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BusinessDay 06 Mar 2018

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A2 BUSINESS DAY<br />

C002D5556 Tuesday <strong>06</strong> <strong>Mar</strong>ch <strong>2018</strong><br />

FT<br />

NATIONAL NEWS<br />

US national security regulator delays Qualcomm vote<br />

ARASH MASSOUDI AND<br />

ROCHELLE TOPLENSKY<br />

The US government has ordered<br />

chipmaker Qualcomm<br />

to delay an upcoming shareholder<br />

meeting by a month, as it<br />

investigates whether a proposed<br />

takeover by a Singapore-based rival<br />

would put national security at risk.<br />

The intervention comes as the<br />

US company’s shareholders were<br />

set to vote on whether to replace six<br />

of its directors on Tuesday with candidates<br />

put forward by Broadcom,<br />

which is seeking to force through<br />

a $142bn takeover of the company.<br />

The US Treasury department,<br />

which leads an inter-agency regulator<br />

called the Committee on<br />

Foreign Investment in the United<br />

States, said in a statement that a<br />

30-day delay of the vote “will afford<br />

Cfius the ability to investigate fully<br />

Broadcom’s proposed acquisition<br />

of Qualcomm”.<br />

Broadcom responded by saying<br />

it was “disappointed” by the<br />

decision. It added: “Broadcom was<br />

informed on Sunday night that on<br />

January 29, <strong>2018</strong>, Qualcomm secretly<br />

filed a voluntary request with<br />

Cfius to initiate an investigation,<br />

resulting in a delay of Qualcomm’s<br />

annual meeting 48 hours before it<br />

was to take place.<br />

“This was a blatant, desperate<br />

act by Qualcomm to entrench its<br />

incumbent board of directors and<br />

prevent its own stockholders from<br />

voting for Broadcom’s independent<br />

director nominees.”<br />

Qualcomm did not comment.<br />

The delay is the latest escalation<br />

in a tensely fought hostile takeover<br />

battle, as Qualcomm’s management<br />

look to maintain the company’s<br />

independence.<br />

In recent weeks, US lawmakers<br />

have become more vocal with their<br />

concerns about any potential takeover.<br />

Some have urged the Trump<br />

administration to open an investigation<br />

into the bid, arguing it would<br />

be “deeply concerning” if a foreign<br />

company took control of a US group<br />

through a proxy fight without first<br />

gaining the approval of the Cfius.<br />

Broadcom was previously a USbased<br />

company but it redomiciled<br />

to Singapore to gain tax benefits<br />

following a takeover in 2015. The<br />

company’s chief executive Hock<br />

Tan went to the White House in<br />

early November to publicly declare<br />

in front of President Donald Trump<br />

its plans to move back to the US.<br />

The move came just a day before<br />

its plans to bid for Qualcomm, in<br />

what would be the largest tech deal<br />

ever, were revealed. “It should be<br />

clear to everyone that this is part of<br />

an unprecedented effort by Qualcomm<br />

to disenfranchise its own<br />

stockholders,” Broadcom said.<br />

UK-US Open Skies talks hit<br />

Brexit turbulence...<br />

Continued from page A1<br />

ership and control regulations post<br />

Brexit,” said International Airlines<br />

Group, which owns British Airways.<br />

Virgin Atlantic said it remained “assured<br />

that a new liberal agreement<br />

will be reached, allowing us to keep<br />

flying to all of our destinations in<br />

North America”.<br />

Chris Grayling, UK transport<br />

secretary, declared in October that<br />

he was making “rapid progress”<br />

in reaching ambitious new airline<br />

agreements with the US and other international<br />

partners. According to FT<br />

estimates, the UK must renegotiate<br />

and replace about 65 international<br />

transport agreements after Brexit.<br />

In its opening stance the US<br />

side rolled back valuable elements<br />

of the US-EU agreement, the most<br />

liberal open skies deal ever agreed<br />

by Washington. Its post-Brexit offer to<br />

the UK did not include membership<br />

of a joint committee on regulatory<br />

co-operation or special access to the<br />

Fly America programme, which allocates<br />

tickets for US government<br />

employees. Washington also asked<br />

for improved flying rights for US<br />

courier services such as FedEx.<br />

The UK has also yet to formally<br />

offer the US access to overseas territories<br />

such as the British Virgin<br />

Islands and Cayman Islands, which<br />

were not included as part of the original<br />

US-EU deal, according to people<br />

familiar with the talks.<br />

There are also potential issues<br />

over the continuation of antitrust<br />

exemptions, permitted by the US-EU<br />

open skies agreement, which allow<br />

airline alliances to set fares and share<br />

revenue, according to people familiar<br />

with talks.<br />

The biggest sticking-point is a<br />

standard ownership clause in Washington’s<br />

bilateral aviation agreements<br />

that would exclude airlines from the<br />

deal if “substantial ownership and<br />

effective control” does not rest with<br />

US or UK nationals respectively. In<br />

effect it requires majority ownership<br />

by one of the two sides if an airline<br />

is to benefit.<br />

London asked the US to adjust<br />

its long-held policy since it would<br />

exclude the three main British-based<br />

transatlantic carriers, which all fall<br />

short of the eligibility criteria. These<br />

are IAG, the owner of British Airways<br />

and Iberia; Virgin Atlantic; and Norwegian<br />

UK.<br />

Sir Richard Branson owns 51 per<br />

cent of Virgin, making it majority UKowned.<br />

But he is in the process of selling<br />

31 per cent to Air France-KLM,<br />

which could complicate Virgin’s access<br />

rights to the US. US airline Delta<br />

owns the remaining stake.<br />

The challenge is most acute for<br />

Willie Walsh, IAG chief executive,<br />

whose group must also clear the EU’s<br />

50 per cent ownership threshold to<br />

avoid losing his European operating<br />

rights after Brexit, when UK nationals<br />

are no longer counted.<br />

Theresa May and Michel Barnier: the standard line in Brussels is that the UK is still trying to leave the bloc while retaining<br />

