Institutional Racism
Institutional Racism
Institutional Racism
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Walk by Faith; Serve with Abandon<br />
Expect to Win!<br />
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The Advocacy Foundation, Inc.<br />
Helping Individuals, Organizations & Communities<br />
Achieve Their Full Potential<br />
Since its founding in 2003, The Advocacy Foundation has become recognized as an effective<br />
provider of support to those who receive our services, having real impact within the communities<br />
we serve. We are currently engaged in community and faith-based collaborative initiatives,<br />
having the overall objective of eradicating all forms of youth violence and correcting injustices<br />
everywhere. In carrying-out these initiatives, we have adopted the evidence-based strategic<br />
framework developed and implemented by the Office of Juvenile Justice & Delinquency<br />
Prevention (OJJDP).<br />
The stated objectives are:<br />
1. Community Mobilization;<br />
2. Social Intervention;<br />
3. Provision of Opportunities;<br />
4. Organizational Change and Development;<br />
5. Suppression [of illegal activities].<br />
Moreover, it is our most fundamental belief that in order to be effective, prevention and<br />
intervention strategies must be Community Specific, Culturally Relevant, Evidence-Based, and<br />
Collaborative. The Violence Prevention and Intervention programming we employ in<br />
implementing this community-enhancing framework include the programs further described<br />
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Dedication<br />
______<br />
Every publication in our many series’ is dedicated to everyone, absolutely everyone, who by<br />
virtue of their calling and by Divine inspiration, direction and guidance, is on the battlefield dayafter-day<br />
striving to follow God’s will and purpose for their lives. And this is with particular affinity<br />
for those Spiritual warriors who are being transformed into excellence through daily academic,<br />
professional, familial, and other challenges.<br />
We pray that you will bear in mind:<br />
Matthew 19:26 (NLT)<br />
Jesus looked at them intently and said, “Humanly speaking, it is impossible.<br />
But with God everything is possible.” (Emphasis added)<br />
To all of us who daily look past our circumstances, and naysayers, to what the Lord says we will<br />
accomplish:<br />
Blessings!!<br />
- The Advocacy Foundation, Inc.<br />
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The Transformative Justice Project<br />
Eradicating Juvenile Delinquency Requires a Multi-Disciplinary Approach<br />
The Juvenile Justice system is incredibly<br />
overloaded, and Solutions-Based programs are<br />
woefully underfunded. Our precious children,<br />
therefore, particularly young people of color, often<br />
get the “swift” version of justice whenever they<br />
come into contact with the law.<br />
Decisions to build prison facilities are often based<br />
on elementary school test results, and our country<br />
incarcerates more of its young than any other<br />
nation on earth. So we at The Foundation labor to<br />
pull our young people out of the “school to prison”<br />
pipeline, and we then coordinate the efforts of the<br />
legal, psychological, governmental and<br />
educational professionals needed to bring an end<br />
to delinquency.<br />
We also educate families, police, local businesses,<br />
elected officials, clergy, and schools and other<br />
stakeholders about transforming whole communities, and we labor to change their<br />
thinking about the causes of delinquency with the goal of helping them embrace the<br />
idea of restoration for the young people in our care who demonstrate repentance for<br />
their<br />
mistakes.<br />
The way we accomplish all this is a follows:<br />
1. We vigorously advocate for charges reductions, wherever possible, in the<br />
adjudicatory (court) process, with the ultimate goal of expungement or pardon, in order<br />
to maximize the chances for our clients to graduate high school and progress into<br />
college, military service or the workforce without the stigma of a criminal record;<br />
2. We then enroll each young person into an Evidence-Based, Data-Driven<br />
Restorative Justice program designed to facilitate their rehabilitation and subsequent<br />
reintegration back into the community;<br />
3. While those projects are operating, we conduct a wide variety of ComeUnity-<br />
ReEngineering seminars and workshops on topics ranging from Juvenile Justice to<br />
Parental Rights, to Domestic issues to Police friendly contacts, to mental health<br />
intervention, to CBO and FBO accountability and compliance;<br />
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4. Throughout the process, we encourage and maintain frequent personal contact<br />
between all parties;<br />
5 Throughout the process we conduct a continuum of events and fundraisers<br />
designed to facilitate collaboration among professionals and community stakeholders;<br />
and finally<br />
6. 1 We disseminate Quarterly publications, like our e-Advocate series Newsletter<br />
and our e-Advocate Quarterly electronic Magazine to all regular donors in order to<br />
facilitate a lifelong learning process on the ever-evolving developments in the Justice<br />
system.<br />
And in addition to the help we provide for our young clients and their families, we also<br />
facilitate Community Engagement through the Restorative Justice process,<br />
thereby balancing the interests of local businesses, schools, clergy, social assistance<br />
organizations, elected officials, law enforcement entities, and all interested<br />
stakeholders. Through these efforts, relationships are rebuilt & strengthened, local<br />
businesses and communities are enhanced & protected from victimization, young<br />
careers are developed, and our precious young people are kept out of the prison<br />
pipeline.<br />
Additionally, we develop Transformative “Void Resistance” (TVR) initiatives to elevate<br />
concerns of our successes resulting in economic hardship for those employed by the<br />
penal system.<br />
TVR is an innovative-comprehensive process that works in conjunction with our<br />
Transformative Justice initiatives to transition the original use and purpose of current<br />
systems into positive social impact operations, which systematically retrains current<br />
staff, renovates facilities, creates new employment opportunities, increases salaries and<br />
is data proven to enhance employee’s mental wellbeing and overall quality of life – an<br />
exponential Transformative Social Impact benefit for ALL community stakeholders.<br />
This is a massive undertaking, and we need all the help and financial support you can<br />
give! We plan to help 75 young persons per quarter-year (aggregating to a total of 250<br />
per year) in each jurisdiction we serve) at an average cost of under $2,500 per client,<br />
per year. *<br />
Thank you in advance for your support!<br />
* FYI:<br />
1 In addition to supporting our world-class programming and support services, all regular donors receive our Quarterly e-Newsletter<br />
(The e-Advocate), as well as The e-Advocate Quarterly Magazine.<br />
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1. The national average cost to taxpayers for minimum-security youth incarceration,<br />
is around $43,000.00 per child, per year.<br />
2. The average annual cost to taxpayers for maximum-security youth incarceration<br />
is well over $148,000.00 per child, per year.<br />
- (US News and World Report, December 9, 2014);<br />
3. In every jurisdiction in the nation, the Plea Bargain rate is above 99%.<br />
The Judicial system engages in a tri-partite balancing task in every single one of these<br />
matters, seeking to balance Rehabilitative Justice with Community Protection and<br />
Judicial Economy, and, although the practitioners work very hard to achieve positive<br />
outcomes, the scales are nowhere near balanced where people of color are involved.<br />
We must reverse this trend, which is right now working very much against the best<br />
interests of our young.<br />
Our young people do not belong behind bars.<br />
- Jack Johnson<br />
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The Advocacy Foundation, Inc.<br />
Helping Individuals, Organizations & Communities<br />
Achieve Their Full Potential<br />
…a compendium of works on<br />
<strong>Institutional</strong> <strong>Racism</strong><br />
“Turning the Improbable Into the Exceptional”<br />
Atlanta<br />
Philadelphia<br />
______<br />
John C Johnson III<br />
Founder & CEO<br />
(878) 222-0450<br />
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www.TheAdvocacy.Foundation<br />
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Biblical Authority<br />
______<br />
Mark 12:30-31 (NIV)<br />
30<br />
Love the Lord your God with all your heart and with all your soul and with all your<br />
mind and with all your strength.’ 31 The second is this: ‘Love your neighbor as<br />
yourself.’ There is no commandment greater than these.”<br />
Exodus 22:21<br />
21<br />
“Do not mistreat or oppress a foreigner, for you were foreigners in Egypt.<br />
Leviticus 19:33-34<br />
33<br />
“‘When a foreigner resides among you in your land, do not mistreat them. 34 The<br />
foreigner residing among you must be treated as your native-born. Love them as<br />
yourself, for you were foreigners in Egypt. I am the Lord your God.<br />
2 Chronicles 19:6-7<br />
6<br />
He told them, “Consider carefully what you do, because you are not judging for mere<br />
mortals but for the Lord, who is with you whenever you give a verdict. 7 Now let the fear<br />
of the Lord be on you. Judge carefully, for with the Lord our God there is no injustice or<br />
partiality or bribery.”<br />
John 7:24<br />
24<br />
Stop judging by mere appearances, but instead judge correctly.”<br />
John 13:34<br />
34<br />
“A new command I give you: Love one another. As I have loved you, so you must love<br />
one another.<br />
Acts 17:26<br />
26<br />
From one man he made all the nations, that they should inhabit the whole earth; and<br />
he marked out their appointed times in history and the boundaries of their lands.<br />
11<br />
For God does not show favoritism.<br />
Romans 2:11<br />
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Romans 10:12-13<br />
12<br />
For there is no difference between Jew and Gentile—the same Lord is Lord of all and<br />
richly blesses all who call on him, 13 for, “Everyone who calls on the name of the<br />
Lord will be saved.”<br />
1 Corinthians 12:13<br />
13<br />
For we were all baptized by one Spirit so as to form one body—whether Jews or<br />
Gentiles, slave or free—and we were all given the one Spirit to drink.<br />
Galatians 3:28<br />
28<br />
There is neither Jew nor Gentile, neither slave nor free, nor is there male and<br />
female, for you are all one in Christ Jesus.<br />
Philippians 2:3-4<br />
3<br />
Do nothing out of selfish ambition or vain conceit. Rather, in humility value others<br />
above yourselves, 4 not looking to your own interests but each of you to the interests of<br />
the others.<br />
James 2:8-9<br />
8<br />
If you really keep the royal law found in Scripture, “Love your neighbor as<br />
yourself,” [a] you are doing right. 9 But if you show favoritism, you sin and are convicted<br />
by the law as lawbreakers.<br />
John 4:19-21<br />
19<br />
“Sir,” the woman said, “I can see that you are a prophet. 20 Our ancestors worshiped<br />
on this mountain, but you Jews claim that the place where we must worship is in<br />
Jerusalem.”<br />
21<br />
“Woman,” Jesus replied, “believe me, a time is coming when you will worship the<br />
Father neither on this mountain nor in Jerusalem.<br />
The Great Multitude in White Robes<br />
Revelation 7:9<br />
9<br />
After this I looked, and there before me was a great multitude that no one could count,<br />
from every nation, tribe, people and language, standing before the throne and before<br />
the Lamb. They were wearing white robes and were holding palm branches in their<br />
hands.<br />
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Table of Contents<br />
…a compilation of works on<br />
<strong>Institutional</strong> <strong>Racism</strong><br />
Biblical Authority<br />
I. Introduction: <strong>Institutional</strong> <strong>Racism</strong>………………………………….. 19<br />
