283 We may not be wrong in placing the upper limit of the date of the Tamil settlements in Jaffna in the eleventh century. As we have already seen, the occurrence of a TanLi]. inscription and of three Tamilised forms of Sinhalese toponynis in the becords of the twelfth century may point to the existence of Tamil settlements in the Jaffna peninsula in the twelfth century It is, therefore, justifiable to place the Tamil pezetration into Jaffna and the beginnings of the gradual absorption and displacement of the Sinhalese there between the eleventh and the end of the thirteenth century. For the study of the Tamil occupation of Jaffna in. the thirteenth century we have hardly any archaeological remains or epigraphic material. The absence of archaeological material may be explained in several ways. In the first place, no archaeological excavations worthy èf the name have been conducted in that region, except for some preliminary diggings in places like Kantarai and Nilvarai In the second place, the litbology of the peninsula in partly responsible for the absence of early monuments. In the North-central Province and the other southern parts of the island the natural outcrops of granite rocks afforded 1. See supra, P.273 2. See supra, pp.27o-17L
materials for the erection of lasting monuments and for inscribing records. In contrast to this, the Jaffna peninsula, the adjoining islands and the north-western coastal strip from Kalpiiya to MullaitIvu, all lying in the Tamil areas, are covered with a layer of sedimentary limestone of the Miocene and. the later ages This limestone, with its high degree of solubility, has not ptoved to be a good medium for the expression of the arts of architecture and sculpture. It is possible that many of the structures of our period were reduced to mere rubble in the course of time and used by villagers for building their semipermanent and modest houses. Thirdly, the kings of Jaffna would not have had the necessary ecomod.c basis for the undertaking of ambitious building activities. The temples of the early period, as now, would have been limestone structures of modest proportions These buildings have been kept in constant repair, as no part of the peninsula was abandoned in the centuries after our period, and only a proper archaeological survey will help us to identify them. The secular buildings at the capital 284 1. U.C.H.C., I, pt. 1, p.14. 2. Cf., F.de Queyroz, The Temporal and Siritua]. Conquest of Ceylon, I, Tr. S.G.Perera, p.50 - 'They never had any other city save Nelur (Nallr) ,......... Nor is there in that place anything else worth recording save some tnk, almost devoid of water....'
MAP SHOWING SITES c_ ( •M• . N
2 ABSTRACT This thesis is a study o
4 COTES Page Abstract . . Acknowled
6 INIRODUCT ION In this work we hav
8 on this subject is Simon Casie Ch
10 Unlike the earlier works, Ancien
12 begins abruptly with the reign o
14 of the survival of earlier inhab
16 these were all writtem after the
18 based his work on the Vaiypal, K
Ndav4a inscription, dated in the th
22 determination of the nature of s
This is especially so regarding the
26 in culture and language, althoug
28 to derive the forms Tja and Iam
30 His third argument is that 'hund
the Tamil poems cannot be identifie
34 port is named }Iodouttou The pre
Our sources undoubtedly indicate th
38 evidence of the Pli chronicles s
first century B.0 Although the Mahv
42 It is as unreliable as the many
44 concerning any Dravidian settlem
form of a bounding circle or dolmen
48 though lesser known, ports of Ku
vicinity This means that all the ot
52 defeated the Sinhalese ruler and
54 influence of the Pallava school
56 on the 1fahvasa, states that thi
58 1na 'had the Damias expel1ed' Bu
to the existence of minor Tamil set
asentents These aiva ruins of Anurd
64 to have been an institution of t
66 or citizens who were members of
68 that lived in this quarter on th
70 the term Dem4-kblla to mean 'an
72 conferred on certain officiala o
.74 body of indirect evidence, it m
76 suggest that there were Dravidia
7r chronicle. That by the tenth cen
80 India did not consider Ceylon as
82 b4 with the Xi4igani of the abov
84 CHAPTER II SL'rTLENTS IN THE PER
86 arrive at more than what has bee
88 struggle that went on between th
90 That Vijayablhu did not have any
92 large number of Tamil inscriptio
94 as well as the pariyclrakar, the
96 peninsula and three are in the K
98 of a 6trong civilian population
100 at Periyak4am. With this possib
of certain taxes for the coat of th
104 ndra-ca-pi and the cakra-ptyr w
106 The gifts were made by several
108 the gift a 1_' by a certain Ara
110 of the year 1067, mentions a pe
112 a-ma4alam, to the temple of Kut
114 set up by officials do not nece
About ten Siva Dv1es, five Viu temp
at Nalla-t ai-iakkam, Buddhannehe l
120 of the tenth century was built
122 supports him by stating that 't
124 are known from the Ca inscripti
126 Pli Pulattbinagara), Koiy'rain1
128 They reveal the presence of Tam
130 in provisionally marking those
132 to temples for the performance
Ceylon This period, therefore, sees
136 to them or to their associate b
138 therefore, date back to about t
140 on the interpretations of the t
142 There was also a community of B
144 to suggest that there was any k
146 The AifffhIruvar were primarily
145 that all these bodies were orga
150 suggest the nature of the work
152 between the Valafljiyar and the
the 1a1r,rattir as one of their lea