many of the benefits of membership<br />

Europe’s strategic choices on Brexit<br />

The EU is a legal order, but it can be flexible when it wants to be<br />

GIDEON RACHMAN<br />

Talk to EU policymakers and you<br />

will be told that Britain has yet<br />

to make the hard choices on<br />

Brexit. The standard line is that Theresa<br />

May’s government is still trying to<br />

“have its cake and eat it” — leaving the<br />

EU, but retaining many of the benefits<br />

of membership. Britain must drop this<br />

“magical thinking” and make some<br />

crucial decisions. Once that is done,<br />

the structure of the future EU-UK<br />

relationship will be dictated by law<br />

and precedent.<br />

That argument has some truth to<br />

it. But what it misses is that the EU<br />

also has important choices to make.<br />

By treating Brexit as, above all, a legal<br />

process, the EU is largely ignoring the<br />

political and strategic implications<br />

of Britain leaving the EU. That is an<br />

intellectual failure that could have<br />

dangerous consequences for all sides.<br />

It is clearly true that the EU is a legal<br />

order. But it is also a political organisation.<br />

The EU is perfectly capable of<br />

creating new laws — or interpreting<br />

current ones with extreme flexibility —<br />

China’s dominant social media<br />

platform WeChat has reached<br />

1bn accounts worldwide, highlighting<br />

how the pervasive service that<br />

is used for everything from communication<br />

to shopping is continuing to<br />

extend its reach.<br />

Pony Ma, chief executive of Tencent,<br />

the country’s most valuable listed<br />

company which owns WeChat, said<br />

the platform had hit the landmark<br />

figure during last month’s lunar new<br />

year festival. He made the remarks on<br />

the sidelines of the opening of China’s<br />

rubber-stamp parliament on Monday,<br />

to which he is a delegate.<br />

when it is politically necessary.<br />

There are many examples of this<br />

flexibility in action. France and Germany<br />

broke the EU’s Stability and<br />

Growth pact — rather than accept<br />

legally mandated fines for breaking<br />

its budget-deficit rules. There was a<br />

“no bailout” clause for the euro, but<br />

Greece was bailed out. Now the European<br />

Commission is pursuing Poland<br />

for breaching the rule of law, but<br />

ignoring equally egregious breaches<br />

in Hungary.<br />

So the EU can cherry-pick the law,<br />

when it is politically convenient. It can<br />

therefore make strategic and political<br />

choices on Brexit. And, broadly speaking,<br />

it has three options.<br />

Staying tough means sticking with<br />

the current line. Britain has chosen to<br />

be a third country. There can be no<br />

special deals — no “cherry-picking”<br />

in the EU’s favoured jargon. There are<br />

only two viable models for a “third<br />

country”: Norway (which involves<br />

membership of the single market)<br />

or Canada (which is a pure free trade<br />

agreement). Britain must pick one and<br />

then accept the consequences.<br />

Although Mr Ma referred to “users”,<br />

a company spokesperson clarified<br />

that this meant “user accounts”, not<br />

individuals.<br />

Tencent often refers to “MAUs” in<br />

its quarterly reports, a term that typically<br />

means monthly active users and<br />

is used by Silicon Valley companies to<br />

highlight their popularity and reach.<br />

But the Chinese company is referring<br />

to accounts rather than individuals.<br />

WeChat users sometimes register<br />

multiple accounts, for example, one<br />

for work and another for personal use.<br />

The company reported annual<br />

growth in WeChat user accounts of<br />

15.8 per cent last September.<br />

<strong>Mar</strong>ket research firm e<strong>Mar</strong>keter<br />

has estimated that WeChat had<br />

The arguments for this purist<br />

stance are that it protects the integrity<br />

of the EU’s single market. If Britain<br />

keeps some benefits of EU membership,<br />

while ditching many of its obligations,<br />

then all 27 members of the<br />

EU might seek special deals, and the<br />

single market could unravel.<br />

By contrast, if Britain suffers economically<br />

from Brexit, that could actually<br />

benefit the EU. It would underline<br />

the negative consequences of leaving<br />

the organisation and undermine Eurosceptic<br />

parties across the continent.<br />

And jobs and tax revenues could migrate<br />

from Britain to the EU.<br />

Compromise on Brexit, the second<br />

option, would mean embracing the<br />

idea that there should be special arrangements<br />