II. <strong>Institutional</strong> Discrimination………………………………………….. 65<br />
III. Harassment and Psychological Warfare.………………..……….. 69<br />
IV. The Racial Achievement Gap in The U.S. ……………………….. 85<br />
V. Occupational Segregation……………..………………………….. 127<br />
VI. Social Stratification…………….…………………………………… 135<br />
VII. Residential Segregation in The U.S.………………………….….. 149<br />
VIII. Media Manipulation, Propaganda & Disinformation…………….. 165<br />
IX. Manufacturing Consent and Media Bias..………………………... 191<br />
X. References……………………………………………………...…… 215<br />
______<br />
Attachments<br />
A. Dismantling Structural <strong>Racism</strong><br />
B. The Economic Impact of Achievement Gaps in The U.S.<br />
C. The Use and Abuse of Media in Vulnerable Societies<br />
Copyright © 2003 – 2018 The Advocacy Foundation, Inc. All Rights Reserved.<br />
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This work is not meant to be a piece of original academic<br />
analysis, but rather draws very heavily on the work of<br />
scholars in a diverse range of fields. All material drawn upon<br />
is referenced appropriately.<br />
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I. Introduction<br />
<strong>Institutional</strong> <strong>Racism</strong><br />
<strong>Institutional</strong> <strong>Racism</strong> (aka: Systemic <strong>Racism</strong>) is a form of racism expressed in the<br />
practice of social and political institutions. It is reflected in disparities regarding wealth,<br />
income, criminal justice, employment, housing, health care, political power and<br />
education, among other factors.<br />
The term "institutional racism" was coined and first used in 1967 by Stokely Carmichael<br />
(later known as Kwame Ture) and Charles V. Hamilton in Black Power: The Politics of<br />
Liberation. Carmichael and Hamilton wrote that while individual racism is often<br />
identifiable because of its overt nature, institutional racism is less perceptible because<br />
of its "less overt, far more subtle" nature. <strong>Institutional</strong> racism "originates in the operation<br />
of established and respected forces in the society, and thus receives far less public<br />
condemnation than [individual racism]".<br />
<strong>Institutional</strong> racism was defined by Sir William Macpherson in the 1999 Lawrence report<br />
(UK) as: "The collective failure of an organization to provide an appropriate and<br />
professional service to people because of their color, culture, or ethnic origin. It can be<br />
seen or detected in processes, attitudes and behavior which amount to discrimination<br />
through unwitting prejudice, ignorance, thoughtlessness and racist stereotyping which<br />
disadvantage minority ethnic people."<br />
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Classification<br />
The concept of institutional racism re-emerged in political discourse in the late and mid<br />
1990s after a long hiatus, but has remained a contested concept that has been critiqued<br />
by multiple constituencies. <strong>Institutional</strong> racism is the differential access to the goods,<br />
services, and opportunities of society. When the differential access becomes integral to<br />
institutions, it becomes common practice, making it difficult to rectify. Eventually, this<br />
racism dominates public bodies, private corporations, public and private universities,<br />
and is reinforced by the actions of conformists and newcomers. Another difficulty in<br />
reducing institutionalized racism is that there is no sole, true identifiable perpetrator.<br />
When racism is built into the institution, it emerges as the collective action of the<br />
population.<br />
Professor James M. Jones postulates three major types of racism: personally mediated,<br />
internalized, and institutionalized. Personally mediated racism includes the specific<br />
social attitudes inherent to racially prejudiced action (bigoted differential assumptions<br />
about abilities, motives, and the intentions of others according to), discrimination (the<br />
differential actions and behaviours towards others according to their race), stereotyping,<br />
commission, and omission (disrespect, suspicion, devaluation, and dehumanization).<br />
Internalized racism is the acceptance, by members of the racially stigmatized people, of<br />
negative perceptions about their own abilities and intrinsic worth, characterized by low<br />
self-esteem, and low esteem of others like them. This racism can be manifested through<br />
embracing "whiteness" (e.g. stratification by skin color in non-white communities), selfdevaluation<br />
(e.g., racial slurs, nicknames, rejection of ancestral culture, etc.), and<br />
resignation, helplessness, and hopelessness (e.g., dropping out of school, failing to<br />
vote, engaging in health-risk practices, etc.).<br />
Persistent negative stereotypes fuel institutional racism, and influence interpersonal<br />
relations. Racial stereotyping contributes to patterns of racial residential segregation<br />
and redlining, and shape views about crime, crime policy, and welfare policy, especially<br />
if the contextual information is stereotype-consistent.<br />
<strong>Institutional</strong> racism is distinguished from racial bigotry by the existence of institutional<br />
systemic policies, practices and economic and political structures which place minority<br />
racial and ethnic groups at a disadvantage in relation to an institution's racial or ethnic<br />
majority. One example of the difference is public school budgets in the U.S. (including<br />
local levies and bonds) and the quality of teachers, which are often correlated with<br />
property values: rich neighborhoods are more likely to be more 'white' and to have<br />
better teachers and more money for education, even in public schools. Restrictive<br />
housing contracts and bank lending policies have also been listed as forms of<br />
institutional racism. Other examples sometimes described as institutional racism are<br />
racial profiling by security guards and police, use of stereotyped racial caricatures, the<br />
under- and misrepresentation of certain racial groups in the mass media, and racebased<br />
barriers to gainful employment and professional advancement. Additionally,<br />
differential access to goods, services, and opportunities of society can be included<br />
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within the term institutional racism, such as unpaved streets and roads, inherited socioeconomic<br />
disadvantage, and "standardized" tests (each ethnic group prepared for it<br />
differently; many are poorly prepared).<br />
Some sociological investigators distinguish between institutional racism and "structural<br />
racism" (sometimes called structured racialization). The former focuses upon the norms<br />
and practices within an institution, the latter upon the interactions among institutions,<br />
interactions that produce racialized outcomes against non-white people. An important<br />
feature of structural racism is that it cannot be reduced to individual prejudice or to the<br />
single function of an institution.<br />
United States<br />
In Housing & Loan<br />
Iberville Housing Projects<br />
in New Orleans, Louisiana<br />
<strong>Institutional</strong> racism in the housing sector can be seen<br />
as early as the 1930s with the Home Owners' Loan<br />
Corporation. Banks would determine a neighborhood's<br />
risk for loan default and redline neighborhoods that<br />
were at high risk of default. These neighborhoods<br />
tended to be African American neighborhoods,<br />
whereas the white-middle-class Americans were able to receive housing loans. Over<br />
decades, as the white middle-class Americans left the city to move to nicer houses in<br />
the suburbs, the predominantly African American neighborhoods were left to degrade.<br />
Retail stores also started moving to the suburbs to be closer to the customers. From the<br />
1930s through to the 1960s following the depression, Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal<br />
FHA enabled the growth of the white middle class by providing loan guarantees to<br />
banks which in turn, financed white homeownership and enabled white flight, but did not<br />
make loans to available to blacks. As minorities were not able to get financing and aid<br />
from banks, whites pulled ahead in equity gains. Moreover, many college students were<br />
then, in turn, financed with the equity in homeownership that was gained by having<br />
gotten the earlier government handout, which was not the same accorded to black and<br />
other minority families. The institutional racism of the FHA's 1943 model has been<br />
tempered after the recent recession by changes in the 1970s and most recently by<br />
President Obama's efforts to stabilize the housing losses of 2008 with his Fair Housing<br />
Finance (GSE) reform.<br />
These changes brought on by government-funded programs and projects have led to a<br />
significant change in the inner-city markets. Black neighborhoods have been left with<br />
fewer food stores, but more liquor stores. The low-income neighborhoods are left with<br />
independently owned smaller grocery stores that tend to have higher prices. Poor<br />
consumers are left with the option of traveling to middle-income neighborhoods, or<br />
spending more for less.<br />
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The racial segregation and disparities in wealth between Caucasians and African-<br />
American people include legacies of historical policies. In the Social Security Act of<br />
1935, agricultural workers, servants, most of whom were black, were excluded because<br />
key white southerners did not want governmental assistance to change the agrarian<br />
system. In the Wagner Act of 1935, "blacks were blocked by law from challenging the<br />
barriers to entry into the newly protected labor unions and securing the right to collective<br />
bargaining." In the National Housing Act of 1939, the property appraisal system tied<br />
property value and eligibility for government loans to race. The 1936 Underwriting<br />
Manual used by the Federal Housing Administration to guide residential mortgages<br />
gave 20% weight to a neighborhood's protection, for example, zoning ordinances, deed<br />
restrictions, high speed traffic arteries, from adverse influences, such as infiltration of<br />
inharmonious racial groups. Thus, white-majority neighborhoods received the<br />
government's highest property value ratings, and white people were eligible for<br />
government loans and aid. Between 1934 and 1962, less than 2 percent of governmentsubsidized<br />
housing went to non-white people.<br />
In 1968, the Fair Housing Act (FHA) was signed into law to eliminate the effects of<br />
state-sanctioned racial segregation. But it failed to change the status quo as the United<br />
States remained nearly segregated as in the 1960s. A newer discriminating lending<br />
practice was the subprime lending in the 1990s. Lenders targeted high-interest<br />
subprime loans to low-income and minority neighborhoods who might be eligible for fairinterest<br />
prime loans. Securitization, mortgage brokers and other non-deposit lenders,<br />
and legislative deregulation of the mortgage lending industry all played a role in<br />
promoting the subprime lending market.<br />
Numerous audit studies conducted in the 1980s in the United States found consistent<br />
evidence of discrimination against African Americans and Hispanics in metropolitan<br />
housing markets.<br />
The long-outlawed practice of redlining (in which banks choke off lending to minority<br />
communities) recently re-emerged as a concern for federal bank regulators in New York<br />
and Connecticut. A settlement with the Justice Dept and the Consumer Financial<br />
Protection Bureau was the largest in the history of both agencies, topping $33 million in<br />
restitution for the practice from New Jersey's largest savings bank. The bank had been<br />
accused of steering clear of minority neighborhoods and favoring white suburban<br />
borrowers in granting loans and mortgages, finding that of the approximately 1900<br />
mortgages made in 2014 only 25 went to black applicants. The banks' executives<br />
denied bias, and the settlement came with adjustments to the banks business practices.<br />
This followed other successful efforts by the federal, state and city officials in 2014 to<br />