153 three lines of this inscription
158 local and a foreign group. But
160 to in the V 1kala and VihirhThn
As pointed out earlier, the period
164 e) Tiru-ciila-aikkrar (Taniil t
166 been a aikkra (Pii V.akkr& may
168 Among the other sections of the
170 inscription, an official who ha
172 status and was used for individ
the Ker4a and ica4ia mercenaries in
1(0 three wings, we are unable at p
178 army is said to have been 2, 11
180 of the southern Maavars' In Cey
182 general of Parkramabhu I who co
184 year of a ParkramabThu, who is
186 South Indian artisans found emp
188 of South India, especially in t
190 have been a Blow and unnoticed
192 Even these minor movements of p
194 evidence of the epigraphs help
196 from ruined Buddhist buildings
The evidence relating to this perio
200 inscription we find that the Vi
that we get the earliest occurrence
204 where this inscription is found
206 around the twelfth century the
208 consecration name of Ciica..ka-
210 ut from its occurrences in the
It is not probable that all these w
214 We also learn that the site of
216 communities were Tamils, for it
218 te pie, have been definitely id
in the area which point in the same
settlements here in the period of C
224 About a mile away from Kanadarv
22 at Polonnaruva As a result we ar
228 Nakarattr were probably of Kann
23 wars against the Cas and had the
333 enemies had led punitive raids
335 alias Co.agafiga whds mention i
337 with not only the renovation of
33) In the light of the evidence th
31 Sinhalese settlements that once
343 According to the Kcar-kalveu, K
345 Malaiyakam, T4uvai, Toaimatalam
347 Ppla Kttiram (Bh' la Gotra) and
34J Ukkiraciñka, , as it ap ears i
351 as Kantajy, Pakai and Carnpl!r
353 in the chronicles of Trincomale
35 va (chieftaincies) may be based
357 Probably Ki4akkan and possibly
35 settle ents of Dravidians that s
361 Ceylon by the Dravidians was no
1 . structures. A door-jamb from on
1 to the Tamil population, as in Ja
36/ Chaggxna (Skmam)finda mention i
369 The Ker4a origin of this caste
meanjn mariners or boatmen As a sea
narrated in the Vaiy and the Vaiypa
375 presence of Ilukkuva mercenarie
37' the rest. Consequently we are n
37 xniyam, the Xaliñga ruler (!gha
This tradition seems to refer to a
383 year 512 (2590 .c.) and underto
385 (Mugwiuvaavana), Villattavai (V
with Nu&varam in order to give it a
egion may have been forced to chang
391 The wi e rea occurrence of Tami
393 used in the inscription for 'wo
From the foregoing analysis it beco
Marumakkattyarn laws of Kera.a and
399 CHAP!ER VI THE BEGINNINGS OF TH
401 part of the ia].and in the four
aside these arguments and shown tha
405 as well are baaed on the errone
the account of Ku!aa in some of the
409 resembles in many ways the lion
411 bhildren, a son and a daughter.
413 and the avvaiapva-ifl!lai. In t
and obtained the arid peninsula of
derivation of the name and that is
ecently, there oceurs the name Subh
This statement is evidently due to
the basis of certain references in
d2 Vra-ca1nika, (Ka1ifikar-ma - Kin
427 the inscription. Similarly, the
429 P11 chronicle deals mainly with
431 an island off the peninsula of
433 been suggested that this may be
435 obliged to abandon it ' This wo
43? This is not quite convincing. D
439 and driven away from the Sinhal
441 is meant for those who were acc
443 almost always in poetry, for a
445 The text of this inscription fr
447 1vaka to be accused of having b
have been active in Ceylon in the t
451 inscriptions regarding the even
453 Paranavitana takes JAvagama to
455 No one would say that the latte
457 If, as we have suggested earlie
1 the T mi1 chronicles. 459 1. In h
,.&+ra k.'ro Nia-sagrahaya and the
a Ca prince named lit'iki riya, wen
463 The conclusion that Vicaym 1ci
467 denote some connection with the
463 nothing is known about this cit
471 before 1262. As we know, betwee
These invaders could not be ousted
473 given protection to the new kin
CHAPTER VII 477 THE BEGINNflGS OP T
479 The astronomical details in the
481 Pya I, began his rule in 115 an
483 Of these six inscriptions, four
485 Their inscriptions are not foun
48? produced in Jaffna, the ancesto
489 Ramnad who, as the ally of the
491 Izvaram a sect of Brhm{ns calle
493 the 7katTya kingdom by the Musl
aii2rir.ii pairuvarai varavalaittu)
497 very early tim.e We see, theref
"4- found in his workAaeema to b•
501 rTraAgam All these ryae of the
503 Te 1c!iRi tluk, in the Tinn.v.1
505 people from ya-nZu These settle
nearly ten years after the date of
509 attempting to seize power. Do Q
511 was the case, the invasion of I
513 to historians as the kingdom of
51 and !I.ppam for the kingdoms of
51? Ma4arial is a compound of two w
519 also seen that the aa of the in
521 Dem4a-paaji.ma (Tamil Port) was
Jafana-en-putalain as a variant of
525 the island, it was Na11Lr that
527 does not state whether he was a
529 But till very recently there wa
531 that CiA1t2ink,r and flpipafuna
533 to the use of the vT4 flag in C
535 which (lands) end in the River
537 Mracci-r4a has been identified
539 be subordinate territories of i
541 kingdom marks the cul mination
543 in the island in this period. T
545 the invasions of )!gba and the
541 of the thirteenth century favou
549 A SELT BIBLIOGRAPUT A, Tami]. I
551 15. PLTva1iya, ed. A.V.Suravira
553 IV. Modern Works (Articles on e
555 2k. Indrapa].a, Karthigesu 'The
557 k8. Paranavitana, Senarat (cont
559 57. Taylor, William, Catalowue