between Britain and the<br />

EU. Britain is not any old third country.<br />

It has been crucial to the European<br />

balance of power for centuries. It has<br />

been a member of the EU for decades.<br />

And it is currently a major trading<br />

partner and military ally for most EU<br />

countries. So it sounds unrealistic to<br />

say that the UK must be treated exactly<br />

like Norway or Canada.<br />

China’s WeChat hits 1bn user accounts worldwide<br />

Social media app that dominates home market continues to extend reach<br />

YUAN YANG<br />

494.3m individual users in China<br />

last year.<br />

The service dominates China’s<br />

app market. It is used as a social messaging<br />

app that has largely displaced<br />

work emails, but also as a platform for<br />

mobile payments, e-commerce, train<br />

bookings and blogs, as well as being<br />

host to a universe of other apps. Chinese<br />

users often jokingly call WeChat<br />

a public utility.<br />

“Much of the growth in [accounts]<br />

is likely to have come from overseas,<br />

in south-east Asia, Europe and the<br />

US,” said Matthew Brennan, founder<br />

of WeChat-focused consultancy ChinaChannel.<br />

Chinese migrants abroad use it<br />

to keep in touch with those at home.<br />

FT top MBAs for<br />

women ranking <strong>2018</strong><br />

From career progression to gender pay gap,<br />

here’s why we created a new ranking<br />

An MBA is a fast ticket to the big<br />

time. On average, those who<br />

complete a course with a top<br />

school can expect to earn six-figure<br />

salaries three years after graduation.<br />

But despite generous scholarships<br />

and campaigns to encourage them<br />

to apply, women are a minority on<br />

prestigious business school courses.<br />

Four in 10 applicants on two-year,<br />

full-time MBAs in 2017 were women,<br />

compared with 33 per cent in 2013, according<br />

to the Graduate Management<br />

Admission Council. But women’s<br />

growing interest in business education<br />

has not led to more diverse MBA<br />

cohorts. Five years ago, women accounted<br />

for a third of students on the<br />

top 100 MBA programmes ranked by<br />

the Financial Times. Today, the figure<br />

has barely budged.<br />

The average cost of an MBA is<br />

$100,000 plus an average opportunity<br />

cost, or the income lost from not working,<br />

of $103,000, FT data show. Given<br />

that women’s salaries on average were<br />

91 per cent of their male peers before<br />

joining MBA programmes ranked by<br />

outcomes for women, saving up the<br />

cost of such personal investment is a<br />

greater sacrifice for women.<br />

And there is evidence to suggest<br />

that an MBA exaggerates the gender<br />

pay gap: three years after graduation<br />

women on average made 86 per cent<br />

of their male peers’ pay, the data<br />

reveal.<br />

Women receive a lower return on<br />

investment, says Elissa Ellis Sangster,<br />

executive director of Forté Foundation,<br />

a consortium of business schools<br />

and companies trying to improve<br />

women’s access to business education.<br />

But, she adds, “the return will<br />

still be high”.<br />

Either way, women need to know<br />

that their investment is going to pay<br />

off. That means taking into account<br />

which MBA will help them counter<br />

future pay discrimination, and which<br />

schools are best at teaching and developing<br />

their female graduates while<br />

promoting them to employers.<br />

The FT’s Global MBA ranking,<br />

published in January, does not capture<br />

whether women do as well as<br />

their male peers on graduation. That<br />

is why, for the first time, the FT has<br />

ranked business schools according<br />

to their outcomes for women — and<br />

the results are significantly different.<br />

The top MBAs for women ranking<br />

tells us at which schools women<br />

perform best, and where there seems<br />

to be a gap between the outcomes of<br />

male and female graduates.<br />

Some schools that rank in the midrange<br />

of the Global MBA ranking shoot<br />

to the top in this new ranking. Most<br />

of those are based in China, including<br />

Shanghai Jiao Tong: Antai, which<br />

tops the list.<br />

Emily Jin graduates from Antai’s<br />

part-time MBA programme in May.<br />

She says Chinese women’s interest in<br />

business education is growing as they<br />

get richer. “Especially in Shanghai,<br />

women are more and more independent<br />

and decide to spend their own<br />

money to develop themselves,” says<br />

Ms Jin.

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