expand lending programs directed at minorities, and in some cases to force banks to<br />
pay penalties for patterns of redlining in Providence, R.I.; St. Louis, Mo.; Milwaukee,<br />
WI.; Buffalo and Rochester, N.Y. The Justice Dept also has more active redlining<br />
investigations underway, and officials have stated to reporters that "redlining is not a<br />
thing of the past". It has evolved into a more politically correct version, where bankers<br />
do not talk about denying loans to blacks openly. The justice department officials noted<br />
that some banks have quietly institutionalized bias in their operations. They have moved<br />
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their operations out of minority communities entirely, while others have moved in to fill<br />
the void and compete for clients. Such management decisions are not the stated intent,<br />
it is left unspoken so that even the bank's other customers are unaware that it is<br />
occurring. The effect on minority communities can be profound as home ownership, a<br />
prime source of neighborhood stability and economic mobility can affect its vulnerability<br />
to blight and disrepair. In the 1960s and 1970s laws were passed banning the practice;<br />
its return is far less overt, and while the vast majority of banks operate legally, the<br />
practice appears to be more widespread as the investigation revealed a vast disparity in<br />
loans approved for blacks vs whites in similar situations.<br />
Studies in major cities such as Los Angeles and Baltimore show that communities of<br />
color have lower levels of access to parks and green space. Parks are considered an<br />
environmental amenity and have social, economic, and health benefits. The public<br />
spaces allow for social interactions, increase the likelihood of daily exercise in the<br />
community and improve mental health. They can also reduce the urban heat island<br />
effect, provide wildlife habitat, control floods, and reduce certain air pollutants. Minority<br />
groups have less access to decision-making processes that determine the distribution of<br />
parks.<br />
In Health & Environment<br />
<strong>Institutional</strong> racism impacts health care accessibility within non-white minority<br />
communities by creating health disparities among racial groups. For example, from<br />
1865 to 1906, many black veterans were unfairly denied disability pension by the union<br />
army disability pension system. <strong>Racism</strong> may also account for disproportionate rates of<br />
diseases, such as AIDS, among ethnic minorities. In a 1992 article, Janis Hutchinson<br />
argues that the federal government has responded slowly to the AIDS epidemic in<br />
minority communities and that their attempts have been insensitive to ethnic diversity in<br />
preventive medicine, community health maintenance, and AIDS treatment services. In<br />
addition, the mass incarceration of black males along with vectors for addiction in corelation<br />
to the higher number of minority females found infected with the HIV virus after<br />
2000 has been the subject of study and findings have shown that previous analysis of<br />
the rise incorrectly attributed it to male on male sex habits, rather than the causal effects<br />
found in current studies. Public health studies found incarcerated men when returned to<br />
their communities raise the risk of infection by passing the virus on to heterosexual<br />
partners, having acquired it in prison due to higher than average rates of sexual assault<br />
and rape, no access to condoms, injectable drugs and lack of clean needles along with<br />
tattooing; and inadequate access to health care and treatment after being released due<br />
to poverty and unemployment. The studies also found that the high rates of<br />
incarceration reduced the number of available men in black communities and rupture<br />
social relationships, leading each man to have an increase in the number of concurrent<br />
sexual partners.<br />
<strong>Institutional</strong> racism can affect minority health directly through health-related policies, as<br />
well as through other factors indirectly. For example, racial segregation<br />
disproportionately exposed black communities to chemical substances such as lead<br />
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paint, respiratory irritants such as diesel fumes, crowding, litter, and noise. Racial<br />
minority groups who have a disadvantaged status in education and employment are<br />
more likely to be uninsured, which significantly impedes them from accessing<br />
preventive, diagnostic, or therapeutic health services.<br />
Racial minorities in the U.S are exposed to greater health and environmental risks than<br />
the general population. In 1982, there was a proposed polychlorinated biphenyl landfill<br />
in an African American community in Warren County, NC. PCBs are toxic chemicals<br />
that can leach into the groundwater and contaminate the drinking water supply. The<br />
community resisted and said this was an act of environmental racism. This incident is<br />
considered to be the beginning of the environmental justice movement: a movement to<br />
address the fact the injustice that communities of color face. Research shows that there<br />
is racial discrimination in the enforcement of environmental laws and regulations.<br />
People of color and the poor are more likely to live, work and play in America's most<br />
polluted environments. Communities of color tend to be disproportionately exposed to<br />
lead, pesticides, and petrochemical plants. Unfortunately, race and class is a reliable<br />
indicator of how where industrial plants and waste facilities are located. <strong>Institutional</strong><br />
environmental racism encompasses these land use decisions that contribute to health<br />
issues such as asthma-obesity and diabetes.<br />
In Criminal Conviction<br />
Although approximately two-thirds of crack cocaine users are white or Hispanic, a large<br />
percentage of people convicted of possession of crack cocaine in federal courts in 1994<br />
were black. In 1994, 84.5% of the defendants convicted of crack cocaine possession<br />
were black while 10.3% were white and 5.2% were Hispanic. Possession of powder<br />
cocaine was more racially mixed with 57% of the offenders being white, 26.7% black,<br />
and 15% Hispanic. Within the federal judicial system, a person convicted of possession<br />
with intent to distribute powder cocaine carries a five-year sentence for quantities of 500<br />
grams or more while a person convicted of possession with intent to distribute crack<br />
cocaine faces a five-year sentence for quantities of five grams or more. With the<br />
combination of severe and unbalanced drug possession laws along with the rates of<br />
conviction in terms of race, the judicial system has created a huge racial disparity. In<br />
2015 sitting President Barack Obama visited a federal prison (a presidential first) to<br />
discuss how disparate sentencing affected prisoners and highlight how in the U.S.<br />
excessive sentencing was a detrimental outcome of harsh sentencing laws and the<br />
need to change the approach. In the Senate top Republican and Democratic senators,<br />
in a rare bi-partisan effort, negotiated for months to produce concrete fixes to these<br />
laws. The law was changed in 2010 to reduce disparity; it affected only new cases. The<br />
need, according to Senate, was for a retroactive fix to reduce the thousands serving<br />
unjustly long sentences after four decades of extreme sentencing policies. Studies have<br />
shown it is possible to reduce both prison populations and crime at the same time. The<br />
U.S. Sentencing commission announced a retroactive reduction in drug sentences<br />
following a year-long review, which will result in a mass release of 6,000 prisoners, all of<br />
whom have already served substantial time in prison. This action was done in an effort<br />
to immensely reduce overcrowding and provide comfort to wrongfully-accused drug<br />
Page 24 of 250
offenders who were sent to jail over the past couple decades. Some of those to be<br />
released will be deported and all will be subject to further judicial review.<br />
The issue of policies that target minority populations in large cities, also known as stop<br />
and frisk and arrest quotas, as practiced by the NYPD, have receded from media<br />
coverage due to lawsuits that have altered the practice. In Floyd vs City of New York, a<br />
ruling that created an independent Inspector General's office to oversee the NYPD, the<br />
federal judge called a whistle-blowers recordings of superiors use of "quotas" the<br />
'smoking gun evidence' that police were racially profiling and violating civilians' civil<br />
rights. The police officer at the center of the case settled with the city for $1.1 million<br />
and in a separate case won an additional settlement against the hospital where he was<br />
involuntarily confined after cops retaliated and unlawfully placed him in a psych ward for<br />
reporting fudged stats in his precinct. After taking office the current mayor of NYC<br />
declined to continue litigating stop and frisk practices and the number of minorities<br />
stopped under the practice dropped dramatically. The use of quotas to pad arrest<br />
figures also has fallen after lawsuits exposed the practice as carried on by drug<br />
enforcement officers.<br />
The Southern Poverty Law Center has found that since 2008 after Barack Obama's<br />
election into office, racist hate groups have increased above 400%. <strong>Racism</strong> at the<br />
institutional level dies hard, and is still prevalent in many U.S. institutions including law<br />
enforcement and the criminal justice system. Frequently these institutions use racial<br />
profiling along with greater police brutality. The greatest disparity is how capital<br />
punishment is disproportionately applied to minorities and especially to blacks. The gap<br />
is so wide it undermines any legitimacy of the death penalty along with the integrity of<br />
the whole judicial system.<br />
Anti-Drug Abuse Act of 1986<br />
The disparity between the sentences given black and white offenders has been most<br />
highlighted by that of crack and powdered cocaine offenses. How drug sentencing<br />
played out to disparately affect minorities came directly from Congress. This came<br />
about from the creation of mandatory minimum sentences in drug cases. It was a type<br />
of penalty which had been removed from federal law in 1970 after extensive and careful<br />
consideration. But in 1986, no hearings were held on this 'get tough on crime' policy. No<br />
experts on law enforcement were consulted on the relevant issues, no one in the<br />
judiciary, no one from the Bureau of Prisons, or from any other office in the government,<br />
provided advice on the idea before it was rushed through the House Judiciary<br />
committee and into law. Some comments were received on an informal basis. After<br />
bouncing back and forth between the Democratic-controlled House and the Republicancontrolled<br />
Senate as each party jockeyed for political advantage, The Anti-Drug Abuse<br />
Act of 1986 finally passed both houses a few weeks before the November elections. A<br />
mandatory minimum sentence is a minimum number of years, typically 5- or 10-years in<br />
prison, that must be served when a person is convicted of a particular crime. Mandatory<br />
minimum sentences for drug crimes are based on the amount of drugs involved.<br />
Different drugs have different set quantities that trigger a specific minimum sentence.<br />
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Between 1986 and 1997, the number of federal drug prisoners quintupled, with 74% of<br />
those minorities convicted of low-level drug offenses and sentenced under mandatory<br />
minimum laws and later added conspiracy amendments to the law. Members of<br />
Congress and state legislators believed these harsh, inflexible sentences would catch<br />
those at the top of the drug trade and deter others from entering it. Instead, this heavyhanded<br />
response to the nation's drug problem-filled prisons with low-level offenders,<br />
resulting in overcapacity prison populations and higher costs for taxpayers. Mandatory<br />
