacent to the Southern Hall on the second story. This floor
was not preserved; however, based on the extensive remains of the collapse, one can conclude that this story,
built in the Gothic style, was quite splendid. Gothic style stone voussoirs were found that had been treated with
plaster, on which frescos decorated in black, yellow, and red were preserved. The keystone, positioned in the spot
where the ribs met in the Gothic ceiling vaults, was found alongside the voussoirs. This especially large stone was
decorated with a round rosette and acanthus leaves.
42* Eliezer Stern and Hanaa Abu-Uqsa

Fig. 42: The public latrine. (Photo: D. Stern)
Fig. 43: The dining room. (Photo: D. Stern)
The Northwestern Gate (Fig. 39:3): This gate served as a passage between the central courtyard and the
northern moat. It runs through an arched gate that is defended by a massive tower built above it. The passage
was covered with a barrel vault.
The Northwestern Tower and the Latrine Complex (Fig. 39:2,2a): Located in the northwestern corner of the
complex, this wing consists of three built stories and was used as a public latrine (Fig. 42). The first floor was an
underground chamber in which the sewage was collected via dozens of gutters incorporated in the walls of the
building. The gutters drained the public toilets, which were on the second and third stories. Incorporated in the
outer envelope of the building’s walls are other gutters that conveyed rain water from the roofs of the complex
down three stories to the collecting unit for the purpose of washing the chamber. This chamber was connected
to a sewer main by means of five channels. Probes excavated throughout the city determined that this channel
functioned as a central sewer line, measuring 1 m wide and more than 1.5 m high. It crossed the city from north
to south and eventually discharged its contents into the sea in the vicinity of the port.
The toilets on the second story were built above the sewage collecting chamber. This latrine measured 5x10 m,
with a cross-vault ceiling hovering 10 m above. In this room, four rows of toilets, each with eight seats, were
excavated. The toilets emptied directly into the collecting chamber.
The Western Complex (Fig. 39:8): This complex has not yet been excavated. However, based on one of the walls
of the rooms in this complex that was preserved on the second story, the structure originally stood at least two
stories high. The architectural remains of this complex that were discovered in the ruins in the western part of the
open courtyard indicate that the western complex had also been built in the Gothic style. Especially noteworthy
are the basket capitals and capitals in the image of a person that are preserved on a wall of this building.
Hall of Columns (the dining room) (Fig. 39:13): This hall is the most impressive room in the complex. It was
exposed in excavations conducted by the National Parks Authority in the 1960s. The hall was built of eight
pointed cross-vaults that rise to a height of 10 m and were supported by three round columns measuring 3 m.
in diameter. The stone ribs, which support the ceiling of cross-vaults, rested on engaged capitals that were
incorporated in the walls of the hall (Fig. 43). The capitals are adorned with wreaths of flowers, small baskets,
or fleur de lys decorations. Carved rosettes were preserved where the ribs intersect on some of the cross-vaults.
Eliezer Stern and Hanaa Abu-Uqsa 43*

This building probably served as the order’s dining
room, and the hall to its east, which has not yet been
excavated, as the kitchen. A system for collecting
rainwater that supplied diners with drinking water
was discovered below the dining room, part of which
was built and part of which was hewn in the natural
bedrock. The rainwater was conveyed from the roofs
of the building to the reservoir via gutters that had
been installed in the walls.
The Pillared Hall (Fig. 39:10): This large hall,
Fig. 44: The southern street. (Photo: Dafna Stern)
extending across an area of 1,300 sq. m, consists of
a series of 15 identical fields, covered by 8 m high
cross-vaults. The vaults are supported on square pillars built of stone that are arranged in rows the length of
the building. The center part of this vaulted ceiling, preserved in its original form, dates to the Crusader period.
Sections of the ceiling in the southern and northern parts of the hall collapsed, probably during Ottoman building
activities in the 18th century.
Dungeon (Fig. 39:11): East of the Pillared Hall, this area was 2.5 m lower than the adjacent buildings, and its
floor was hewn in the natural bedrock. This hall was built of a series of six cross-vaults that were 5 m high. Apart
from an opening in the south, the hall had no windows or other means of lighting. Recesses, measuring about
3-4 cm sq and 2-3 cm deep, had been hewn into the stones of the walls and ran the length of the walls and
pillars that supported the roof. It is likely that rings used for shackling prisoners were attached to metal hooks
inserted in the recesses. The fact that the room has no windows and was controlled by a guard room and an
arrow loop at its entrance, corroborates the theory that the structure was a prison. That such a facility existed in
the Hospitaller quarter is mentioned in a contemporary document.
The Southern Street (Fig. 39:19): South of the Hospitaller complex, a city street was exposed that passed
through the Hospitaller quarter along the eastern wall of the complex (Fig. 44). The street turned west and
passed through the complex of the Church of St. John; after 50 m, it turned south toward the Genovese quarter.
A double-wing stone gate erected at this section of the road allowed the Hospitallers to stop the public from
passing along the street during times of crisis. The street, which was 4 m wide, was usually open, with short
segments covered by a barrel vault. Another public street branched off from this street to the east (the King’s
quarter). The latter was particularly wide (about 10 m) and paved with flagstones. A row of shops that faced the
street was revealed along the southern part of the road. Three shops were exposed, but it is clear that other shops
were located along the continuation of the street.
Other Excavations from Crusader Period Acre
Church of St. John: The construction of this church is first mentioned in a document from 1141, during the
reign of Queen Melisande. The church was erected upon a series of vaults that consisted of two parts. The
older, western part has two halls with barrel vaults that existed before the construction of the church. After
construction began, an addition comprising four rooms covered with cross-vaults was built in the east, and later
the Church of St. John above it.
It was uncovered in the 1950s and two marble tombstones from the Crusader period were discovered in
44* Eliezer Stern and Hanaa Abu-Uqsa

it. One tombstone bears an inscription in Latin
mentioning the death of the ninth head of the
Hospitallar Order (Pierre de Vieille Brioude) in 1242.
The other, written in Old French, attests to the tomb
of the Bishop of Nazareth, who died in 1290 and was
buried in Acre. The Church of St. John, which was
destroyed in 1291, was built above this structure.
At the beginning of the 19th century, the Serai, an
Ottoman government building, was constructed
over it.
Trial excavations conducted in the Serai exposed
part of the church’s narthex, which includes the
main threshold constructed of black granite. In the
courtyard of the Serai, three marble columns and a
marble Corinthian capital that had been treated with
plaster and decorated with a colored fresco were
uncovered. Another capital was also decorated with
a colored fresco, as well as with an orange Maltese
cross. Remains of the altar (bema) were exposed in
the eastern part of the building. The chancel screen in
front of the altar was made of hard nari and dressed in
relief to resemble upright stone slabs standing against
one another (Fig. 45). The remains of a splendid floor
constructed of colored marble and ceramic tiles were
found throughout the entire area of the church.
Fig. 45: Area of the altar and part of the chancel screen that
underwent conservation. (Photo: H. Smithline)
Fig. 46: Templar tunnel. (Photo: D. Stern)
The Templar Tunnel: The Templar quarter was situated in the southwestern part of the Old City (Fig. 46). The
4 m wide tunnel, covered by a half-barrel vault, is approx. 2.5 m high and 350 m long. It began in a small bay
in the west where a Templar fortress was situated in the Crusader period. The tunnel continued eastward below
the Pisan quarter until it reached the port of Old Acre. This section, which is hewn in natural bedrock, split into
two narrow parallel tunnels, each about 1.5 m wide and about 2 m high. It is likely that the tunnel was used as
a passage for goods and people directly from the port to the Templar quarter.
A Covered Street in the Genovese Quarter: A covered street of shops in the middle of the Old City, measuring
some 100 m in length, was discovered during a survey conducted by B. Z. Kedar and E. Stern. Subsequent
excavations exposed 40 m of this street, which was built of dressed ashlar stones and covered with a cross-vault
supported by stone ribs. Openings on either side of the street led to the shops or workshops that were situated
along it. The street, which dates to the Crusader period, is identified as “the covered street” in the Genovese
quarter that is mentioned in several Crusader documents of the period (Kedar and Stern 1995: 105-110).
Crusader Bathhouse in the Montmusard Quarter: Located about 300 m north of the Old City walls, the
bathhouse is elongated (measuring 7x22 m) and aligned along an east-west axis. In the middle of the building,
there is a furnace (5x5 m) with a firebox in its center. The hot room (7x14 m) bordered the furnace on the north
and east and had a double floor. The structure was built of well-dressed limestone, most of which was stolen
Eliezer Stern and Hanaa Abu-Uqsa 45*

Fig. 47: Northeastern corner of the tower. (Photo: D. Syon)
in the Ottoman period. Remains of walls and rich ceramic finds that date to the Hellenistic period (3rd and 2nd
centuries BCE) were discovered below the Crusader floors. Based on the ceramic evidence, the bathhouse has
been dated to the 13th century. This date is in keeping with what we know from historical sources that describe
the construction of a new Crusader quarter, called the Montmusard Quarter, north of the Crusader city walls
during this century.
The Courthouse: In 1991, an excavation was conducted in the area of the new courthouse. A tower (Fig. 47),
moat, and well that form part of the outer fortification of the Crusader city were exposed. The northeastern
corner of the tower rose to a height of two stories. The 13 m wide moat runs parallel to the line of the city wall
and the tower, thus resembling the moat at Caesarea of the same period. The thick burned layer that was found
in the rooms of the tower attests to a fierce conflagration, which resulted in the building’s destruction. A cluster
of cooking and storage vessels on the ground floor corroborates the suggestion that this floor was used for a
kitchen and store rooms while the upper floor served as the soldiers’ accommodations. According to historical
sources, the outer wall of Acre was built at the beginning of the 13th century, a date confirmed by the ceramic
evidence. It was destroyed by the Mamluks in 1291 (Hartal 1997).
The Knights’ Hotel
Two seasons of excavation, in 1995 and 2007, were conducted north of the White Souk and east of Weizmann
Street as part of the project to build the Knights’ Hotel youth hostel in the Old City of Acre. The excavation
exposed a residential neighborhood that dates to the time of the second Crusader kingdom (13th century CE),
when Acre served as the capital of the kingdom (Fig. 48).
46* Eliezer Stern and Hanaa Abu-Uqsa

