perun-taxi were the 'minor' and 'major' treasuries respectively, though plausible, leaves the term inexplicable. It is not known whether the royal treasury was divided into three different departments to which were attached three sections of the army. This seems unlikely. It is also unlikely that the guards and soldiers who protected a king during his minority belonged to a section of the army different from that of those who protected him in his later life. It is also not possible to explain these terms as mere honorary titles,for, in the instances quoted above as well as in the Polonnaruva inscription, such an interpretation does not seem to suit the context. Hultsech baa sometimes referred to the Ciu-taam as a class of subordinate officials and Ni].akanta Lastri, too, is of the opinion that this was a flower grade of official nobility' The latter opinion is the result of confusing the terms perun-tan. and perun-tarani as referring to the same institution But an examination of the occurrences of these two terms in the south Indian inscriptions reveals that the two are different in their meaning. Peruntaram appears as an honorific indicating high official 171 1. S.I.I., II, Intro., p. 11. 2. LA.Nilakanta Sastri, The Cas, p. k63. 3. Ibid. ; peruntarani - perum (= high or big) + taram (=status).
172 status and was used for individual officers, whereas perun-ta seems to have been a department o a body to which were often attached a number of soldiers. Perun-taram is often used for single individuals as, for instance, ar RLjirlja Dvar Peruntaram which occurs as the title of a s!npati in a Tanjore inscription Another inscription from G5vindaputtflr describes a person called VikramCa Nahirja, as a peruntaram of Mumnnii Ca But whenever individual officers are mentioned in connection with the Perun-taam, they are referred to as those attached to the Perun-taam as, for instance, Perun-taattu-paimakap (servant of the Perun-taam) The occurrence of the phrase Ciu-ta.attu peun-taram (perun-taram of the Ciu-taam) in some of the inscriptions not only shows clearly that the terms perun-taram and perun-tan are different but also demonstrates FYvntY that the latter stands for someone attached to a larger body which is the Ciu-taani Nilkanta Sastri explains this, however, as implying an intermediate status between the perun-ts and the u-tanam in the official nobility This is not correct 1. s.I.I., II, p. 161. 2. i. .R. for 1928/29, No.168 of 1928/29. 3. S.I.I.,IV, No.lk])i. i. s.i.i., II, p. 56. 5. K.A.NilaJcanta Sastri, The Caa, p. 1163.
MAP SHOWING SITES c_ ( •M• . N
2 ABSTRACT This thesis is a study o
4 COTES Page Abstract . . Acknowled
6 INIRODUCT ION In this work we hav
8 on this subject is Simon Casie Ch
10 Unlike the earlier works, Ancien
12 begins abruptly with the reign o
14 of the survival of earlier inhab
16 these were all writtem after the
18 based his work on the Vaiypal, K
Ndav4a inscription, dated in the th
22 determination of the nature of s
This is especially so regarding the
26 in culture and language, althoug
28 to derive the forms Tja and Iam
30 His third argument is that 'hund
the Tamil poems cannot be identifie
34 port is named }Iodouttou The pre
Our sources undoubtedly indicate th
38 evidence of the Pli chronicles s
first century B.0 Although the Mahv
42 It is as unreliable as the many
44 concerning any Dravidian settlem
form of a bounding circle or dolmen
48 though lesser known, ports of Ku
vicinity This means that all the ot
52 defeated the Sinhalese ruler and
54 influence of the Pallava school
56 on the 1fahvasa, states that thi
58 1na 'had the Damias expel1ed' Bu
to the existence of minor Tamil set
asentents These aiva ruins of Anurd
64 to have been an institution of t
66 or citizens who were members of
68 that lived in this quarter on th
70 the term Dem4-kblla to mean 'an
72 conferred on certain officiala o
.74 body of indirect evidence, it m
76 suggest that there were Dravidia
7r chronicle. That by the tenth cen
80 India did not consider Ceylon as
82 b4 with the Xi4igani of the abov
84 CHAPTER II SL'rTLENTS IN THE PER
86 arrive at more than what has bee
88 struggle that went on between th
90 That Vijayablhu did not have any
92 large number of Tamil inscriptio
94 as well as the pariyclrakar, the
96 peninsula and three are in the K
98 of a 6trong civilian population
100 at Periyak4am. With this possib
of certain taxes for the coat of th
104 ndra-ca-pi and the cakra-ptyr w
106 The gifts were made by several
108 the gift a 1_' by a certain Ara
110 of the year 1067, mentions a pe
112 a-ma4alam, to the temple of Kut
114 set up by officials do not nece
About ten Siva Dv1es, five Viu temp
at Nalla-t ai-iakkam, Buddhannehe l
settlements here in the period of C
224 About a mile away from Kanadarv
22 at Polonnaruva As a result we ar
228 Nakarattr were probably of Kann
23 wars against the Cas and had the
232 were Tamils. Presumably this pa
234 not established in the Battical
23U CHAPTER IV STTLEHENTS IN THE TH
The first important feature of this
240 called Sasa vata, composed in t
242 record, the general Iti repelle
244 The conquest of northern Ceylon
The CUavaida account of the invasio
Almost inimediatel after the stroph
250 when the author of the Clavaisa
established himself at Polonnaruva,
254 there is no gainsaying the fact
importance of the foreign invasions
258 and that the majority of the Si
260 were among the more iportant re