sentencing laws disproportionately affect people of color and, because of their severity,<br />
destroyed families. As a result, many states are experiencing efforts to roll back these<br />
laws and there are efforts in Congress to end mandatory minimums. (See Mandatory<br />
sentencing.)<br />
Juvenile Court<br />
A federal investigation initiated before the 2014 Michael Brown shooting in Ferguson,<br />
Missouri, found faults with the treatment given youths in the juvenile justice system in<br />
St. Louis County, Mo. The Justice Dept, following a 20-month investigation based on<br />
33,000 cases over three years, reported that black youths were treated more harshly<br />
than whites and that all low-income youths, regardless of race, were deprived of their<br />
basic constitutional rights. Youths who encountered law enforcement got little or no<br />
chance to challenge detention or get any help from lawyers. With only one public<br />
defender assigned to juveniles in a county of one million, that legal aide handled 394<br />
cases in 2014. The investigation was unrelated to the notorious case which roiled St.<br />
Louis, beginning before the police shooting of the unarmed black youth. The failure to<br />
grant access to counsel brought to light the practice of an informal process which could<br />
let offenders off with a warning or having them enter into diversion programs in lieu of<br />
being charged in court. But to be accepted into the informal process, offenders had to<br />
admit to guilt, which runs afoul of the right not to incriminate oneself in criminal<br />
proceedings. The investigation following Michael Brown's shooting found an enormous<br />
disparity in the way juvenile cases were handled, with blacks being 47% more likely<br />
than whites to be put through the formal criminal proceedings. It also found them more<br />
likely to be held in detention, and also subsequently sentenced to incarceration once the<br />
case was finished. They were also more likely to be detained for violating parole from a<br />
previous case.<br />
The county did not cooperate fully with the Justice Dept and the St. Louis Family Court<br />
declined to comment, as did the state court system it is a part of. A justice dept official<br />
faulted "the role of implicit bias when there are discretionary decisions to be made".<br />
They also reported that the court rarely considers the evidence for probable cause and<br />
juveniles are illegally denied the opportunity to challenge that evidence or a transfer of<br />
the case out of the juvenile justice system to adult court. In most state courts, the public<br />
defender's office decides who is poor enough to merit representation; in St. Louis<br />
Family Court the judge or court commissioner, sometimes based on different standards,<br />
decides who gets access to counsel. Most troubling to the justice official was the<br />
continuing use of court officials to recite complicated statutory language about the<br />
alleged crimes, then leading the defendants through "formulaic 'do you understand' and<br />
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yes/no questions." Judges made no effort to find out if the pleas were coerced, whether<br />
the child had any criminal intent or especially, did they fully understand the<br />
consequences of pleading guilty to the charges. Their competency to take part in their<br />
own defense was never established and the legal aide in the cases examined never<br />
challenged a probable cause finding, hired an expert witness or challenged hearsay<br />
evidence or leading questions and most cases ended with the child pleading guilty. The<br />
Civil Rights Division (of the Justice Dept) began four investigations beginning in 2013<br />
delving into juvenile justice systems in Miss., Tenn., Texas, and Missouri and while<br />
settlements were reached it has had to file suit to overcome the disparities in criminal<br />
convictions.<br />
Coupled with zero-tolerance discipline in schools, a "one size fits all solution" decried by<br />
the American Bar Association, black and Latino youth are more likely to encounter<br />
negative contact with law enforcement and accrue violations, which leads to fines and<br />
failure to pay, which in turn leads to warrants and/or probation violations. This cycle has<br />
been shown to put children, particularly low-income minorities, in the school-to-prison<br />
pipeline.<br />
Judicial Misconduct<br />
In 2010, two Washington State Supreme Court Justices, Richard Sanders and James<br />
Johnson, were baffled at a court meeting to determine the fate of $25,000 in funding for<br />
various boards and commissions. They stated that there was too much African<br />
American representation in the prison population because African Americans are known<br />
to commit a number crimes and not because of their race. A black lawyer says she was<br />
shocked to hear two justices, Richard B. Sanders and Johnson, refer to a former legal<br />
aid lawyer's assertions in a report using the phrase poverty pimp. Shirley Bondon, a<br />
state Administrative Office of the Courts (AOC) manager who oversaw court programs<br />
critical of barriers in the legal system, said that she told the justices that she believed<br />
there was racial "bias in the criminal-justice system, from the bottom up." The response<br />
from Justice Saunders was critical of blacks, stating that he didn't believe the barriers<br />
existed, except for poverty because it might restrict the ability to afford an attorney.<br />
James M. Johnson, who was noted as the most conservative judge on the court,<br />
agreed, noting that African Americans commit them [crimes] against their own<br />
communities, to which a social-justice advocate from the Seattle University School of<br />
Law and Bondon objected, requesting a closed-door meeting with the court. Within,<br />
Justice Debra Stephens said she heard Sanders and Johnson make the comments,<br />
including Johnson using the words "you all" or "you people" when he stated that African<br />
Americans commit crimes in their own communities. James Riehl, a Kitsap County<br />
judge present at both meetings, said he was stunned that the term poverty pimp would<br />
be used in a discussion where the comment did not relate to the presentation and that it<br />
was made in front of staff and the Seattle University representative. Bondon later wrote<br />
to the Seattle Times: "I know that people in all walks of life hold biases, but it was<br />
stunning to hear a Justice of the Supreme Court make these outrageous comments in<br />
my presence". Johnson's "pimp" comment inferred that "poor people have no right to<br />
Page 27 of 250
legal representation. Where's the justice in that?". The report had detailed ways to<br />
improve the effectiveness of boards and commissions set up by the Supreme Court to<br />
ensure fair treatment in the courts for minorities and other groups.<br />
Others who attended the meeting say they were offended by the justices' remarks,<br />
saying the comments showed a lack of knowledge and sensitivity. A Kitsap County<br />
District Court Judge, James Riehl, who commented to the times, said he was "stunned"<br />
because, as a trial judge for 28 years, he was "acutely aware" of barriers to equal<br />
treatment in the legal system. In 2010, African Americans represented 4 percent of<br />
Washington State's population but 20 percent of the prison population. Nationwide,<br />
similar disparities have been attributed by researchers to sentencing practices,<br />
inadequate legal representation, drug-enforcement policies and criminal-enforcement<br />
procedures that unfairly affect African Americans.<br />
In Prosecution<br />
Race has played a disproportionate role in courts as it has been shown that prosecutors<br />
have too often excluded blacks from juries in order to get convictions that otherwise<br />
would be problematic. This can be seen with the Michael Brown Shooting in 2014. Ever<br />
since then, the harsh treatment of black Americans at the hands of the police has been<br />
made more apparent by the public. In 1875 Congress passed the Civil Rights Act which<br />
prohibits racially discriminatory jury selection. On December 16, 2017, roughly 142<br />
years later, the Supreme Court having reaffirmed that it is unconstitutional to exclude<br />
jurors because of their race, will revisit the issue when it considers a case where<br />
prosecutors' assertions that race played no part in using "peremptory challenges" to<br />
prevent blacks from serving on juries in serious and capital crimes; having been called<br />
into question for bias. Over the years, some Supreme Court justices have expressed<br />
discomfort with peremptory challenges. In a 2005 case, Justice Stephen Breyer wrote,<br />
"The right to a jury free of discriminatory taint is constitutionally protected – the right to<br />
use peremptory challenges is not." That the practice survives today puts it in with other<br />
institutionally racist tropes in the criminal conviction that cannot be attributed to bigotry,<br />
but rather to the need for prosecutors to gain an edge and win cases. The peremptory<br />
challenge, which allows a juror to be excluded for no reason at all, differs from "for<br />
cause" challenges, in which a lawyer must give a reason for an exclusion, which the<br />
judge can accept or deny. Peremptory challenges can, when used honestly, help both<br />
sides in a trial ensure a more impartial jury. But it is still far too common for prosecutors<br />
to exploit this tool for improper purposes. It has been shown that prosecutors will take<br />
advantage of peremptory challenges to create racially unrepresentative juries and win<br />
convictions. In 2012, a North Carolina court examined 173 capital cases and found that<br />
prosecutors removed more than half of all black potential jurors, but only a quarter of<br />
the rest. A 2003 study of eight years of trials in one Louisiana parish found a black-towhite<br />
strike rate of three-to-one. In 1986, a trial-training film one Philadelphia prosecutor<br />
recorded for his staff stated "you don't want those people on your jury." The justices in<br />
considering the case may be particularly vigilant as dressing peremptory challenges in<br />
"race-neutral" garb is still unconstitutional behavior and a form of institutional racism.<br />
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Bisbee Deportation<br />
In 1918 the Dept of Justice pursued charges against 21 officers and executives of the<br />
Phelps Dodge Mining Company for the kidnapping of 1200 workers across state lines<br />
from Bisbee, Arizona. The men were subsequently released based on a pre-trial motion<br />
from the defense, claiming that the federal government had no basis for charging them,<br />
as no federal law was broken. Arizona officials never initiated criminal proceedings in<br />
state court against those responsible for the deportation of workers and their lost wages<br />
and other losses. The Justice Department appealed, but in United States v. Wheeler,<br />
254 U.S. 281 (1920), Chief Justice Edward Douglass White wrote for an 8-to-1 majority<br />
that the U.S. Constitution did not empower the federal government to enforce the rights<br />
of the deportees. Rather it "necessarily assumed the continued possession by the<br />
states of the reserved power to deal with free residence, ingress, and egress." Only in a<br />
case of "state discriminatory action" would the federal government have a role to play.<br />
By this calculated reasoning, the officials situated at the Supreme Court erred in not<br />
taking the side that in today's legal lexicon had every right to seek justice and redress,<br />
not only for the stolen wages, union busting, false imprisonment and other crimes, but<br />
for the inherent right not to be forcibly removed from your home by men with guns and<br />
shipped in cattle cars across state lines as many homeowners were. That 8 of the 9<br />
supreme court justices concurred and based on anti-radical speech sentiment at the<br />
time (post WWI anti-union and IWW) leads to the conclusion that the government gave<br />
the company cover to remove the workers, many of whom were Mexicans advocating<br />
for better pay and working condition, to a place in the next state closer to the border<br />
with the admonition never to return. That few deportees returned and those that<br />