Historical evidence from 1252 CE links this
neighborhood to the Hospitaller complex located to
the west. A system of streets, houses, commercial
buildings, and workshops was exposed during
the excavations. The main characteristic of the
neighborhood is its simple but massive construction.
The walls were built of indigenous kurkar, and the
doorjambs and pillars that bore the arches and
special installations were constructed of ashlar stones.
Numerous repairs were discerned in the buildings and
courtyards (Fig. 49). The sloppy construction attests
to the absence of town planning. The plan of the
neighborhood and the ceramic assemblage discovered
there are similar to buildings of the same period in the
south of France. A sophisticated water system was
also discovered that included plastered cisterns built
like a barrel vault, built and hewn wells, and a system
of drainage channels that extended below the houses
and streets and conveyed rainwater and wastewater
into built septic pits.
Fig. 48: Burned layer from 1291. (Photo: D. Syon)
Fig. 49: View from above the excavation. (Photo: Sky View)
One of the excavated buildings is a public structure
in which a floor made of fired mudbricks arranged
in different patterns survived. This building may have
been used as a neighborhood church, one of 40 in
Acre that are mentioned during the 13th century. It is
the first time that a mudbrick floor has been discovered
in a Crusader building in the country. The artifacts,
mostly found in the septic pits, date between the late
12th and late 13th centuries CE. The artifacts include
many intact local and imported pottery vessels, glass
vessels, coins, fragments of stone molds (in which lead
was cast for the preparation of small bottles of the
type sold to Christian pilgrims), limestone molds (for
producing figurines in the image of a Crusader knight),
marble colonettes, various clothing accessories made
of copper, jewelry, weights, nails, and arrowheads.
Note
1 All the excavations described in this article were conducted on behalf of the Israel Antiquities Authority.
Eliezer Stern and Hanaa Abu-Uqsa 47*

Fig. 50: View of the port. (Photo: E. Stern)
48* Adrian J. Boas

Daily Life in Frankish Acre
Adrian J. Boas University of Haifa
Cities, like people, become important for a variety of reasons, sometimes simply for being in the right place at the
right time or for other entirely fortuitous reasons. The success of Acre in the Crusader period was the outcome
of a number of factors, among these its location; possession of a fairly well-protected harbor; the decisive role
played in its capture by the Genoese fleet in 1104, with the resulting privileges granted to the Genoese and
subsequent grants to Venetians and Pisans; the fact that after 1187, with the loss of the hinterland including the
capital, Jerusalem, and the recovery of Acre in 1191, this port-city was the natural choice to replace Jerusalem
as administrative capital. The importance of Acre to the Kingdom of Jerusalem, the remarkable growth and
development of the city, and the resultant extensive historical and archaeological record combine to make it an
excellent source for the study of daily urban life in the Crusader period; in certain ways, it is even a better subject
for this topic than Jerusalem (Fig. 51).
As is usual in maritime cities, it was the presence of the port, more than any other institution in Frankish Acre,
that influenced daily life in the city (Fig. 50). International commerce and a large population of Italian merchants
Fig. 51: Map of Crusader Acre. (Drawing: K.M. Barry)
Adrian J. Boas 49*

Fig. 52: General view of the town. (Photo: E. Stern)
affected the physical appearance of the city, the design of many of its buildings, the types of administrative and
public institutions established, the language spoken by a large part of the population, the goods for sale and
used by the populace in their daily life, and endless other aspects of life in the city.
Population
We cannot at present estimate the size of the population of Frankish Acre. There are too many unknown
factors, such as continuing fluctuations resulting from changing conditions within the kingdom, the lack of exact
knowledge of the size of the city and the density of domestic construction within it, along with the existence of
a large number of part-time residents, including Italian merchants who spent half of the year in Italy and pilgrims
who resided in Acre for short periods following their arrival in the Holy Land and prior to their departure.
Pilgrims were already arriving in large numbers in Acre in the 12th century; the German pilgrim Theoderich
records some eighty pilgrim ships docked in the port in a single day in Easter week in 1169 (Theoderich of
Würzburg 1896: 60). Their presence was felt in the city throughout the Crusader period. Once they disembarked,
pilgrims sought hostels, obtained provisions, changed their money, and began the process of arranging their
passage to Jerusalem and other pilgrimage sites.
Acre developed with the cosmopolitan social make-up typical of an important maritime city. The three Italian
merchant communities of Genoa, Pisa, and Venice together represented one of the most powerful and prominent
social elements in the city during this period. Quite probably, Frankish Acre resembled a medieval Italian portcity
(Fig. 52). However, there were also merchants from Provençe and Catalonia, along with Franks, Oriental
Christians, a small Jewish community, and some Muslim merchants. Several religious orders were established in
the city, as were the five Military Orders, including, by the 13th century, the newly established Teutonic Order and
the English Order of Saint Thomas.
50* Adrian J. Boas

Layout and Development
We know little of the town that was occupied by the Franks in 1104. Sources describing the Fatimid town
are reticent although the 10th century geographer Mukaddasi briefly describes the fortifications and port
(Al-Muqaddasi 1886: 29-31). Archaeology has so far added only fragmentary information that seems to suggest
that the town was much smaller than the Crusader city, perhaps even smaller than Turkish Akko. Under the
Franks, Acre expanded north and east; as the recent study by Benjamin Kedar has shown, it extended almost as
far east as the ancient tell and some 700 meters north of the later Ottoman city wall (Kedar 1997: 157-180). Even
after Acre had expanded, the former northern wall of the city remained standing and served to divide the new
city (or faubourg), named Montmusard, from the old city to its south (Fig. 53). Within these two areas, which by
1212 were enclosed by new concentric fortifications, the city was divided by streets and sometimes by internal
fortifications into many small neighborhoods or quarters. On the periphery of the city there appear to have been
open areas and gardens (as was also the case in Jerusalem). As the population of the city swelled after 1191,
there was probably considerable encroachment into these areas.
Defenses and Their Influence on Life in the City
Our understanding of Acre’s defensive systems is still quite limited, more so than that of most other fortified
cities of the Latin East. This is due to the intensive efforts made by the Mamluk conquerors in 1291 to dismantle
the walls and also to the systematic removal, in the late 18th and early 19th centuries, of any surviving ruins
outside the new walls of Turkish Akko. We are required to rely mainly on 14th century maps and on the few
excavations that were carried out that exposed small sections of the walls and their outworks. These excavations
Fig. 53: Old northern Crusader period wall with Turkish wall above. (Photo: E. Stern)
Adrian J. Boas 51*

have exposed sections of the north-eastern outer and inner walls and moat and a possible section of the eastern
defenses (see Dothan 1976: 207-209; Druks 1984: 2-4; Eisenberg 1999, unpublished report; Hartal 1997: 3-30).
Churches, Monasteries, and Military Orders
Although Acre possessed no important pilgrim sites, it was the principal port of entry for pilgrims to the Holy
Land. This fact alone, along with the fact that pilgrims would, no doubt, stay in the city for at least a few days
or weeks to get their bearings before setting out for Jerusalem, accounts for the presence of a number of
churches in the city. Because Frankish Acre was a conglomeration of numerous ethnic and religious communities,
it possessed almost as many churches as Jerusalem. Each monastic and military order had its own church, the
Italian communities each had one or two churches, as did most other communities. A recent study gives the
number of churches in the city during the two centuries of Frankish rule at about 81 (Pringle 2009). The most
important of these was the Cathedral of the Holy Cross, which, like most of the churches in Acre, has long
vanished. Those that have survived, such as the Church of St. John the Baptist and the Church of St. Andrew, are
fragmentary at best and are better known to us from early illustrations than from architectural remains.
Communes, Markets, and Commercial Activity
Historical sources are also much more informative than archaeology with regard to commercial sites in Frankish
Acre. Archaeological research has uncovered the presence of a single covered street, which may have been
a market street. Starting at the Greek Church of St. George (which in the Crusader period was probably the
location of the Genoese church, St. Laurence), this street crosses the Genoese quarter from west to east and ends
at the town’s main suq, which was probably the border between the Genoese quarter and the Venetian quarter
to its east. The street was first recorded in the survey carried out by Alex Kesten in the early 1960s (Kesten 1962:
esp. Map 17). More recently, it was partly cleared by the Israel Antiquities Authority and tentatively identified
as a market street, possibly the Genoese Covered Street (ruga cooperta), based on its location and the shallow
recesses on either side that may have served for displaying goods for sale (Kedar and Stern 1995). What appears
to have been another covered market street is known only from early 20th century aerial photographs that
reveal surface remains near the shore, north of the Ottoman walls, in what had been the suburb of Montmusard
(Boas 1997: 181-186). Regarding actual commercial activity in Acre, the main contribution of archaeology to
our knowledge of this subject is the wealth of imported ceramics found in excavations in the town (Stern 2007).
Fig. 54: Ground floor storage vaults of a palace in the Pisan Quarter.
(Photo: A.J. Boas).
Housing
Houses in Frankish Acre ranged from grand palaces
to small merchant houses and even occasional reed
huts. The king and the royal court would at certain
times have taken up residence in Acre. After 1191,
with Jerusalem no longer in Frankish hands, the king
may have resided in the citadel that was located on
the old northern wall (as can be seen on 14th century
maps) or in other palatial residences in the city. The
Italian quarters and the quarters of the Military Orders
contained large palaces, and this was probably also the
case in other quarters, such as that of the Patriarch.
52* Adrian J. Boas