262 In Paranavitana's opinion, 'all
264 One could suppose that the nume
It may be recollected that several
268 Jaffna peninsula does not help
It is not possible to identify the
1 establishment in the region in ea
274 anywhere. This poses a serious
27 who were responsible for giving
worthy of note in this respect: 278
280 etymology The account of the se
and tenth century some villages in
materials for the erection of lasti
28G much depreciated as a result of
288 etymology which attempts to exp
290 earlier traditions from the lat
9Q9 Those who went to the island in
The accounts in the Vaiy!pal and th
29 The Naavaryar (variant: Mauvarya
29 that all these castes were repre
300 These were evidently named afte
from Kpakanu and Pu.ya-inakIpla-ppa
301 in our sources. In view of such
3OGo. Province, the chieftaincies o
307 In l9kl Geiger published an int
309 Arier in bewu ten Gegensatz zu
311 include in their enumeration. P
313 of warriors or tribesmen who we
315 of Ceylon. It is even possible
317 In Ceylon, the earliest work in
319 C!1avasa. Though at first sight
321 of Vannis, namely the }iaha-van
The Vaiyars of the nineteenth centu
32 came into existence independentl
In the sources mentioned above Ku.a
(c) Co4agai a of the Trincomalee Sa
331 and aspired to the kingship of
333 enemies had led punitive raids
335 alias Co.agafiga whds mention i
337 with not only the renovation of
33) In the light of the evidence th
31 Sinhalese settlements that once
343 According to the Kcar-kalveu, K
345 Malaiyakam, T4uvai, Toaimatalam
347 Ppla Kttiram (Bh' la Gotra) and
34J Ukkiraciñka, , as it ap ears i
351 as Kantajy, Pakai and Carnpl!r
353 in the chronicles of Trincomale
35 va (chieftaincies) may be based
357 Probably Ki4akkan and possibly
35 settle ents of Dravidians that s
361 Ceylon by the Dravidians was no
1 . structures. A door-jamb from on
1 to the Tamil population, as in Ja
36/ Chaggxna (Skmam)finda mention i
369 The Ker4a origin of this caste
meanjn mariners or boatmen As a sea
narrated in the Vaiy and the Vaiypa
375 presence of Ilukkuva mercenarie
37' the rest. Consequently we are n
37 xniyam, the Xaliñga ruler (!gha
This tradition seems to refer to a
383 year 512 (2590 .c.) and underto
385 (Mugwiuvaavana), Villattavai (V
with Nu&varam in order to give it a
egion may have been forced to chang
391 The wi e rea occurrence of Tami
393 used in the inscription for 'wo
From the foregoing analysis it beco
Marumakkattyarn laws of Kera.a and
399 CHAP!ER VI THE BEGINNINGS OF TH
401 part of the ia].and in the four
aside these arguments and shown tha
405 as well are baaed on the errone
the account of Ku!aa in some of the
409 resembles in many ways the lion
411 bhildren, a son and a daughter.
413 and the avvaiapva-ifl!lai. In t
and obtained the arid peninsula of
derivation of the name and that is
ecently, there oceurs the name Subh
This statement is evidently due to
the basis of certain references in
d2 Vra-ca1nika, (Ka1ifikar-ma - Kin
427 the inscription. Similarly, the
429 P11 chronicle deals mainly with
431 an island off the peninsula of
433 been suggested that this may be
435 obliged to abandon it ' This wo
43? This is not quite convincing. D
439 and driven away from the Sinhal
441 is meant for those who were acc
443 almost always in poetry, for a
445 The text of this inscription fr
447 1vaka to be accused of having b
have been active in Ceylon in the t
451 inscriptions regarding the even
453 Paranavitana takes JAvagama to
455 No one would say that the latte
457 If, as we have suggested earlie
1 the T mi1 chronicles. 459 1. In h
,.&+ra k.'ro Nia-sagrahaya and the
a Ca prince named lit'iki riya, wen
463 The conclusion that Vicaym 1ci
467 denote some connection with the
463 nothing is known about this cit
471 before 1262. As we know, betwee
These invaders could not be ousted
473 given protection to the new kin
CHAPTER VII 477 THE BEGINNflGS OP T
479 The astronomical details in the
481 Pya I, began his rule in 115 an
483 Of these six inscriptions, four
485 Their inscriptions are not foun
48? produced in Jaffna, the ancesto
489 Ramnad who, as the ally of the
491 Izvaram a sect of Brhm{ns calle
493 the 7katTya kingdom by the Musl
aii2rir.ii pairuvarai varavalaittu)
497 very early tim.e We see, theref
"4- found in his workAaeema to b•
501 rTraAgam All these ryae of the
503 Te 1c!iRi tluk, in the Tinn.v.1
505 people from ya-nZu These settle
nearly ten years after the date of
509 attempting to seize power. Do Q
511 was the case, the invasion of I
513 to historians as the kingdom of
51 and !I.ppam for the kingdoms of
51? Ma4arial is a compound of two w
519 also seen that the aa of the in
521 Dem4a-paaji.ma (Tamil Port) was
Jafana-en-putalain as a variant of
525 the island, it was Na11Lr that
527 does not state whether he was a
529 But till very recently there wa
531 that CiA1t2ink,r and flpipafuna
533 to the use of the vT4 flag in C
535 which (lands) end in the River
537 Mracci-r4a has been identified
539 be subordinate territories of i
541 kingdom marks the cul mination
543 in the island in this period. T
545 the invasions of )!gba and the
541 of the thirteenth century favou
549 A SELT BIBLIOGRAPUT A, Tami]. I
551 15. PLTva1iya, ed. A.V.Suravira
553 IV. Modern Works (Articles on e
555 2k. Indrapa].a, Karthigesu 'The
557 k8. Paranavitana, Senarat (cont
559 57. Taylor, William, Catalowue
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