contested the deportations lost their cases to have their homes returned to necessity,<br />
and that in 1966 Finally, in United States v. Guest, 383 U.S. 745 (1966), the Supreme<br />
Court overruled Chief Justice White's conclusion that the federal government could<br />
protect the right to travel only against state infringement.<br />
At the end of the conflict, Attorney General A. Mitchell Palmer and others advocated for<br />
a peacetime equivalent of the Sedition Act, using the Bisbee events as a justification.<br />
They stated that the only reason the company representatives and local law<br />
enforcement had taken the law into their own hands was that the government lacked the<br />
power to suppress radical sentiment directly.<br />
If the government was armed with appropriate legislation and the threat of long prison<br />
terms, private citizens would not feel the need to act. Writing in 1920, Harvard Professor<br />
Zechariah Chafee mocked that view: "Doubtless some governmental action was<br />
required to protect pacifists and extreme radicals from mob violence, but incarceration<br />
for a period of twenty years seems a very queer kind of protection. That this was<br />
considered vigilante actions by private citizens duly deputized by the local sheriff gives<br />
no weight to the racist component directed towards those of Mexican descent in<br />
Arizona, New Mexico, and Texas, who were being systematically forced from their<br />
homes in the US beginning in 1915.<br />
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Palmer Raids<br />
According to the United States Department of Justice, Palmer violated his oath of office<br />
by misusing the Dept of Justice to illegally go after those advocating for better wages.<br />
Strikers became targets of agent provocateurs who infiltrated meetings of "communist<br />
labor" and anti-war activists. After the Bisbee deportations became exposed in the<br />
press, Americans were divided about the treatment of illegal aliens, who were purported<br />
communists. Former President Theodore Roosevelt opined in the press that the Bisbee<br />
miners "had it coming, as they were hell-bent on havoc!" The Dept of Justice went from<br />
advocating for persons deprived of rights and liberty by state actors to detaining them<br />
under dubious warrants and suspicion of radicalism. The Red Scare that fueled<br />
institutional racism in the 1920s against Russian Jews and other Eastern European<br />
immigrants was a backlash to the 1917 Bolshevik revolution in Russia and a bombing<br />
campaign early in 1919 by Italian anarchists advocating the overthrow of the<br />
government. The result was the infamous Palmer raids, ostensibly a deportation<br />
measure to remove dangerous aliens. In 1919 Attorney General A. Mitchell Palmer<br />
began a series of raids cooked up to remove radicals and anarchists from the US.<br />
Warrants were requested from compliant officials in the Labor Dept, and a number of<br />
foreign nationals caught up in the sweeping raids were eventually deported. As only the<br />
department of labor had the legal right to deport aliens, they did object to the methods;<br />
nevertheless, under color of law, the raids began on November 7, 1919. It was led by a<br />
24-year-old J. Edgar Hoover heading a new division of the Justice Department's Bureau<br />
of Investigation, called the General Intelligence Division. Armed with responsibility for<br />
investigating the programs of radical groups and identifying their members, the raids<br />
began with agents of the Bureau of Investigation, together with local police, executing a<br />
series of well-publicized and violent raids against the Union of Russian Workers in 12<br />
cities.<br />
Newspaper accounts reported some were "badly beaten" during the arrests. Many later<br />
swore they were threatened and beaten during questioning. Government agents cast a<br />
wide net, bringing in some American citizens, passers-by who admitted being Russian,<br />
some not members of the Russian Workers. Others were teachers conducting night<br />
school classes in space shared with the targeted radical groups. Arrests far exceeded<br />
the number of warrants. Of 650 arrested in New York City, the government managed to<br />
deport just 43. Hoover organized the next raids. He successfully persuaded the<br />
Department of Labor to ease its insistence on promptly alerting those arrested of their<br />
right to an attorney. Instead, Labor issued instructions that its representatives could wait<br />
until after the case against the defendant was established, "in order to protect<br />
government interests." Less openly, Hoover decided to interpret Labor's agreement to<br />
act against the Communist Party to include a different organization, the Communist<br />
Labor Party. Finally, despite the fact that Secretary of Labor William B. Wilson insisted<br />
that more than membership in an organization was required for a warrant, Hoover<br />
worked with more compliant Labor officials and overwhelmed Labor staff to get the<br />
warrants he wanted. Justice Department officials, including Palmer and Hoover, later<br />
claimed ignorance of such details.<br />
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The Justice Department launched a series of raids on January 2, 1920, with follow-up<br />
operations over the next few days. Smaller raids extended over the next six weeks. At<br />
least 3,000 were arrested, and many others were held for various lengths of time. The<br />
entire enterprise replicated the November action on a larger scale, including arrests and<br />
seizures without search warrants, as well as detention in overcrowded and unsanitary<br />
holding facilities. Hoover later admitted "clear cases of brutality". Some cases in Boston<br />
included torture, where detainees were placed in a 'hot box' above a furnace and given<br />
one glass of water and a slice of bread a day and kept there for 50 hours. The raids<br />
covered more than 30 cities and towns in 23 states, but those west of the Mississippi<br />
and south of Ohio were "publicity gestures" designed to make the effort appear<br />
nationwide in scope. Because the raids targeted entire organizations, agents arrested<br />
everyone found in organization meeting halls, not only arresting non-radical<br />
organization members but also visitors who did not belong to a target organization, and<br />
sometimes American citizens not eligible for arrest and deportation. In a few weeks,<br />
after changes in personnel at the Department of Labor, Palmer faced a new and very<br />
independent-minded Acting Secretary of Labor in Assistant Secretary of Labor Louis<br />
Freeland Post, who canceled more than 2,000 warrants as being illegal. Of the 10,000<br />
arrested, 3,500 were held by authorities in detention; 556 resident aliens were<br />
eventually deported under the Immigration Act of 1918. At a Cabinet meeting in April<br />
1920, Palmer called on Secretary of Labor Wilson to fire Post, but Secretary Wilson<br />
defended him. The President listened to his feuding department heads and offered no<br />
comment about Post, but he ended the meeting by telling Palmer that he should "not let<br />
this country see red." Secretary of the Navy Josephus Daniels, who made notes of the<br />
conversation, thought the Attorney General had merited the President's "admonition,"<br />
because Palmer "was seeing red behind every bush and every demand for an increase<br />
in wages."<br />
Other<br />
On May 28, 1920, the ACLU published its "Report Upon the Illegal Practices of the<br />
United States Department of Justice", which carefully documented the Justice<br />
Department's unlawful activities in arresting suspected radicals, illegal entrapment by<br />
agents provocateurs, and unlawful incommunicado detention. Such prominent lawyers<br />
and law professors as Felix Frankfurter, Roscoe Pound and Ernst Freund signed it.<br />
Harvard Professor Zechariah Chafee criticized the raids and attempts at deportations<br />
and the lack of legal process in his 1920 volume Freedom of Speech. He wrote: "That a<br />
Quaker should employ prison and exile to counteract evil-thinking is one of the saddest<br />
ironies of our time." The Rules Committee gave Palmer a hearing in June, where he<br />
attacked Post and other critics whose "tender solicitude for social revolution and<br />
perverted sympathy for the criminal anarchists...set at large among the people the very<br />
public enemies whom it was the desire and intention of the Congress to be rid of." The<br />
press saw the dispute as evidence of the Wilson administration's ineffectiveness and<br />
division as it approached its final months.<br />
In June 1920, a decision by Massachusetts District Court Judge George Anderson<br />
ordered the discharge of 17 arrested aliens and denounced the Department of Justice's<br />
Page 31 of 250
actions. He wrote that "a mob is a mob, whether made up of Government officials acting<br />
under instructions from the Department of Justice or of criminals and loafers and the<br />
vicious classes." His decision effectively prevented any renewal of the raids.<br />
In Montana, copper miners were dissatisfied with the Western Federation of Miners and<br />
thus clashes between the miners were formed leading to the detainment of many<br />
workers in the field. The US District Court Judge George M. Bourquin, wrote in a<br />
decision granting a writ releasing them on February 12, 1920, "The Declaration of<br />
Independence, the writings of the Fathers of our Country, the Revolution, the<br />
Constitution and the Union, all were inspired to overthrow the like governmental tyranny.<br />
They are yet living, vital, potential forces to safeguard all domiciled in the country, aliens<br />
as well as citizens. If evidence of the alien's evil advocacy and teaching is so wanting<br />
that it exists in only that herein, and as secured herein, he is a far less danger to this<br />
country that are the parties who in violation of law and order, of humanity and justice,<br />
have brought him to deportation. They are the spirit of intolerance incarnate, and the<br />
most alarming manifestation in America today." In so saying, he placed the blame for<br />
the actions taken squarely on those creating a hysteria against a primarily Russian<br />
ethnic minority, and who managed to sidestep all blame by continuing to call such<br />
actions lawful. Hoover went on to head the FBI, which over its history also came to be<br />
known for the institutional racism of the COINTELPRO, Martin Luther King Jr. and<br />
Malcolm X operations and Palmer lost all support for his bid seeking the Democratic<br />
presidential nomination to replace Wilson. The judge summed it up neatly; "Thoughtful<br />
men who love this country and its institutions see more danger in them and in their<br />
practices and the government by hysteria they stimulate, than in the miserable, hated<br />
"Reds" that are the ostensible occasion of them all. Those people may confidently<br />
assume that even as the "Reds," they too in due time will pass, and the nation still lives.<br />
It is for the courts to deal with both, to hold both in check when brought within the<br />
jurisdiction." Zechariah Chafee went on to write many significant works about civil<br />
liberties. His first book, Freedom of Speech, established modern First Amendment<br />
theory.<br />
In Immigration<br />
The previous sections talk about institutional racism against black people or<br />
communities; however, Eastern and Southern Europeans who were white at various<br />
times were discriminated against. Many other minorities also suffered from institutional<br />
racism. One example is immigration policies against Chinese. The intensified job<br />
competition during the 1870s on the West Coast between Chinese workers and Whites<br />
invoked anti-Chinese movement. The first Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 was passed to<br />
prohibit Chinese immigrating to the United States, resulting in only 10 Chinese<br />
immigrants into the U.S. in 1887. The labor shortage after the decline of Chinese<br />
immigrant labor proved the fact of White racism. For more information, see History of<br />
Chinese Americans. There were other anti-immigration policies in history against<br />
France and Ireland in the late 1700s (see Opposition to immigration), Southern<br />
Europeans, Eastern Europeans, Jews, Africans, Arabs, East Asians, and Indians (see<br />