Of all the archaeological evidence of the Crusader period in Acre, domestic buildings constitute the most
numerous architectural remains (Fig. 54). In this aspect, Acre differs greatly from Jerusalem, which retains very
little evidence of 12th century housing and consequently of the daily life of the Frankish residents (houses being
more informative on aspects of daily life than is any other type of architecture). The large number of medieval
houses of which substantial remains survive and the cosmopolitan make-up of the city’s population have resulted
in a great variety of house types. Domestic architecture in Acre was influenced by the available building materials;
urban conditions, such as population density, water supply, and sanitary conditions; location of industries; and
the presence of the port. An additional influence was the existence of large organizations, such as the merchant
communes and the Military Orders, which had to cater for the needs of the large seasonal population of pilgrims
who arrived at certain times of the year and remained in the city only for short periods. Since merchants, too,
were often seasonal residents, arriving in Acre in the late summer passagium (the time of the year when sea
passage was comparatively safe) and returning in the spring, many communal houses had rooms or apartments
that were rented out for limited periods.
Houses in Acre included European-type, elongated merchant houses, with narrow shop fronts facing the street
and sometimes a small internal open courtyard, and residential rooms at the back. Closed off from the street,
there were also large, Eastern-type courtyard houses, which one entered via narrow, winding passageways into
the courtyard and from there into the rooms. In the merchant commune quarters, houses were sometimes large,
three or four-story buildings, with spacious ground-floor storage halls and shops and rooms and apartments
for rent or sale on the upper floors. The design of these apartment buildings was much like that of the great
merchant palaces in the mother cities (Genoa, Venice, and Pisa). There were also occasional tower houses,
another architectural influence of Italy.
Environment: Sanitation, Pollution, and Urban Crowding
Archaeological excavations in parts of the city have revealed evidence of an organized system of sewage disposal.
It is possible that it was limited to the Hospitaller compound, but it may have been more extensive. Sewage from
the latrines in the Hospitaller compound ran off into a series of subterranean passages designed to facilitate its
clearance into the port. Not only the Hospitallers, but also butchers, fishmongers, and various urban industries
would have used the waters of the port to dispose of their waste. The name Lordemer (Filthy Sea), which was
applied at the time, seems to be a reference to the polluted water of the harbor (Jacoby 1993).
As noted, the periphery within the walls of the city seems to have comprised open spaces, fields, and gardens,
which may have been used for open markets, small industries, and market gardens, and perhaps also for
cemeteries. As the population of the city increased, these open areas would have become increasingly encroached
upon by public and domestic building.
Manufacture and Industry in Acre
We can assume that all the usual urban industries were to be found in Acre. Ironsmiths and probably goldsmiths
and silversmiths would have resided and worked in the city. The city had a mint, indeed the principal mint of
the kingdom, that produced the gold bezants (bizantii acconitani), as well as lesser denominations, bearing the
inscription, “struck in Acre,” in Arabic script (Malloy, Fraley-Preston, and Seltman 1994: 38-39; Jacoby 1986:
426-427). A sugar refinery was located, probably, outside the walls, and soap was manufactured in Acre (Jacoby
1986: 424-425). Glass vessels and ceramics were produced in the region, and workshops were possibly located
in the city, as well (Fig. 55). A workshop manufacturing small lead ampullae (vessels for holy water or oil)
Adrian J. Boas 53*

Fig. 55: Crusader ceramics from the German Quarter. (Photo: A.J. Boaz)
was excavated in the area east of the Hospitaller Quarter (Syon 1999: 12). Workshops in Acre manufactured
other keepsake items for pilgrims, but also works of fine art, such as icons, which were possibly produced in
St. Catherine’s monastery (Folda 2005: 307). There is no direct evidence for the manufacture of architectural
sculpture such as there appears to be in Jerusalem, but one can assume that there would have been an atelier
in such a large city with many important monumental buildings. There is evidence of a scriptorium producing
illuminated manuscripts (Folda 1976).
Hospitals, Disease, Death, and Burial
Hospitals, some intended for the actual treatment of disease, were established by the Military Orders. The
Hospitallers ran the most important of these institutions, but there were also the hospitals under the auspices of
the German Teutonic knights and the English Order of St. Thomas. The leper hospital of St. Lazarus was located
at the far northern end of Montmusard. Probably a leper colony had existed there, as it was well away from the
city until the neighbourhood expanded to that point in the late twelfth or early 13th century, from which time it
came within the city walls. There are contemporary references to a number of cemeteries in the city; one of them,
the cemetery of St. Nicholas, is depicted together with its chapel on the 13th century map of Matthew Paris.
54* Adrian J. Boas

Ceramics as a Reflection of Maritime
Commercial Activity at Crusader Acre
Edna J. Stern Israel Antiquities Authority
Introduction
A large variety of Crusader period ceramics have been unearthed during large-scale excavations carried out by the
Israel Antiquities Authority (IAA) at various sites in Acre since the early 1990s. These archaeological excavations
have revealed different parts of the Crusader city of Acre, which was a thriving commercial center after the
Crusader conquest of the Holy Land in 1104. With the fall of Jerusalem in 1187, Acre became the capital of the
Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem and its principal harbor. In the 13th century, Acre’s port was one of the busiest
in the Frankish East and played an important role in the maritime trade with Europe, the Muslim states, and the
Byzantine Empire until the fall of the Crusader Kingdom in 1291.
Two large archaeological excavations, those conducted at the Hospitaller compound and at the Knights Hotel
(Syon and Tatcher 1998; Syon and Tacher 2000; Stern 2002; Stern 2006; Stern and Syon Forthcoming), in
addition to numerous smaller excavations, revealed a variety of public and domestic buildings, shops, and streets.
The many pottery types uncovered, intended for storing, preparing, cooking, and serving food, reflect the
ceramics in use by a cross-section of the population of Crusader Acre. The preservation of many of the ceramic
vessels unearthed in these excavations was extraordinarily good; many vessels were whole or nearly whole. The
large variety of ceramic types, combined with the high degree of preservation that facilitated the identification
of the origin of the wares, is uncommon at other medieval Mediterranean port sites. Another outstanding
feature of this assemblage was the wide range of ceramic ware imported from many regions throughout the
Mediterranean, including artifacts from the western Mediterranean that were not previously identified in Israel.
Such large-scale importation of ceramics into the Holy Land did not exist during the previous Fatimid period or
during the subsequent Mamluk period. This phenomenon is unique to the time period of the Frankish presence
in Acre. Therefore, the ceramic record from Acre makes it ideal for studying the trade and distribution of ceramics
in the Mediterranean in the 12th and 13th centuries (Stern 2007; Stern in press).
Fig. 56: "Acre Ware"; simple, unglazed wares produced in Acre.
(Photo: H. Smithline; courtesy of IAA)
Fig. 57: Cooking wares and glazed bowls produced in Beirut.
(Photo: H. Smithline; courtesy of IAA)
Edna J. Stern 55*

The Pottery Assemblage at Acre
The Crusader-period pottery assemblage found in the excavations at Acre is diverse, containing a variety of local
and imported types dating to the period of Frankish rule (12th-13th centuries). The local pottery includes two
main groups. The first consists of simple, unglazed pottery that seems to have been produced in Acre itself,
based on chemical and petrographic analyses (Fig. 56). The majority of this group of vessels mainly belongs to the
“Acre Bowl” type: they are open, hemispherical, and have a short ledge rim and a flat base. Additional shapes
in this group include plates, basins, and other closed forms. “Acre ware” in fact comprises most of the ceramic
assemblage. The second group consists of various glazed and unglazed ware, characterized by a red fabric. These
include cooking ware, glazed bowls decorated in various techniques, oil lamps, and closed vessels (Fig. 57). This
group of pottery seems to have been produced in Beirut, where they are found in abundance, and as indicated
by chemical and petrographic analysis (Stern and Waksman 2003; Waksman et al. 2008; Stern in press). Minor
pottery groups produced at other sites in northern Israel and southern Lebanon were found, as well. Although
the pottery manufactured in Beirut and its vicinity was most likely brought to Acre in ships, it is considered local,
since Beirut was part of the Crusader Kingdom during the period under discussion.
In addition to the local ware,
ceramics imported from a wide
range of regions throughout the
Mediterranean were also found (Fig.
58). These imported vessels, the
majority of which are glazed bowls,
account for some 30% of the entire
pottery assemblage. Pottery was
imported to Acre from Syria (Port St.
Symeon Ware; Fig. 59), Asia Minor,
Cyprus (Paphos-Lemba ware; Fig.
60), Greece (Fine Byzantine ware
and Aegean Ware), northern Italy,
southern Italy, and Sicily (Protomaiolica;
Fig. 61), southern France
Fig. 58: Imported glazed bowls from a wide range of Mediterranean regions.
(Photo: H. Smithline; courtesy of IAA)
(Fig. 62), Catalonia in Spain, and
North Africa (Blue and Manganese ware), as well as from beyond the Mediterranean, including China (Celadon;
Fig. 63). The origin of the imported pottery types was determined by typological and analytical studies (Avissar
and Stern 2005: 40-80; Stern and Waksman 2003; Stern 2007: 33-40; Stern in press). The imported pottery
represents a variety of shapes, but the most common forms were glazed bowls and plates (84.7% of all the
imported ware); less common were cooking vessels (11.1%) and transport amphorae (4.2%).
Ceramic Trade and Distribution in the Medieval Mediterranean
Archaeological excavations at coastal sites under Frankish control (in present-day Israel, Lebanon, Syria, and
Cyprus) have revealed similar ceramic assemblages that include many imported types, indicating the existence of
an intensive distribution system along the shores of the eastern Mediterranean during the Crusader period (Pringle
1986). In addition, pottery imported from the eastern Mediterranean was found in western Mediterranean ports
that were active in the trade with the Levant and that served as ports of call for the main maritime powers of the
56* Edna J. Stern

time (for example, Venice: Saccardo 1998; Marseilles:
Marchesi and Vallauri 1997: 57-92; and see also Stern
2007: 205-210). This east-west trade apparently
occurred because of a new maritime trade pattern
that developed between western Mediterranean ports
and the Frankish ports in the eastern Mediterranean
coinciding with the establishment of the Crusader
states. The maritime technology of the period
necessitated stopping at various ports along the way
and, as a consequence, these ports developed and
flourished. The Italian merchants, predominantly
those from Genoa, Pisa, and Venice, who assisted the
crusading armies in capturing the coastal cities of the
Holy Land, constituted the main parties involved in this
trade network. During the 13th century, merchants
from southern France and Catalonia joined in the
new commercial activity. It is noteworthy that some
historians have described this period as an age of
“commercial revolution.”
Over time, Latin merchants became more daring
in their commercial ventures and developed more
sophisticated business techniques that allowed these
cities to dominate maritime transportation in the
Mediterranean and also a large part of the Levantine
trade. In addition, ships during this period increased
in size and quality as a result of technological leaps
in navigation. Innovations included the invention of
the mariner's compass and the production of more
sophisticated nautical charts, tables, and maps,
thereby greatly improving the Mediterranean sailing
routes. The result was a reduction in shipping costs and
a rise in the number of ships sailing between Europe
and the eastern Mediterranean. Maritime trade now
consisted of long-distance trade between the Levant
and Europe, which, although it had existed before the
Crusades, increased in volume; mid-distance maritime
trade, which connected the Levant, Egypt, and the
Byzantine Empire; and local maritime trade, which
was characterized by ships plying the length of the
Levantine coast from Asia Minor to Egypt and buying
and selling merchandise in various ports along the way
(Jacoby 1998; Stern 2007: 72-74).
Fig. 59: Port St. Symeon ware (Northern Syria).
(Photo: M. Salzberger; courtesy of IAA)
Fig. 60: Paphos-Lemba ware (Cyprus).
(Photo: M. Salzberger; courtesy of IAA)
Fig. 61: Proto-maiolica ware (Southern Italy and Sicily).
(Photo: M. Salzberger; courtesy of IAA)
Edna J. Stern 57*

As found in various underwater excavations and
surveys, Mediterranean shipwrecks dating to the 12th
and 13th centuries that contained pottery cargoes of
the same types imported into Acre illustrate the trade
and distribution of ceramics. Each ship carried either
quantities of homogeneous types of pottery, usually
amphora or glazed bowls, or a cargo of ceramics from
different manufacturing centers (Stern 2007: 40-47).
At this point, it is necessary to confront the question
why large quantities of ceramics were exported to
Acre from such a wide range of provenances? In order
to attempt to answer this, numerous contemporary
written sources were surveyed. Pottery, when
mentioned, appeared only rarely in these texts and
Fig. 62: Cooking vessel from southern France.
then usually referred to incidentally in discussions
(Photo: M. Salzberger; courtesy of IAA)
of more expensive or important goods or in a list
of merchandise. In fact, these sources on their own
would indicate that ceramics did not constitute one
of the main commodities traded during the crusader
period (Stern 2007: 47-54). For this reason, other
sources of information to answer the question have
been sought, including modern interpretations of
Hellenistic and Roman maritime trade in ceramics—a
period that witnessed a peak in maritime pottery
distribution – and evidence from ethnographic studies
of Mediterranean maritime pottery trade in the Early
Modern period. In the past, scholars have suggested
Fig. 63: Chinese Celadon. (Photo: M. Salzberger; courtesy of IAA)
that Hellenistic and Roman pottery, in addition to its
function as a container for the export of foodstuffs,
was exported by sea because of its high value. Currently, however, scholars prefer to see pottery as a low-value
product, exported by sea along with other, more valuable commodities and possibly serving as “‘space fillers”
or “profitable/salable ballast” (Stern 2007: 55-57). Ethnographic studies have shown that all forms of ceramics
were shipped to destinations both far and near. The research also reveals that ceramics were transported as a
consequence of consumer demand, as well as an exchange commodity or as a money-making sideline by ship
masters or crews (Stern 2007: 57-60). The issue of ballast, mentioned above, was further investigated. Ballast
is a heavy object that provided ships with greater stability and better maneuverability, and the antiquity of this
practice is attested to by Mediterranean shipwrecks from the Late Bronze period onwards. Eventually it was
realized that if a ship was able to take on goods that were heavy but did not take up much space, two goals could
be achieved at once: a well-ballasted ship and a profit from selling the goods serving as ballast, or what has been
defined as “salable ballast” (Parker 1992: 91-92; McGrail 1989: 357). In fact, Venetian lists of maritime freight
charges and Genoese marine contracts classified cargo into light and heavy goods. The latter were called merces
de savurra, which literally means ‘ballast goods‘ (Dotson 1982: 56-59; Stern 2007: 92-93).
58* Edna J. Stern

Conclusions
The excavations at Acre have revealed a large quantity of well-preserved pottery. The study of these artifacts has
shown that, along with the locally produced ware, there was much imported pottery, mainly open forms. Similar
pottery assemblages were recovered at other major ports throughout the Mediterranean.
Contemporary written sources on maritime ceramic trade show that ceramics were not among the main
commodities traded in the Crusader period. Rather, they were distributed mainly as a luxury item. However, since
they are found in large quantities in excavations in Acre and in other major port cities around the Mediterranean,
it has been theorized that other reasons could account for such assemblages, which originate in various regions
and which bear similarity in Levantine and other Mediterranean ports.
There seems to be a clear correlation between the production regions that exported pottery to Acre, the major
ports active during this period, and the main 13th century Mediterranean sailing routes (Fig. 64). Therefore, it
is suggested that the sailing routes were one of the most important factors that influenced the distribution of
pottery throughout the Mediterranean. This conclusion derives from the fact that the pottery imported into Acre
consisted of glazed table ware, mainly plates and bowls. Traded in large quantities, these vessels came in shapes
that could easily be packed. Once densely packed, they were quite heavy and undoubtedly served mainly as
salable ballast or space fillers. The sale of the glazed tableware could also have provided extra income along the
route for the merchants, ship masters, or seafarers.
With the establishment of the Latin states in the eastern Mediterranean and the new Mediterranean maritime
trade pattern that developed thereafter, greater numbers of ships began sailing between the ports and along the
coasts of these regions. It has been demonstrated with a high degree of certainty that the pottery arriving in Acre
and other Mediterranean sites was not brought because of its intrinsic value nor was it related to the origin of the
European settlers in Acre. Rather, it was transported and distributed, along with other items, by ships involved in
short and long-distance trade to and among the main port cities as a consequence of that trade.
The geographical origins of the many ceramic wares bear silent testimony to Acre's maritime commercial
activity in the 12th and mainly 13th centuries and to the many ships that frequented its port. It also reflects the
cosmopolitan character of Acre during the Crusader period. The great quantities of imported ceramics reflect the
numerous ships that sailed the Mediterranean during this period.
Genoa
Marseille
Barcelona
Venice
Brindisi
Istanbul
Ganos
Troy
Tunis Gela Corinth
Kinet
al-Mina
Paphos
Beirut
Acre
Alexandria
Fig. 64: Map of the pottery production regions, the major ports and the main 13th century Mediterranean
sailing routes. (Drawing: H. Tahan; courtesy of IAA)
Edna J. Stern 59*

Fig. 65a: Plan of the Knights Hospitaller Compound. (Documentation: R. Kislev)
60* Yael Fuhrmann-Na'aman

Conservation of the
Knights Hospitaller Compound
Yael Fuhrmann-Na'aman Israel Antiquities Authority
As seen through UNESCO’s World Heritage lens, Old Akko (Acre, Akka) shows us the city’s present cultural
significance: it preserves substantial remains of medieval Crusader buildings beneath the existing fortified
Moslem town, which dates to the 18th and 19th centuries; these remains provide an exceptional picture of the
layout and the structures of the Crusader city, which was the capital of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem in
the 13th century; and the city is also an important example of a walled Ottoman town, with such well-preserved,
typical urban components as a citadel, mosques, khans, and baths, which are partly built on top of the underlying
Crusader remains. These features were cited as justification for declaring Old Akko a World Heritage city in 2001;
they are manifested in the best possible way in Akko's Citadel (Figs. 65a-b).
In the early 1990s, the structural condition of the Hall of Pillars in the Knights Hospitaller Compound became
unstable. This became apparent when cracks started to appear in the vaults in the hall, and soil and mortar fell
from the vault’s core into the hall below. In the wake of engineering measures that were implemented to save
the hall, the Old Akko Development Company decided to proceed with the conservation and development of
the underground complex for tourism. This decision resulted in an extensive archaeological excavation (Fig. 66),
which was conducted by the Israel Antiquities Authority and underwritten by the Ministry of Tourism from 1992
to 1999. Most of the Knights Hospitaller Compound was exposed during this excavation. The streets east and
Fig. 65b: Sections A-A, B-B,0 based on measurements. (Courtesy of architect A. Avrahami)
Yael Fuhrmann-Na'aman 61*

Fig. 66: General view to the southeast, toward the prison courtyard
in 1992, when the removal of earth from the central courtyard began
and the Hall of Pillars was exposed. (Courtesy of A. Gil‘ad)
Fig. 67: Hall of Pillars, looking east. The western entrance from the
central courtyard is on the left, and the service elevator is on the right.
The conservation measures implemented on the three pillars in the
center of the hall are evident in the steel straps, the completion of
stonework, and the mortar. (Photo: Y. Fuhrmann-Na’aman)
south of the compound were also excavated, and an excavation was carried out in the Church of Saint John,
which is located just to the southeast of the compound. The archaeological excavation of the Crusader remains
and the exposure of a multi-period complex reveal exactly how the built-up area of the city took shape during its
two golden ages – the 13th century and the 18th-19th centuries.
The compound, parts of which were uncovered and treated in the 1950s and 1960s, was exposed in its full might
and magnificence in the 1990s. The funding allocated by the government for the development of Akko facilitated
the excavation work, which entailed removing layers of soil fill to a depth of 14 meters, and the conservation
of the compound. The engineering solutions, documentation, and professional work involved in conserving the
buildings were an inseparable part of both the archaeological activity and tourism development (Fig. 67).
The remains of the Crusader halls at ground level extend across an area of about 8,300 square meters. They
function as a single constructive complex; that is to say, there are mutual structural ties that exist between them.
The Ottoman structure, which was built on top of the Crusader remains (Fig. 68), created loads that were not
suitable to the earlier construction. This, in turn, compromised the structural scheme of the Crusader system and
contributed to the processes of deterioration and the destruction of structural components. The engineering
solution to these problems was to create a constructive separation between the Crusader and Ottoman structures.
Fig. 68: The central courtyard after being exposed, looking toward
the southeastern corner. The structural elements are seen to be falling
apart. (Courtesy of A. Gil‘ad)
Of all the halls in the Knights Hospitaller Compound,
the Hall of Pillars received the most intensive
conservation intervention. The hall’s remains suffered
from acute stone deterioration; crushed and cracked,
they were falling apart. With the loss of the building’s
static scheme, the existence of the hall itself was in
danger, a situation that also threatened the stability of
the Ottoman building above and that of the structures
adjacent to it. The condition of the halls called for
immediate and serious intervention.
62* Yael Fuhrmann-Na'aman