Immigration Act of 1924). Anti-immigration sentiment can also affect minorities who<br />
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have been U.S. citizens for several generations (see Internment of Japanese Americans<br />
and Mexican Repatriation). Later growth in immigration was fueled by changes<br />
engendered by the 1965 Immigration Act, reversing the national origins quota system in<br />
place since the 1920s which discriminated against certain ethnic minorities, particularly<br />
those originating in the eastern hemisphere.<br />
Bracero Program<br />
Between 1929 and 1939, during the Great Depression,<br />
close to one million Chicanos of Mexican descent were<br />
deported or pressured to leave the US. About half of<br />
them were US citizens, most of whom had never<br />
crossed U.S. borders or traveled to Mexico. The<br />
campaign was a response to migration west of the<br />
Oakies and housing and wage labor shortages in<br />
California during the Great Depression. The Secretary<br />
of Labor in the Hoover administration, William N. Doak<br />
(Hoovervilles) scapegoated "illegal immigrants"<br />
(migrant workers) as taking jobs from Americans. While not specifying Mexicans, the<br />
practice targeted for removal anyone who even vaguely looked Mexican. In 1931, the<br />
National Commission on Law Observance and Enforcement, the Wickersham<br />
Commission found the methods employed by Doak's underlings to be unconstitutional.<br />
The Policy continued into the administration of Franklin D. Roosevelt.<br />
In 'Decade of Betrayal', social history professor Raymond Rodriguez documented that<br />
history of the Mexican Repatriation, a social history of the 1930s focusing on an<br />
estimated 1 million Mexicans and Mexican Americans unjustly deported or scared into<br />
leaving their homes in the United States by federal and local officials seeking remedies<br />
for the Great Depression. Rodriguez and co-author Francisco Balderrama wrote the<br />
1995 book, which sparked legislative hearings and formal apologies from the state of<br />
California and Los Angeles County officials.<br />
In carrying out these policies, local welfare and profitable charitable agencies along with<br />
the police intensified the targeting of the Chicanos. According to Hoffman, "from 1931<br />
on, cities and counties across the country intensified and embarked upon repatriation<br />
programs, conducted under the auspices of either local welfare bureaus or private<br />
charitable agencies". The Los Angeles chairman of the board of supervisors' charities<br />
and public welfare committee, (and later LA Mayor) Frank L. Shaw had researched<br />
about the legality of deportation but was advised by legal counsel that only the federal<br />
government was legally allowed to engage in deportation proceedings. As a result, the<br />
L.A. County supervisors decided that their campaign would be called "repatriation",<br />
which Balderrama asserts was a euphemism for deportation.<br />
C.P. Visel, the spokesman for Los Angeles Citizens Committee for Coordination of<br />
Unemployment Relief began his "unemployment relief measure" that would create a<br />
Page 33 of 250
"psychological gesture" intended to "scarehead" Mexicans out of the United States. His<br />
idea was to have a series of "publicity releases announcing the deportation campaign, a<br />
few arrests would be made "with all publicity possible and pictures," and both police and<br />
deputy sheriffs would assist".<br />
Interior Azteca Theater,<br />
Houston Texas, July 15, 1927<br />
William F. Watkins, Supervisor of the Bureau of<br />
Immigration, and his agents were responsible for many<br />
mass raids and deportations, and the local government<br />
was responsible for the media attention that was given<br />
to these raids in order to "scarehead" immigrants,<br />
specifically Mexicans, although there were repeated<br />
press releases from LA city officials that affirmed Mexicans were not being targeted.<br />
Actions taken by immigration officials proved otherwise, provoking many vociferous<br />
complaints and criticisms from the Mexican Consulate and Spanish language magazine,<br />
La Opinión. Until the Depression, many citizens had seen the value of the Chicanos as<br />
cheap labor. With the pool of jobs for unskilled labor drying up, the mood turned, and<br />
with official sanction generated by this government policy, Californians employed social<br />
sanctions and threats of violence against employers who hired Chicanos rather than out<br />
of work Americans. This continued throughout the 1930s, with Mexicans encountering<br />
hostile looks and rejections when they turned up at soup kitchens and places doing<br />
charity work for the unemployed. That this policy began at the highest levels and was<br />
carried out by unemployed folks at the lowest puts it at highest levels of <strong>Institutional</strong><br />
racism.<br />
The Mexican labor supplied US Agribusiness has cycled between needing workers and<br />
calls to repatriate them from Mexican farmers were from time to time there were acute<br />
labor shortages. In 1954 while the Bracero program was in force, the INS used force to<br />
repatriate 1 million Mexicans. It was a system of tactical control and cooperation within<br />
the U.S. Border Patrol and alongside the Mexican government and was called<br />
Operation Wetback. With the growing diplomatic and security issues surrounding illegal<br />
border crossings, the INS increased its raids and apprehensions beginning in the early<br />
1950s leading up to Operation Wetback. Those apprehended were often deported<br />
without the opportunity to recover their property in the US or contact family and were<br />
stranded without food or employment when they entered Mexico. Deported Mexicans<br />
faced extreme conditions and were sometimes left in the desert; 88 deported workers<br />
died in 112-degree heat in July 1955. Most were sent by ship to Veracruz or transported<br />
by land to southern Mexican cities. During the entirety of the Operation, border<br />
recruitment of illegal workers by American growers continued due largely to the<br />
inexpensiveness of illegal labor and the desire of growers to avoid the bureaucratic<br />
obstacles of the Bracero program; the continuation of illegal immigration despite the<br />
efforts of Operation Wetback was largely responsible for the failure of the program.<br />
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In 2006, the House of Representatives congresspersons Hilda Solis and Luis Gutierrez<br />
called for an apology from the U.S. Government for the Repatriation. This has not<br />
occurred to date. US textbooks generally gloss over the unpleasant portions of history,<br />
resulting in many students being aware of the Japanese internment, yet having no<br />
knowledge of the Chicanos being illegally removed even though the numbers in the<br />
1930s was 1 million and in the 1950s another million from 'Operation Wetback', totalling<br />
20 times the number of Japanese-Americans that were interned.<br />
In almost all cases, there is no federal record for these removals. This is because, while<br />
by INS estimates 400,000 to 1 million Mexicans and Mexican-Americans left the US for<br />
Mexico during the 1950s, few of them were formally expelled under INS-directed<br />
removal proceedings. A great deal of those repatriated returned to Mexico on their own<br />
from small towns along the US-Mexico border that was "thoroughly racist", where<br />
officials using threats of deportation coerced them; or through officially voluntary –<br />
though often coercive – repatriation programs directed by state and local governments<br />
and charitable aid agencies.<br />
In Civil Service<br />
US-Civil Service<br />
Commission-Seal-EO11096<br />
Merit-based hiring to civil service titles are race-blind in<br />
terms of hiring preferences; in practice, however, there<br />
are titles that have resisted integration to the present<br />
day. Institutions that resist even past the civil right<br />
fights of the 50s and 60s resulted in court interventions<br />
in the 70s and even up to the last decade. Many of the<br />
Consent Decrees that resulted from court intervention<br />
came about as a result of the federal government<br />
intervening due to E.E.O.C. complaints in hiring or<br />
attempts to litigate discrimination that was overt. Until 2007, when the Vulcan Society of<br />
the FDNY prevailed in court using the legal theory of disparate impact, many lawsuits<br />
resulted in racial quotas being imposed in hiring. Police and Fire Departments across<br />
the country have been slow to change the insular culture that kept them lacking in<br />
diversity and open to challenges.<br />
Civil Service, as an institution, was traditionally used to prevent nepotism and the<br />
influence of politics in appointments to the position. Authorized at the federal level in<br />
1871, it came about due to reforms of the spoils system in place since the 1830s, and<br />
abuses of the post-war Grant-Jacksonian era; when Congress authorized the president<br />
to appoint a Civil Service Commission and prescribe regulations for admission to public<br />
service. A dis-satisfied office-seeker assassinated President Garfield in 1881 and<br />
Congress was motivated to pass the Pendleton Civil Service Reform Act in 1883 which<br />
firmly established civil service. During reconstruction, this enabled the federal<br />
government to provide jobs for newly freed blacks in the south (primarily the Postal<br />
Service) where no other employment opportunities existed for them. Since the inception<br />
Page 35 of 250
of the merit system in 1881, the numbers of blacks in federal civil service positions rose<br />
from 0.057 to 5.6% by 1910. Since 1883 the majority of federal employees are placed in<br />
positions that are classified by civil service designations. (see Also: U.S. Civil Service<br />
Reform)<br />
In 1913 with segregation the law of the land, Southern Democrats in Congress under<br />
the administration of President Woodrow Wilson had attempted to remove as many<br />
minorities as possible from their established position in the federal civil service,<br />
especially at the post office. This was accomplished by requiring the race of each<br />
applicant to a position be shown by a photograph.<br />
Kate T. Zeis, photo for US Civil Service Commission card<br />
– NARA – 285491<br />
This enabled the administration to demote and<br />
eliminate the Negro from the positions they held in Civil<br />
Service, and also prevented, in addition, any new<br />
appointments, further segregating the federal service.<br />
Wilson had campaigned promising to elevate the negro in his administration by<br />
matching the patronage offered them by past Republican administrations. The negro<br />
newspapers based on his inaugural speech supported him but in Congress, those<br />
Southern Democrats opposed to integration actively rendered him moot, and patronage<br />
appointments fell even lower. Claiming 'friction' amongst blacks and whites at the post<br />
office, they proposed segregating them. This was taken up by the Postmaster General<br />
and the Secretary of the Treasury, and when the cabinet and the president did not<br />
oppose the measure, Jim Crow practices in some departments was taken up with a<br />
vengeance. By 1921 those black postal workers not demoted or fired were behind a wall<br />
at the 'Dead Letter Office' in Wash., D.C. or placed behind screens where the other<br />
workers did not have to see them. Without any basis in fact or accumulation of<br />
complaints to justify segregation, it became unofficial policy. Signs appeared restricting<br />
toilets and lunchrooms, whole offices were segregated by room and workers were<br />
paired off by race. A virtual flood of proposed discriminatory laws were proposed in<br />
Congress ranging from 'Jim Crow' streetcars to excluding negroes from military<br />
commissions to officer in the Army or Navy and anti-miscegenation bills. There were<br />
also bills to restrict negro immigration. This spread to the states where more bills<br />
passed restricting blacks. Federal Civil Service did not fare well under Wilson as he held<br />
that "it was to their advantage" and "likely to remove many of the difficulties which have<br />
surrounded the appointment and advancement of colored men and women", espousing<br />