The consequent intervention in the hall entailed a broad spectrum of conservation treatments, including
stabilization, restoration, and reconstruction; for example:
• The conservation of the vaults included cleaning and grouting of lime-based mortar into cracks and voids.
• In several panel walls, measures were taken to conserve the original material and complete the missing mortar;
in other cases, the wall cores were reinforced with fieldstone and mortar (debesh).
• The field pillars were stabilized utilizing modern materials. In contrast, the constructive function of the end
pillars was restored using the original technology. Most of the intervention in the latter case involved the use
of stone and lime-based mortar.
• In a number of places where stones were missing, the void was filled by anchoring new stones to the original
stonework by means of fiberglass pins.
• The stone dressing for the restoration of the stonework was done using Crusader technology. In order to
achieve results that resemble the original stonework, the stones were manually dressed, employing a slightly
diagonal dressing technique, during the final stages of preparation by means of flat tools, such as an axe and
chisels.
The conservation approach adopted for the Knights Hospitaller Compound was intended to produce noticeable
intervention, defining the new work from the original remains (Fig. 69). From an architectural standpoint, the
intervention created a variety of new situations. The restoration activity created a gap in the height of the
Fig. 69: The Northern Hall, looking east. The stonework was completed utilizing a variety of technologies.
(Photo: H. Smithline).
Yael Fuhrmann-Na'aman 63*

Fig. 70: Hall of Pillars, the end pillars on the eastern side of the hall, looking toward the south during the conservation and restoration work.
(Photo: Y. Fuhrmann-Na’aman)
stone surface between the original stone that had deteriorated and the new stone that was installed alongside
it. The juxtaposition of original and new building materials in the structure created a visual dissonance that is
sometimes too contrasting. The restoration of the end pillars in the Hall of Pillars created a large mass of new
stone compared to the original stone mass (Fig. 70). With regard to the pillars that could be stabilized just
through conservation and without replacing the stone, the results underscore the ravages of time and present
the deterioration of the material.
64* Yael Fuhrmann-Na'aman

Fig. 71: Hall of Pillars, looking northeast. Different levels of intervention and various solutions were employed in the conservation and rehabilitation
of the hall. (Photo: Y. Fuhrmann-Na’aman)
The physical condition of the components in the Knights Hospitaller Compound dictated a variety of intervention
levels by the Israel Antiquities Authority’s Conservation Department, in addition to providing it with ample
opportunities for learning conservation processes and methods. After 18 years of work in the Knights Hospitaller
Compound utilizing both traditional and modern technologies, we can now see there a wide assortment of
interventions that provided a response for the conservation of this historic monument and its presentation to
visitors (Fig. 71).
Yael Fuhrmann-Na'aman 65*

66* Danny Syon
Fig. 72: Bronze colonial issue for Aquilia Severa, wife of Elagabalus (minted c. 220-221 CE).
Obverse: Draped bust of Aquilia Severa r. Around: IVL AQVILIA SEVERA AV.
Reverse: A complex portable shrine consisting of a tetrastyle temple over a hexastyle
structure. In the central arch, a statue of Tyche to left, crowned by a figure of Nike on a
column behind her; to left, statue of Perseus holding the head of Medusa; to right, statue
of Athena; below, hexastyle portico with a central arch occupied by a statue of Zeus and
with other statues. The portico rests on a series of semi-circular arches. Probably unique.
(Photo courtesy of LHS Numismatik)

The Mint of Akko through the Ages
Danny Syon Israel Antiquities Authority
One of the privileges of a great city in antiquity was the minting of coins. Often this was done for the ruling
power, but in certain periods cities minted in their own names and for their own benefit. Even when the coins
were minted for the ruler, the city was usually identified on the coins, and this is how its minting history can be
traced. Akko, though not the most prolific mint in the southern Levant – that title no doubt belongs to Tyre –
was certainly among the longest producing mints, one of the most varied, and a mint that could count several
superlatives in its minting history. In fact, the mint of Akko has – with some breaks – a 1,500 year history. Coins
are miniature historical documents reflecting persons, places, and events at the time a coin was struck. As such,
they can shed light on subjects that are too mundane to have occupied ancient historians, yet are priceless for
the modern historian.
The Alexandrine Period
Some coins of the Persian period (6th-4th centuries BCE) were once thought to have been minted in Akko, but
today it is almost certain that the city's minting started with Alexander the Great. This ruler effectively created
a new coinage that became accepted as the universal currency throughout Alexander’s empire and the western
Mediterranean. This was especially true of the silver tetradrachms, known today simply as “Alexanders,” which
became so popular that they were minted in huge quantities and imitated long after Alexander's death in 323
BCE. Akko was the first city in the southern Levant to mint coinage in the name of Alexander; Sidon followed
suit. Both gold staters (Fig. 73) and silver tetradrachms (Fig. 74) were minted in Akko. Although the style and
artistic level of the Akko mint is not considered among the finest, its importance lies in that it produced (along
with Sidon) the only dated coins at the time. The dates range from “year 20” to “year 39” according to an
era beginning in 346/5 BCE; that is, from 327 to 308/7 BCE, or after Alexander’s death. The coins bear the
abbreviated name of Akko in Phoenician letters: åO.
The Ptolemaic Period
After the upheavals caused by the splitting up of Alexander’s empire among his heirs (the diadochoi), Akko
became part of the Ptolemaic kingdom, centered in Egypt, sometime toward the end of Ptolemy I's reign
(305-286 BCE). Minting resumed in Akko under Ptolemy II, who named the port-city Ptolemais, in honor of
his father, Ptolemy I, the founder of the dynasty. Gold (Fig. 75), silver (Fig. 76), and bronze (Fig. 77) coins were
Fig. 73: Gold stater of Alexander the Great (posthumous issue).
Obverse: Head of Athena with Corinthian helmet. Reverse: Nike
advancing left. At right, ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ. At left, åO (‘AK) and date
30 (317/6 BCE). (Photo courtesy of Goldberg Coins)
Fig. 74: Silver tetradrachm of Alexander the Great (c. 330-327
BCE). Obverse: Head of Herakles with lion's skin. Reverse: Zeus
Aetophoros with sceptre seated on throne and holding an eagle on
his out-stretched hand. At right, ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ (of Alexander). At
left, åO (‘AK). (Photo courtesy of Goldberg Coins)
Danny Syon 67*

Fig. 75: Gold octodrachm of Ptolemy III (246-221 BCE). Year 6
(242/241 BCE). Obverse: Diademed and veiled head of Arsinöe
II, with lotus-tipped sceptre over her shoulder. Reverse: Double
cornucopiae with fruit, bound with fillet. ΑΡΣΙΝΟΗΣ ΦΙΛΑΔΕΛΦΟΥ
(of Arsinöe philadelphos). At left, mintmark of Akko: Ô.
(Photo courtesy of Classical Numismatics Group Inc.)
Fig. 76: Silver tetradrachm of Ptolemy III (246-222 BCE).
Obverse: Head of Ptolemy I, with diadem and aegis around his
neck. Reverse: Eagle with closed wings standing to the left on
a thunderbolt. Around: ΠΤΟΛΕΜΑΙΟΥ ΣΩΤΗΡΟΣ (of Ptolemy the
savior). At left, mintmark of Akko: V; at right, ligature of the name
of a mint official.
(Photo courtesy of Classical Numismatics Group Inc.)
Fig. 77: Bronze of Ptolemy II (285-246 BCE). Obverse: Head of
Zeus. Reverse: Eagle with closed wings standing to the left on a
thunderbolt; behind its wings are double cornucopia. Around:
ΠΤΟΛΕΜΑΙΟΥ BAΣΙΛΕΩΣ (of King Ptolemy). At left, mintmark of
Akko: 1. (Photo courtesy of Classical Numismatics Group Inc.)
Fig. 78: Attic weight silver tetradrachm of Seleucus IV (187-175
BCE). Obverse: Diademed head of Seleucus. Reverse: Nude Apollo
seated left on omphalos, leaning on a bow, and holding an arrow.
At right and left, ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΣΕΛΕΥΚΟΥ (of king Seleucus). At left, a
palm branch, mintmark of Akko. Below Apollo’s arm: J (ligature
of a mint official’s name). (Photo courtesy of Oliver Hoover and the
American Numismatic Society)
minted in Akko, however, as minting took place only
for a short duration under both Ptolemy II and Ptolemy
III (261-242 BCE). The Ptolemaic monetary system
was a closed one, and the coin types were rather
monotonous. Thus, the coins minted in Akko were
practically identical to those minted in any number of
Ptolemaic mints and differed only in the mintmark V,
which is a ligature of the Greek letters ΠTO, the first
letters of Ptolemais.
The Seleucid Period (Figs. 78-83)
Following the battle of Paneion (200 BCE), the
Seleucid dynasty, another contender to Alexander’s
heritage, took control of Phoenicia and, of course,
Akko. Although the name Ptolemais remained, the
city was also referred to as Aké. Royal Seleucid coins
were minted in the city from the very beginning of
the Seleucid rule until the late 2nd century BCE. The
bronze types were numerous, and until the end of
the reign of Antiochus IV (175-164 BCE), this mint
was responsible for practically all the bronze currency
needs of Palestine (Fig 79).
Although the silver standard in the Seleucid kingdom
– and in most of the Hellenistic world – was the Attic
weight of c. 17 grams (Figs. 78, 80, 82), many mints in
Phoenicia minted mostly, but not exclusively, according
to the Ptolemaic standard of c. 14 grams (Fig 81).
It is the only known example of a kingdom that
concurrently struck precious metal coins based on two
different standards, the reason being the economic
benefits gained through trade with Egypt. Akko was
the first mint to introduce the Ptolemaic standard
under Antiochus V (164-162 BCE). It also minted some
unusual gold coins with Ptolemaic connections: first
under Alexander Balas (152-145 BCE), who rose to
power with Ptolemaic help and married the Egyptian
princess Kleopatra Thea, and later when the same
Kleopatra married Antiochus VIII and ruled jointly with
him in Akko from 125-121 BCE.
Concurrently with the minting of royal coins that for
the most part carried the portrait of the king on the
obverse, Akko also produced a local civic coinage under
68* Danny Syon

Antiochus IV that bore the heads of the dioskouroi on
the obverse and a cornucopia on the reverse (Fig. 83).
The attribution of Seleucid coins to mints is often
difficult and rests on long, tedious scholarship that
catalogued large quantities of coins from a known
provenance and on studies of style, symbols, dielinks,
and monograms. For Attic weight silver coins,
the mintmark of Akko was the palm branch and/or
a monogram known to represent a mint official of
this city. On the Phoenician weight silver coins, the
Akko mintmark often appears as the monogram
V or the abbreviation ΠΤΟ, as well as the date. The
civic coins carry an intriguing legend that has not yet
been satisfactorily explained: ΑΝΤΙΟΧΕΩΝ ΤΩΝ ΕΝ
ΠΤΟΛΕΜΑΙΔΙ, which roughly means “the Antiocheans
who are in Ptolemais.” Here the mint of Ptolemais is
clearly identified, but the identity of the “Antiocheans”
remains uncertain.
Civic and Autonomous Coinage
Long before the last royal Seleucid coin was struck in
Akko under Antiochus IX in 107/6 BCE, civic bronze
coins were back in production and signaled the
beginning of the most enigmatic period in the history
of this mint. The coins were produced sporadically,
occasionally adding titles to the city, but for some time
also acknowledging Seleucid supremacy by adding
the Seleucid date. Thus, the civic coins that under
Antiochus IV carried the legend "the Antiocheans
who are in Ptolemais" later had the epithet ieras
(holy) added to the inscription, and later still the title
asylou (inviolate) was added as well. The city probably
received these honors from the last Seleucid rulers,
who were constantly fighting each other and doing
their best to hold onto the fragments of the kingdom.
The Seleucid dates can be followed until c. 109 BCE,
when they disappear altogether. The coin types
minted are few: on the obverse appear the heads of
the dioskouroi or the bust of Apollo or Zeus, while the
reverse shows a lyre, cornucopia, Zeus, or Tyche, the
protector-goddess of cities. A single silver coin dated
112/1 BCE by the Seleucid era is considered by some
Fig. 79: Bronze of Antiochus IV (175-164 BCE). Obverse: Head of
Apollo. Reverse: Nude Apollo seated left on omphalos, leaning on
a bow, and holding an arrow. At right and left, ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΑΝΤΙΟΧΟΥ
(of King Antiochus). At left, a palm branch, mintmark of Akko.
Below: Δ. Serrated edge. (Photo courtesy of the IAA)
Fig. 80: Attic weight silver tetradrachm commemorating the
wedding of Alexander Balas with the Ptolemaic princess Kleopatra
Thea (150 BCE). Obverse: Jugate busts of Kleopatra Thea veiled,
diademed, wearing kalathos, cornucopia over her shoulder; and
Alexander, diademed. Behind: a. Reverse: Zeus Nikephoros seated
left, holding sceptre in his left; a small Nike, holding a thunderbolt
on his outstretched right hand stands facing. At right and left,
ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ ΘΕΟΠΑΤΟΡΟΣ ΕΥΕΡΓΕΤΟΥ (of King
Alexander theopator euergetes). (Photo courtesy of O. Hoover and
the American Numismatic Society)
Fig. 81: Ptolemaic weight silver tetradrachm of Alexander Balas
(151-146/5 BCE). Obverse: Diademed head of Alexander Balas.
Reverse: Eagle standing left on thunderbolt. Around: ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ
ΑΛΕΞΑΝΔΡΟΥ (of King Alexander). To right ΠΤΟ (Ptolemais). To left,
monogram and date ΒΞΡ (151/150 BCE).
(Photo courtesy of Classical Numismatics Group Inc.)
Danny Syon 69*

Fig. 82: Attic weight silver tetradrachm from the joint reign of
Antiochus VIII and Kleopatra Thea (125-121 BCE). Obverse: Jugate
heads of Kleopatra and Antiochus. Reverse: Zeus with sceptre
seated on throne, holding small Nike on his extended hand. To right
and left, ΒΑΣΙΛΙΣΣΗΣ ΚΛΕΟΠΑΤΡΑΣ ΘΕΑΣ ΚΑΙ ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΑΝΤΙΟΧΟΥ
(Queen Kleopatra Thea and King Antiochus). To left, monogram of a
magistrate known to have operated in Akko.
(Photo courtesy of Classical Numismatics Group Inc.)
Fig. 83: Bronze civic issue under Antiochus IV (c. 169-165 BCE).
Obverse: Jugate heads of the Dioskouroi with a star above each.
Reverse: Cornucopia with fruit. To right and left, ΑΝΤΙΟΧΕΩΝ ΤΩΝ ΕΝ
ΠΤΟΛΕΜΑΙΔΙ To l. monogram. Beveled edge.
(Photo courtesy of Goldberg Coins)
Fig. 84: Bronze civic issue under Mark Antony (d. 30 BCE). Obverse:
Bare head of Mark Antony r, in wreath. Reverse: Tyche, standing on
ship’s prow, holding tiller in her right and a cornucopia in her left. At
top left date, LIA (39/8 BCE). Inscription, starting on right and ending
with line under date: ΠΤΟ/ΛΕ/ΜΑ [ΕΩΝ ΙΕΡΑΣ] ΚΑΙ ΑΣΥ (ΛΟΥ).
(Photo courtesy of Goldberg Coins)
Fig. 85: Bronze Roman provincial issue under Claudius (41-54 CE).
Obverse: Head of Claudius r. Reverse: ΓEPMANI[ΕΩΝ[∙∙∙. Tyche, tiller
in her right and a cornucopia in her left. Date: L-Ч (41/2 CE).
(Gamla Excavations)
to be an autonomous issue, but this remains uncertain.
Sometime in the last years of the second or in the early
1st century BCE, a unique coin appeared, bearing a
legend composed of monograms and ligatures that
spell out ptolemaeon iera
autonomou: that is, “of
P
the people of Ptolemais the
holy and autonomous.”
The coin is dated “year nine” of an unknown era of
autonomy that Akko apparently received (or took?)
after the end of Seleucid rule.
In the following century and a half, coins were minted
that bore dates according to no fewer than four
different eras. Some eras are unknown, but others are
clear, such as a Caesarean era beginning in 49/8 BCE,
an era of Antony and Kleopatra beginning in 37/6
BCE (Fig. 84), and back to the Caesarean era after the
battle of Actium, in which Antony lost to Octavian
(31 BCE). In the course of this period, the legends
always named the city either explicitly (ptolemaidi,
ptolemaeon) or through the now familiar monogram
V and its derivatives. Strangely, in the last two decades
of the 1st century BCE, the ancient Semitic name AKH
(Aké) reappeared on a coin of an unusual type: it
shows Perseus holding the head of Medusa. Finally,
coins were minted in the last few years of the Roman
Emperor Claudius that bore the imperial portrait, but
were dated according to the Caesarean era (Fig. 85).
The Colonial Period
The city of Akko was granted the status of a Roman
colony probably in the year 53 or 54 CE, either in the
last year of Claudius’ reign or the first year of Nero’s.
The most obvious change in the coinage was the use
of Latin instead of Greek for the legends. The most
frequent legend on the colonial coinage is COL PTOL,
short for colonia Ptolemais, but variants do exist. One
of the earliest coins depicts the ceremonial founding
of the colony (sulcus primigenius), showing the
“founder” behind an ox and cow (Fig. 86). In this
case, the scene bears an additional motif that relates
to contemporaneous events: it carries the standards of
four of the Roman legions that took part in quelling the
70* Danny Syon

Jewish Revolt in Judea. Opinions differ as to the exact
numbers appearing on the standards, but it is clear
that the coin was minted in 66 CE to commemorate
the arrival of the Roman general Vespasian in Akko,
which formed his first base of operations.
This period (53-54 to c. 268 CE) is certainly the most
prolific in terms of the huge variety of types and
subjects, some unique and others surprising, depicted
on the coinage. In fact, the coins of this period are
practically the only historical source to shed light on
the physical reality of Roman Akko, as archaeology
lags far behind. The coins of this period inform us
about the temples, holy places, landmarks, and gods
worshipped by the citizens, as well as about both
mythological themes and objects of civic pride (Figs.
72, 87-91). Some of the more enigmatic types include
a temple surrounded by a zodiac (Fig. 92), a human
foot (Fig. 93), a sacred tree, and mysterious deities. All
together, some 50 coin types are known today, and
unknown varieties still turn up with some regularity;
some were popular for many years during that period,
and others ephemeral. The coins are not dated, but
can be placed in the reign of the emperor whose
portrait appears on the obverse. During some reigns,
especially that of Elagabal (218-222 CE), the number
of types increased dramatically.
Akko was one of hundreds of cities in the Roman
provinces that minted civic coins. In the mid 3rd century
CE, however, inflation reached such proportions
that local minting became too expensive and cities
gradually stopped producing their own coins. The last
city coins were struck under Gallienus (253-268 CE),
and Akko has the distinction that it was the very last.
The Early Islamic Period
No coins were minted in Akko during the Byzantine
period. Following a ’dry period’ of about 450 years, a
small number of bronze coins were minted in the city
under the Umayyad dynasty about the year 700, when
Akko was called Akka and considered of secondary
importance in the Urdunn (Jordan) district. The coins
are not dated, but the mint name عكا appears clearly
(Fig. 94).
Fig. 86: Bronze colonial issue under Nero (54-68 CE).
Obverse: Laureate head of Nero r. In front star and crescent. Around:
IMP NER[∙∙∙ Reverse: ‘Founder’ ploughing with a cow and an ox.
Behind: the vexilla of four Roman legions (illegible). Around: DIVOS
CLA[∙∙∙ Between the vexilla: COL CL.
(Photo courtesy of Classical Numismatics Group Inc.)
Fig. 87: Bronze colonial issue under Trajan (98-117 CE).
Obverse: Laureate head of Trajan r. Around: IMP CAES NER TRAIANO
OPT AVG GERM[∙∙∙ Reverse: Tyche, with turreted crown, sitting on a
pile of rocks, holding a branch. At her feet, the river-god Belus reaches
out. COL PTOL. (Photo courtesy of Classical Numismatics Group Inc.)
Fig. 88: Bronze colonial issue under Septimius Severus (193-211
CE). Obverse: Laureate and draped bust of Septimius Severus. The
inscription is illegible. Reverse: Winged Thunderbolt. Above and
below, COL PTOL (Photo courtesy of Classical Numismatics Group Inc.)
Fig. 89: Bronze colonial issue for Iulia Maesa, sister-in-law of Septimius
Severus (165-224 CE), minted between 218-222 CE.
Obverse: Draped bust of Iulia Maesa r. Around: IVLIA MAESA AVGV
(M in Maesa inverted). Reverse: Portable shrine containing a statue
of Zeus Heliopolites. Around: COLO PTLOE.
(Photo courtesy of LHS Numismatik)
Danny Syon 71*