the segregation taking place under his administration.<br />
The next chapter was the Hatch Act of 1939 which prevented state and local civil<br />
servants from taking part in political activities or running for office. It was a response to<br />
conservative forces in Congress who wanted to prevent administration appointments to<br />
certain agencies aligned with the WPA and FDR presidential confidante Harry Hopkins,<br />
whom they felt were giving jobs to the 'wrong people'. Until the Brown vs. Board of<br />
Education Supreme Court decision and the related cases that ushered in the Civil<br />
Page 36 of 250
Rights era, <strong>Institutional</strong> segregation was upheld at the federal level by the Plessy vs.<br />
Ferguson U.S. Supreme Court case decision which the court overturned in 1954.<br />
Following this, cities consulted with their attorneys and as a result, Integration began.<br />
This was replaced in turn by institutional racism, the practice of upholding the letter of<br />
the law, but not the spirit, in an effort to prevent minority hires from gaining ground in<br />
titles where they were disproportionately underrepresented, such as Police and Fire<br />
depts, and in management positions.<br />
Post-integration period<br />
Around the country in the 1950s, blacks found common cause in challenging<br />
employment discrimination, and the colored newspapers took up the cause.<br />
Economically, jobs were becoming scarce for minorities during the post-war years as<br />
returning servicemen reclaimed the manufacturing and factory base. Civil Service<br />
looked to be a reasonable alternative to blacks returning from WWII service overseas<br />
and black officers leaving the newly desegregated armed services. In Los Angeles in<br />
the 1950s, the NAACP fueled an integration campaign in the California Eagle and<br />
petitioned the fire commission to provide more jobs in the LAFD. When the Fire Chief<br />
Engineer John Alderson attempted to integrate the department, the resistance to<br />
integration created so-called 'Hate Houses' and resulted in the formation of The<br />
Stentorians as a protective force of guardians to protect minority firefighters. New York<br />
had previously experienced their own revelations when the Vulcan Society appeared<br />
before the city council and demanded the elimination of 'the black bed' in firehouses for<br />
the black firemen. At that hearing in 1944, the NYC council chambers filled with FDNY<br />
brass on one side and black firefighters protesting the lack of promotional opportunities<br />
and racial harassment on the other.<br />
With that as the backdrop, integration began and segregation was replaced by<br />
institutional racism, which took the form much the same way it did when blacks first got<br />
hired before and during WWI. Blacks once appointed to a civil service position were<br />
subjected to isolation, ostracism, outright hostility and separate quarters. After 1956, the<br />
first black hires to the LAFD after integration unfairly failed to finish academy training.<br />
The Vulcan Society in New York mentored many blacks but progress was slow, with<br />
hiring not reflected in mirroring the population of the cities served until the passage of<br />
the Civil Rights Act of 1964 when the numbers of minority hiring increased. The U.S.<br />
Department of Labor in the 1970s began enforcing racial quotas during the Nixon<br />
administration that mandated black hiring, but it was the lawsuits of the 1970s which<br />
exploded the imposition of Consent Decrees across the country forcing the diversity of<br />
the hard to integrate titles. In 1971 the Vulcan Blazers of the Baltimore, Maryland fire<br />
dept filed a groundbreaking lawsuit that resulted in the appointment of blacks to<br />
positions of officers up to assistant chief when the court ruled there had been<br />
discrimination in promotions. Other minority groups followed their lead and also took to<br />
the courts. In 2009 the City of Baltimore paid $4.6 Million to settle a case of<br />
discrimination filed by minority policemen alleging discrimination. As other recent<br />
lawsuits have proved, civil departments have held their heads responsible for cases of<br />
institutional racism, an example of which is the case in 2007 of the LAFD Chief, William<br />
Page 37 of 250
Bamattre, who was retired by the mayor of L.A. after being perceived of kowtowing to<br />
racial pandering in responding to lawsuits affecting his department. Payout's to blacks<br />
and women had topped 7.5 million for cases alleging racism and harassment, and also<br />
the failure to diversify.<br />
Affirmative Action<br />
Another impediment to redressing the effects of institutional racism occurred in the<br />
1990s after President George H. W. Bush attempted to eliminate affirmative action<br />
during his term of office. He ordered the use of quotas, preferences, set-asides on the<br />
basis of race, sex, religion or national origin be abolished in hiring. Congress responded<br />
with the Civil Rights Act of 1991, which only covered the terms for settling cases where<br />
discrimination had previously been confirmed. It had been near impossible to prove a<br />
case of institutional discrimination in the courts, and many other cases were terminated<br />
upon imposition of a consent decree. While President George H. W. Bush's attempt<br />
failed, it fueled the rise in 1996 of the California Proposition 209, a ballot initiative<br />
abolishing affirmative action in California universities, to counteract what<br />
<strong>Institutional</strong>ized <strong>Racism</strong>. Affirmative action is where members of a minority group get<br />
preferential treatment over the majority rather than being treated as equals. This closed<br />
down the avenues affirmative action initiatives had opened for blacks to have race<br />
counted as a factor when accounting for different rates of acceptance to Universities<br />
and consequently in employment discrimination lawsuits that sought redress from<br />
discriminatory hiring. This is where the arguments for redress for past wrongs under the<br />
'catchup provisions' no longer worked in favor of claimants. Proposition 209 has<br />
withstood challenges but in 2013 the California Senate passed Amendment #5 – which<br />
if implemented would have reversed 209 had its main sponsor in the Senate not<br />
retracted it before final passage. By 2014 the UCLA Board of Regents came out publicly<br />
against 209 after reviewing the loss of minorities in university admissions after 209 was<br />
implemented.<br />
These ballot initiatives spread around the country primarily in red states. In 2003 the<br />
Supreme Court had ruled on affirmative action programs at the University of Michigan in<br />
Gratz v. Bollinger and Grutter v. Bollinger; the rulings found the affirmative action<br />
program was unconstitutional for the way it was applied, but ambiguously said it could<br />
continue to use affirmative action. This strengthened the campaign against racial<br />
preferences and proponents pressed ahead with more ballot initiatives under the theory<br />
that affirmative action programs were no longer needed. The tide against further<br />
passage of such discriminatory ballot box institutional racism didn't abate until the 2008<br />
election cycle when efforts by Ward Connerly, the chairman of the American Civil Rights<br />
Institute, a national non-profit organization founded to oppose racial and gender<br />
preferences, failed to get ballot measures passed in 3 states, was rejected by voters in<br />
another, and only in Nebraska got passage to add one last state banning affirmative<br />
action as a remedy for past discrimination. His critics condemned Connerly's reasoning,<br />
saying he failed to see the extent of past racism on African Americans and Hispanics;<br />
and that contemporary institutionalized racism is pervasive and powerful, and that<br />
affirmative action can overcome the residual effects of past institutional racism on<br />
Page 38 of 250
people of color. Advocates of Affirmative Action programs denied that these were 'racial<br />
quotas' as that was seen as divisive and under color of law, but affirmative action goals<br />
fell to this onslaught and subsequent reverse discrimination lawsuits ended the practice.<br />
Connerly, for his part, stated "I think that in some quarters, many parts of the country, a<br />
white male is really disadvantaged ... Because we have developed this notion of women<br />
and minorities being so disadvantaged and we have to help them, that we have, in<br />
many cases, twisted the thing so that it's no longer a case of equal opportunity. It's a<br />
case of putting a fist on the scale." His multi-racial background caused conservatives to<br />
back his cause as he was perceived to be both black and anti-affirmative action.<br />
In Education<br />
Standardized testing has also been considered a form of institutional racism, because it<br />
is believed to be biased in favor of people from particular socio-cultural backgrounds.<br />
Some minorities have consistently tested worse than whites on virtually all standardized<br />
tests, even after controlling for socioeconomic status, while others have tested<br />
consistently better. The achievement gap between white and black students mirrors the<br />
gap between the two groups in a variety of IQ tests, many of which are designed to be<br />
culturally neutral. The cause of the achievement gaps between black, Hispanic, white<br />
and Asian students has yet to be fully elucidated.<br />
In Higher Education<br />
In the 1960s, students of color started attending colleges and universities in record<br />
numbers after the passage of the Civil Rights and Higher Education Acts. However, the<br />
obstacles of integration in predominantly white institutions of higher education led to<br />
unforeseen obstacles for faculty and students of color working and studying in such<br />
environments. According to a review of educational research, tension and violence<br />
followed, one reason being the lack of preparedness of many colleges and universities<br />
to teach a diversity of students. Initially, it was also difficult for many black students to<br />
attend college due to the poor quality of education in segregated schools.<br />
The 1954 Brown vs. Board of Education decision was the beginning of the process of<br />
desegregation and the elimination of de jure discrimination. However, it was hard to<br />
determine the challenges that the process would present and the obstacles that would<br />
continue to exist.While the concept of "separate but equal" had been overturned by the<br />
U.S. Supreme Court, it was clear that the racial divide had not yet been gapped. As the<br />
years since Brown v. Board of Education passed, both verbal and physical abuse<br />
continued. After Brown v. Board of Education, the desegregated environment proved to<br />
be strenuous and was going to require some work. The increase of racial tension and<br />
racial incidents in institutes of higher education is said to be due to the "lack of<br />
knowledge, experience, and contact with diverse peers; peer-group influence; increased<br />
competition and stress; the influence of off-campus groups and the media; alcohol use;<br />
changing values; fear of diversity; and the perception of unfair treatment". Although<br />
Brown v. Board of Education was ruled in 1954, actual integration did not completely<br />
occur until many years later; the U.S. Supreme Court held multiple hearings on the<br />
Page 39 of 250
desegregation of schools, continuously they maintained that Brown v. Board of<br />
Education must be followed by schools, colleges, and universities. The manner in which<br />
Brown v. Board of Education was drawn out years after the decision helped instill<br />
racism in education by illustrating the extraordinary lengths some educational<br />
institutions would go to in order to avoid integration.<br />
While unfair treatment remains, other lasting effects have yet to be resolved. The<br />
underlying issue of minority presence of college campuses occurs. In 2008, the National<br />
Center for Education Statistics reported that while enrollment of minorities and students<br />
of color had risen, white enrollment still held the majority on average, accounting for 63<br />
percent of undergraduate college and university students. While this varies based on<br />