Fig. 90: Bronze colonial issue for Aquilia Severa, wife of Elagabalus
(minted c. 220-221 CE). Obverse: Draped bust of Aquilia Severa
r. Around: IVL AQVILIA SEVERA AV. Reverse: A complex portable
shrine consisting of a tetrastyle temple over a hexastyle structure. In
the central arch a statue of Tyche to left, crowned by a figure of Nike
on a column behind her; to left, statue of Perseus holding the head
of Medusa; to right, statue of Athena; below, hexastyle portico with
a central arch occupied by a statue of Zeus and with other statues.
The portico rests on a series of semi-circular arches. Probably unique.
(Photo courtesy of LHS Numismatik)
Fig. 91: Bronze colonial issue under Valerian (253-260 CE).
Obverse: Laureate bust right, shoulder covered by round shield.
Around: IMP CP LIC [VALERIANVS AVG]. Reverse: Hexastyle
temple. Within central arch, Tyche to left, crowned by Nike; below,
reclining river god Belus. Around: COL PTOL.
(Photo courtesy Goldberg Coins)
Fig. 92: Bronze colonial issue under Valerian (253-260 CE). Obverse:
Radiate, draped and cuirassed bust of Valerian right. Around: [IMP
CP] LIC VALERIANVS AVG. Reverse: Zodiac with Zeus-Heliopolites
standing in central temple. On both sides of the temple: COL PTOL.
(Photo courtesy Goldberg Coins)
Fig. 93: Bronze colonial issue for Salonina, wife of Gallienus (minted
c. 254-268 CE). Obverse: Bust of Salonina r. Around: CORNEL
SA[LONINA AVG]. Reverse: Human foot, on top thunderbolt; at
right, caduceus. Around: COL PTOL.
(Photo courtesy of David Hendin)
Fig. 94: Anonymous Umayyad bronze fals, c. 700 CE.
Obverse: ال اله \ اال اهلل \ وحده (There is no god except Allah alone).
Reverse: In center: محمد \ رسول \ اهلل (Mohammed is the messenger
of Allah.) Around: بسماهلل ضرب هذا الفلس بعكا (In the name of Allah,
this fals was struck in ‘Akka). (Oriental Coin Cabinet of the Friedrich-
Schiller-University, Jena, Inv. No. OMJ-310-A06)
Fig. 95: ‘Abbasid period cast bronze fals, issued by Ibrahim ibn
‏.ال اله ‏\اال اهلل وحده \ ال شريك له center: Humrān, 816 CE. Obverse: In
Around: ضرب هذا الفلس بعكا سنة ماتنى (Struck in ‘Akka, year (200
مما امر به االمير ابرهيم Around: محمد ‏\رسول \ اهلل center: Reverse: In
ān). (By the authority of the Emir Ibrahim ibn Humr بن حمران
(Tübingen University Collection, Inv. No. AL2F5)
Fig. 96: Fatimid gold dinar under Caliph al-Mustansir b'Illah, 1036
CE. Obverse: In center and around: religious passages from the
معد \ عبد اهلل وولىه \ االمام ابو متىم \ املستنصر center: Qoran. Reverse: In
abu- (the servant of god and his companions, the Imam باهلل \ عال
Tamim al-Mustansir b'Illah). Around: In the name of Allah, this
dinar was struck at ‘Akka, year seven and eighty and four hundred.
(Tübingen University Collection, Inv. No. CA9D2)
Fig. 97: Crusader gold bezant, imitation of a Fatimid dinar of al-
Amir, 12th or 13th century. The inscriptions are mostly faulty or plain
gibberish. (Oriental Coin Cabinet of the Friedrich-Schiller-University,
Jena, Inv. No. SB0174)
72* Danny Syon

Minting under the Abbasids (750-c. 950 CE) was
very brief. It apparently consisted of a single bronze
emission under a local administrator who is otherwise
unknown, Ibrahim ibn Humrān, in 816 CE (Fig. 95).
Fig. 98: Crusader silver, imitation of an Ayyubid dirham, 1251 CE.
Obverse: Cross in circle. Center: The Father and the Son. Around
(partly illegible): His is the glory forever, Amen. Reverse: Center:
and the Holy Ghost (In center, small Fleur de-lys). Around: One
Divinity. His is the glory forever, Amen. (Photo courtesy of the IAA)
Fig. 99: Crusader gold bezant with Christian legend in Arabic script,
1251-1258 CE. Obverse: Center: One God. Inner circle: + The
Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost. Outer circle (partly illegible):
Struck in ‘Akka, in the year one thousand two hundred one and fifty
of the incarnation of the Messiah. Reverse: Center: Cross. Around
(begins in outer, continues in inner circle: We are glorified by the
Cross of our Lord Jesus the Messiah from whom we receive our
salvation and life. (Akko Municipal Museum Collection)
Fig. 100: Copper pougeoise of Henry of Champagne, struck
c. 1192-1197 CE. Obverse: Cross patteé. Around: +COm‰S
H‰NRICVS. Reverse: Lily. Around: +PVG‰S D'ACCON.
(Tübingen University Collection, Inv. No. LI-117)
Under the Fatimids (950-1099 CE), gold dinars
(Fig. 96) and silver dirhams were minted in Akko under
the Imam al-Mustansir (1036-1094 CE).
The Crusader Period
The last burst of activity in the mint of Akko came during
the Crusader period. The Crusaders encountered in
the Holy Land a monetary system that was unknown
in Europe, and so they adapted to it by imitating
Fatimid gold dinars (called bezants by the Crusaders
and of a lower weight) of the imam al-Amir in Akko
(Fig. 97) and Ayyubid silver dirhams, both of which
were anachronistic by the time they were imitated. At
first, the imitations were faithful to the original; then in
1250, Pope Innocent IV banned the use by Christians
of the Moslem creed and date. In an ingenious move,
the legends were replaced with Christian slogans
and dates, still in Arabic, and crosses were added
(Figs. 98-99). On some, as a result, the legends are
illegible gibberish. Most of these imitations were struck
in Akko, though on many the name of Damascus
appears as the mint. Some scholars speculate that a
very common billon denier of Aimery de Lusignan, King
of Jerusalem (1163-1174), was minted posthumously
in Akko in the 13th century. In fact, only a single
issue of a bronze pougeoise minted from 1192-1197
carries the name of the city (Accon) in Latin letters
(Fig. 100).
One monetary problem that faced the Crusaders
was the lack of small change. In compensation, large
quantities of poorly made lead tokens without legends
were minted, apparently by private initiative. Struck in
a bewildering variety of types probably until the end
of Crusader rule in 1291 CE, these were the very last
’coins’ to be minted in Akko.
Danny Syon 73*

Fig. 101: The Old City of Akko – from the top of the Ottoman wall’s Land Gate, view to the west. (Photo: A. Efremov)
74* Anastasia Shapiro

Ottoman Period Tobacco Smoking Pipes
and Nargile Heads from Excavations
in the Old City of Akko
Anastasia Shapiro Israel Antiquities Authority
Archaeological documentation and recognition of Akko’s Ottoman period heritage have increased in parallel in
recent years (Fig. 101). Recent excavations in the Old City of Akko conducted by the Israel Antiquities Authority
have unearthed a great variety of both locally produced and imported Ottoman clay smoking pipes and nargile
heads. These implements represent the popularity of tobacco smoking in Akko and throughout the Ottoman
Empire from the end of the 16th/beginning of the 17th centuries (Baram 1996), when Sultan Murad II began
cultivating tobacco as a novelty and a medicine. Following its introduction, pipe smoking rapidly took hold. By the
mid 17th century, tobacco joined coffee, wine, and opium as one of the four "cushions on the sofa of pleasure"
(Peçevî 1969). Pipe smoking increased throughout the 18th and 19th centuries. With the appearance of cigars
and cigarettes as smoking items and briar as a stronger alternative material for the pipe bowl in the late 1920s,
the production of clay pipes began to decline (Borio 2005).
Clay smoking pipes, characteristic of the
Mediterranean area during the Ottoman
period, are part of the smoking set
(Fig. 102), which included a mouthpiece,
a long stem, and a clay bowl with a short
shank (stem-socket) at its lower part,
called chibouk or lüle in Turkish. The
length of the stem varied from less than
one meter for travelers to four meters for
households (Simpson 1991). One end of
the stem was inserted into the shank of
the chibouk, and the other was placed
in the mouthpiece (imame in Turkish).
The chibouk was made of any of a great
variety of materials; however, the most
commonly used material was clay. Being
both fragile and the most inexpensive
part of the smoking set, clay chibouks
were frequently found in Ottoman strata.
They usually are referred to as "pipes"
(this term will be used in the current
paper), and many were made with a
great deal of artistry (Fig. 103).
Fig. 102: Smoker – "Habitant de Thessalie".
(From: Stakelberg 1825)
Anastasia Shapiro 75*

Fig. 103: Local (left) and imported (right) 19th century pipes from
Akko excavations. (Photo: H. Smithline, IAA)
Fig. 104: Early pipes from Akko excavations. (Photo: H. Smithline, IAA)
Fig. 105: Imported gray clay pipes from Akko excavations.
(Photo: H. Smithline, IAA)
Fig. 106: Yellow, glazed, locally made pipes from Akko excavations.
(Photo: H. Smithline, IAA)
The chibouk was normally formed in stone or iron
molds that consisted of two halves. The shank borehole
and the inside of the bowl were carved out when the
clay was “leather-hard.” The stem was usually pierced
with a pointed tool inserted at the shank end; as a
result, a tongue of clay usually lapped the inside of
the bowl and was not removed on purpose. It served
to prevent corking of the borehole by tobacco
fragments. At the same stage of "leather-hard" clay,
the pipe was decorated, and the size and quality of the
decorations suggest tools similar to those employed
by silversmiths or goldsmiths. Decorative techniques
vary. Carved, roulette, or stamped designs appear
on pipes, either together or separately. Some pipes
were slipped, burnished, and then fired. Workshops
that manufactured such pipes are known in Turkey,
Sofia and Varna in Bulgaria, Cyprus, Malta, Greece,
France, Egypt, Israel, and Russia. Manufacturing guilds
regulated the main production centers (Simpson 2002).
At the same time, each city or even large village could
have its own pipe-maker. Large workshops usually
had their own style. Smaller manufacturers would do
their best to copy or imitate some of the better-known
styles (Volkov and Novikova 1996).
Bowl shapes and decorations vary significantly through
the centuries as does as the length of the shank and
the inner diameter of boreholes. The most popular
bowl shape is globular, with a straight cylindrical rim;
the correlation between the sizes of the globular and
cylindrical sections can differ. Other shapes include
simple-cylindrical, tulip-like, globular with an outflaring
rim, disc-based, and lily-like forms, to mention
a few. Bowl sizes – i.e., capacity – depend in reverse
proportion to tobacco availability (i.e. lowering
of its price), which increased through the ages of
the "smoking era" (Baram 1996). Shank borehole
opening diameters also increase in size with changes
in decorative motifs over time. The earliest pipes
are uniquely decorated, with very few parallels or
similarities. Later pipes are mass produced, apparently
76* Anastasia Shapiro

Fig. 107: Locally made plum-color slipped pipes from Akko excavations and sample of a pipemaker's stamp. (Photo: H. Smithline, IAA)
to meet market demand, resulting in more uniform decorations for each workshop. During the final decades of
the existence of clay pipes (i.e., beginning of the 20th century), decorative motifs are increasingly grotesque and
crude or are absent.
Clay Pipes from Akko
Because of Akko’s cosmopolitan character and role as one of the major port cities of the Mediterranean during
the Ottoman period, the clay pipe assemblage from this area consists of a very wide repertoire of shapes and
fabrics: local pipes, manufactured in large numbers; home-made pipes of both local and imported varieties; and
high-quality imported pipes, either traded in quantity or brought individually. The assemblage of clay pipes from
Akko is especially significant because of the very large number of examples (more than two thousand complete
and fragmentary pipes) from stratified contexts dating to the 17th and up to the early 20th centuries, when these
pipes were in common use.
The earliest examples, which date to the mid 17th century, are characterized by rather small bowls (owing
to the high cost of tobacco), different clays used in their production, and a great variety of decorations
Anastasia Shapiro 77*

(Fig. 104). These pipes were replaced by imported, grey, unglazed pipes (Fig. 105) and locally made, yellow, glazed
pipes (Fig. 106) that date from the late 17th to the early 18th centuries. These local productions are characterized
by larger bowls and more uniform decorations for each type; they were produced for both domestic sale and
export. Makers’ marks were found on part of the assemblage of pipes from this period. As smoking increased in
popularity in the region, local pipe production grew, as well.
Locally made, grey or plum-color, clay slipped pipes (Fig. 107) dominate the Akko collection. Dating to the 19th
century, they represent the mass-produced and commercial production of pipes. Some of these pipe types are
uniformly decorated, and up to 90% are stamped, often with a horseshoe-shaped maker’s mark that appears on
the right side of the shank.
The use of clay pipes decreased sharply with the introduction of cigars and cigarettes during World War I. Two
shapes – disc-based (Fig. 108) and lily (Fig. 109) – characterize the last local and imported clay pipes. Locally
produced pipes continue the plum slip (Fig. 108, bottom; Fig. 109, top left). They usually do not have a maker’s
mark. Some are richly decorated (Fig. 108, bottom left). Imported pipes from Turkey appear in especially large
numbers. These pipes are characterized by an orange clay and orange self-slip (Fig. 108, top; Fig. 109, top right
and bottom). Their decorations are shallow and fine or absent. Makers' marks, when present, are usually oval
medallions with Arabic characters inside them.
Fig. 108: Imported (top) and local (bottom) disc-based pipes from Akko excavations and a sample pipemaker’s stamp.
(Photo: H. Smithline, IAA)
78* Anastasia Shapiro

Nargile Heads
The nargile or water pipe (also termed hookah, huka, or hooka) consists of four pieces: mouthpiece (agizlik),
which was similar to that of the ”Turkish” pipes; tube (marpuç); bottle (gövde), which was filled with water;
and top, or head (lüle), which was made of clay and is the part found in excavations (Fig. 110). Nargile smokers
favored dark Iranian tobacco that had been washed several times. The nargile, invented in the early 17th century,
first became popular in India, where it was used for smoking hashish and opium (Simpson 1991). The popularity
of the nargile spread to Iran and from there to the rest of the Arab world. However, it was in Turkey where the
water pipe’s design and tradition took hold and have since remained relatively unchanged (Fig. 110). Together
with the tobacco pipes, the nargile became an integral part of coffee shop culture (Bakla 1985). Its popularity in
Turkey, however, witnessed a decline during the Turkish republic (1923) as tobacco-lovers switched to cigarettes.
After World War II, mainly old men continued smoking nargiles.
Fig. 109: Imported and local (top left) lily-shaped pipes from Akko excavations and sample of a pipemaker’s stamp.
(Photo: H. Smithline, IAA)
Anastasia Shapiro 79*

Fig. 110: Modern nargile (photo: P. Shapiro) and two nargile heads
from Akko excavations. (Photo: H. Smithline, IAA)
A total of 63 complete or fragmentary nargile heads
are present in the Akko collection. They are all moldmade,
with visible mold seams. Some are made of the
same clay used for pipes and, like pipes, are slipped
and burnished. The most typical shape is flower-like
(Fig. 110). The nargile is based on a cylindrical tube,
which has a calyx-like cup at the top to receive the
charcoal and a conical hollow base that fits on top of
the bottle. A petal-like “skirt” (in some cases cut into
separate petals) divides the tube approximately in the
middle. The bottom of the cup has a strainer, which
can be at “skirt” level or higher, close to the rim, that
usually has five or six holes (one in the middle) and
an iron pin sometimes stuck in the middle hole. The
late 1990s witnessed a revival of all things Ottoman,
including the nargile. Today both men and women,
young and old, from all over the world, enjoy the
calming vapors of the nargile, whose outlook has not
changed during the past several hundred years, filling
it with mix of tobacco and fruit molasses of different
tastes and flavors.
Acknowledgments
The author is grateful to Eliezer Stern and Danny Syon (Israel Antiquities Authority), directors of the excavations
at the Hospitallers Compound, Messika site, and "Knights' Hotel" parking lot in the Old City of Akko, who
granted me permission to publish this material. Special thanks are due Edna J. Stern, who introduced me to Ann
E. Killebrew and Vered Raz-Romeo, guest curators of the Akko Exhibit in the Hecht Museum. I would also like to
express my gratitude to the following photographers: Howard Smithline (IAA) for photographing the collection
of pipes and nargile heads; Alexander Efremov, chief editor of Photo-Travel, for generously providing Figure 101;
and Peter Shapiro, my husband, for photographing the modern nargile for Figure 110. I am indebted to Ester
Tal-Schwarz (secretary of the Western Galilee District, Israel Antiquities Authority) and Hanaa Abu-Uqsa (Akko
inspector, Israel Antiquities Authority) for translating and editing my Hebrew abstract.
80* Anastasia Shapiro

Underwater Excavations at Akko *
Deborah Cvikel and Ya'acov Kahanov University of Haifa
Three seasons (2006-2008) of underwater excavations in Akko harbor were conducted by the Leon Recanati
Institute for Maritime Studies at the University of Haifa. Three sites were excavated simultaneously: the Akko 1
and the Akko 2 shipwrecks and the submerged rampart that connects the Tower of Flies to the shore.
The city of Akko (Acre, St. Jean d'Acre) is located at the northern extremity of Haifa Bay in the north of Israel.
Serving as an important Mediterranean naval and trading port, it is one of the most ancient cities of the land,
with over 4,000 years of history from the Early Bronze Age to the modern era.
The Ottomans conquered Akko and its harbor in 1516. During the late Ottoman period, specifically between the
mid 18th and the mid 19th centuries, Akko had a key role in important maritime events that took place in the
Eastern Mediterranean, such as Napoleon Bonaparte and his army's siege of the town in 1799 and the combined
British-Austrian-Ottoman fleet that conquered the city in 1840. These events, among others, brought ships of
various types, rates, and classes from various fleets, Western European and Eastern Mediterranean, to Akko.
The Akko 1 Shipwreck
It is believed that the Akko 1 shipwreck was one of the ships that plied the Levant waters in those events. The
wreck site is inside Akko harbor, 70 m north of the Tower of Flies, at a maximum depth of 4 m. The shipwreck
remains are 23 m long from bow to stern, and 4.5 m from the keel to the turn of the bilge. Only the very lowest
section of the port side of the hull survived. The remains include the keel and false keel, bow timbers, hull planks,
framing timbers, ceiling planks, and a variety of artifacts.
Based on the construction of the Akko 1 shipwreck and its artifacts, it seems that the ship was a small warship,
about 26 m in length, with a beam of about 7 m, and a draught of 3.4 m. The ship was built of Eastern
Mediterranean wood species. Its construction, which is not of Western Mediterranean tradition, together with
the historical context, points to the assumption that the ship was an Eastern Mediterranean brig. Dating of the
shipwreck was based on the finds and 14 C combined with dendrochronological analysis; the results suggest that
the ship took part in the 1831 or 1840 naval campaign for Akko.
The Submerged Rampart
The submerged rampart, which connects the Tower of Flies and the shore, was excavated for three seasons.
Several segments of the rampart were excavated in order to uncover the geological and geomorphological
surroundings and to study its historical aspect. The depth over the rampart was 0.6-1.5 m, and it was excavated
down to 5 m. A well-defined structure of sediment layers was discovered, starting with all kinds of large stones
mixed with packed sand above and fine sand with small stones (limestone, schist, pebbles, and kurkar) at the
bottom of the trench. At all depths, there were archaeological finds, such as pottery, organic materials, and metal
finds (cannonballs and nails). High-pressure water-jetting at the bottom of the trench showed that there is no
solid foundation to the structure, so it is probably based on sand.
Based on the results of the underwater excavations and historical charts, it is suggested that the rampart was
constructed during the Islamic period, and since then had sunk about 2 m.
Deborah Cvikel and Ya'acov Kahanov 81*

Fig. 111: View of the Akko 2 shipwreck. (Photo: P. Faiferman)
The Akko 2 Shipwreck
Akko 2 shipwreck was discovered in September 2006, 50 m to the north of the Akko 1 shipwreck, in a water
depth of 3 m, and was buried under about 1 m of sand, small shell remains, and stones. The wood remains
spread over an area of 12 by 3 m. The southern part of the shipwreck was damaged by Teredo navalis, but most
of the timbers were in a good state of preservation, allowing measurements and analyses. The finds, were found
while removing sand and stones, included decorated clay tobacco pipes, a cannonball, small lead shots, metal
objects, and fragments of ceramics.
It is suggested that the Akko 2 shipwreck is the remains of a medium-sized flat-bottomed vessel approximately
16 m long, that may have served as a lighter in the harbor of Akko or as a small coaster trading along the Levant
coast during the 17th century.
* Abstract of the Hebrew article (pp. 70-73).
82* Deborah Cvikel and Ya'acov Kahanov

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