the region, state, and elite status, in general the majority of colleges and universities in<br />
the United States are predominantly white. According to the U.S. Department of<br />
Education, there has also been a rise in hate crimes on college campuses; 1250 hate<br />
crimes in 2016, up 25 percent from 2015.<br />
Access to post-secondary education seems to be an issue as well. According to the<br />
U.S. Department of Education, being prepared for college is integral to whether or not a<br />
student is successful. While the government offers college preparation programs for<br />
minority and low-income students, programs such as GEAR UP and Federal TRIO<br />
Programs help prepare students for college to better ensure their success and retention,<br />
the access to these programs is relatively limited. While programs such as Federal<br />
TRIO Programs have grown since conception, there is still work that needs to be done if<br />
more minority students are expected to attend and succeed in a post-secondary<br />
institution. Due to availability of Federal TRIO Programs being subjective based on<br />
where geographically a student may be, the benefits are not completely being felt be the<br />
targeted communities. However, the positive effects of Federal TRIO Programs have<br />
been pretty bolstering—more minorities and low-income individuals are prepared when<br />
going to post-secondary institutions.<br />
<strong>Institutional</strong>ized racism in higher education has received little national attention, even<br />
though it is a relevant issue affecting many colleges and universities. Despite efforts to<br />
improve the situation on college and university campuses, such as implementing<br />
affirmative action plans, anti-black racism and violence continue to occur. The effects of<br />
this violence extend beyond the incident itself. According to a U.S. study in Baltimore,<br />
racism has a correlation with health complications, such as high systolic blood pressure.<br />
Likewise, a study held from 1997 to 2003 found that racism led to higher rates of breast<br />
cancer. While this extends beyond education, it could illustrate why many minorities and<br />
students of color would feel uneasy putting themselves into an environment that could<br />
potentially garner more racism. While illustrations of institutional racism on college<br />
campuses can be found in newspapers and blogs, there are other places to learn more<br />
about these incidents. Aside from the media, one source that can be used to keep up to<br />
date on institutional racism in higher education is The Journal of Blacks in Higher<br />
Education (JBHE). This journal aims to provide as much information as possible about<br />
anti-black institutional racism. JBHE publishes resources, statistics, and current reports<br />
of race-related actions on college and university campuses. For example, JBHE<br />
Page 40 of 250
eported on the 2015 University of Oklahoma Sigma Alpha Epsilon racism incident.<br />
Other media resources where reports on racial incidents on college campuses can be<br />
found is Inside Higher Ed and the Southern Poverty Law Center<br />
In 2016, the U.S. Department of Education released a report on crime in schools. Of the<br />
racial hate crimes reported on college campuses in 2013, 41% were vandalisms, 37%<br />
were intimidations, and 38% were simple assaults. According to the U.S. Department of<br />
Education, there were 146 reported cases of racial harassment on college and<br />
university campuses in 2015. However, this number by no means is a true portrayal of<br />
the actual amount of racial harassment that occurs. Research conducted by the Higher<br />
Education Research Institute claims that only 13% of these incidents get reported.<br />
According to the Center for College Health and Safety, one reason that so few incidents<br />
get reported is that there is a lack of awareness about what consists of a hate crime, as<br />
well as where one must report such a crime. Although data is limited to what has been<br />
reported, the FBI allows public access to numerous tables and statistics about hate<br />
crimes reported in 2015. There were 4,029 hate crimes motivated by<br />
race/ethnicity/ancestry, 52.7% of which the FBI reports were motivated by anti-black<br />
bias. Out of 3,310 racial bias hate crimes, 7.9% occurred at schools/colleges. As of May<br />
2017, the Anti-Defamation League has reported that 107 incidents of white-supremacist<br />
posters being posted on American campsues since the beginning of the 2016 school<br />
year have been verified. 65 of these reported incidents have occurred since January<br />
2017.<br />
Fakehatecrimes.org provides a database with links to news sources that show hate<br />
crimes that have been falsely reported. For example, a student at Capital University<br />
claimed to have found a race-related note on his door, and his story was shared on the<br />
university newspaper. Later, in another article, the newspaper shared how the student<br />
confessed after investigation that he made the story up. On a similar note, Complex, a<br />
news source, published an article naming the "most hate-filled colleges in America"<br />
based on data from College Stats. Upon investigating the data, one will find that the<br />
data has been removed due to misinterpretation of the information.The original data<br />
simply showed the frequency with which certain derogatory words were used in tweets<br />
on certain college campuses or places nearby these campuses, and it did not consider<br />
the context within these derogatory words were used. To say that some colleges are<br />
more "hate-filled" than others due to College Stats' data is a misconstruction.<br />
Numerous news sources, including Inside Higher Ed and Southern Poverty Law Center,<br />
have reported that there was a spike in racial hate crimes and harassment following the<br />
election of Donald Trump as President of the United States. Although each case has not<br />
been verified, the SPLC claimed to have counted 201 racial incidents in less than a<br />
week. The largest number of incidents are labeled as "anti-black" and account for over<br />
50 of the occurrences, nearly 40 of which took place on college campuses. Kimberly<br />
Griffin, a professor at the University of Maryland who studies and has authored<br />
numerous publications on campus racial climate, states the following in an Inside Higher<br />
Ed article:<br />
Page 41 of 250
We have a president-elect who campaigned on ideas that made what was previously<br />
socially unacceptable racism OK by everything from talking about mass deportations<br />
and building walls to accepting endorsements from white nationalist groups. The threats<br />
students are facing are often directly connected to his rallying cries and campaign<br />
promises. I don't think that Trump created these feelings and the rage we see, but his<br />
election normalized it and encouraged it<br />
— Kimberly Griffin (Ph.D., University of California, Los Angeles),<br />
"Tensions, Protests, Incidents"<br />
Under Title VI, all higher education institutions that receive federal funding must take<br />
certain actions against incidents of racial discrimination that are deemed "sufficiently<br />
serious" or which negatively impact a student's education. These actions include<br />
investigating the incident, making efforts to stop the current and possible future<br />
occurrence, and fixing the issues that have come about due to the incident. Similar to<br />
Title VI, the Clery Act is another act that requires higher education institutions that<br />
receive federal funding to have certain obligations regarding campus crime.<br />
The main requirement is that these institutions must create an annual report that details<br />
the crime that has taken place in the past three years on campuses and the efforts<br />
made to stop it. These reports must be made available to all students and staff, which<br />
allows for greater transparency about the existing crime on campuses.<br />
Students across the nation have worked to end racial discrimination on campuses by<br />
organizing and participating in protests. One of the most notable examples is that of the<br />
2015-16 University of Missouri protests, which led to protests at 50 universities. Lists of<br />
demands made by students at 80 American universities detailing what should be done<br />
to combat racism on campuses have been collected by WeTheProtesters, an advocacy<br />
group.<br />
Impact on Faculty<br />
Faculty of color face racism within institutions of higher education as they challenge<br />
widely held beliefs regarding race relations in America. Structural inequality may be<br />
ignored under the assumption that racism will disappear within its own time. <strong>Racism</strong> is<br />
manifest in a variety of ways, including but not limited to, undervaluation of research,<br />
unwritten rules and policies regarding the tenure process, and a lack of mentorship for<br />
faculty of color. Women of color faculty are often caught within a double bind as they<br />
face discrimination based on both race and gender.<br />
Faculty members at institutions of higher education are predominantly white, with faculty<br />
of color constituting roughly 17% of total faculty, with 7.5% Asian, 5.5% Black, 3.5%<br />
Latino, and 0.5% American Indian (see chart). Failure to fully implement affirmative<br />
action is identified as another contributing factor to low numbers of representation.<br />
Page 42 of 250
2005 Chronicle of Higher Education Almanac, cited in:<br />
Turner, C. S. V.; González, J. C.; Wood, J. L. (2008).<br />
"Faculty of color in academe: What 20 years of<br />
literature tells us". Journal of Diversity in Higher<br />
Education. 1 (3): 139–168. doi:10.1037/a0012837.<br />
Faculty members of color often engage in research<br />
regarding issues of diversity, which many white faculty<br />
members deemed "risky". Widespread beliefs founded on the concept of meritocracy,<br />
where success is based solely on individual effort, put into question research revealing<br />
structural issues that contribute to success. Political undertones of research within the<br />
social sciences are used to put the validity and scientific nature of the findings into<br />
question, despite the fact that research in these fields is conducted in the same manner<br />
as research in less politically contentious areas of interest.<br />
Research methodologies long accepted in other disciplines are called into question<br />
depending on the implications of findings, particularly when these findings may reveal<br />
racial inequities in the general population and/or the institution itself. "Thus, research<br />
appearing to be neutral and scholarly, has important political manifestations, including<br />
the justification for racial inequalities that are replicated within the student and alumni<br />
bodies of institutions that formally state that they value diversity even as all of their<br />
internal mechanisms reproduce exclusionary dominance for some racial groups".<br />
This concern is especially glaring in private institutions, where concerns regarding the<br />
reception of said research by alumni, corporate interests, and other potential donors<br />
play into acceptance of research by faculty. In one case study, race- and diversityrelated<br />
research deemed valid by the highest level of national disciplinary associations<br />
was rejected by faculty and administrators, alluding to the existence and enforcement of<br />
unwritten rules regarding research acceptance. The rejection of research by faculty of<br />
color is a contributing factor to difficulty attaining tenure, with a higher performance bar<br />
set for those whose findings may contradict widely accepted beliefs regarding race<br />
relations.<br />
Faculty members of color also face barriers as they work to include topics of diversity in<br />
their courses, as White students often resist the inclusion of multicultural perspectives.<br />
Challenges in the classroom appear to be connected to issues of gender and age as<br />
well as race. For example, African American women faculty aged 35 and younger are<br />
challenged more by White female students in their 20s, while those 40 and older face<br />
more challenges from students in nontraditional age groups.<br />
Impact on Students<br />
The racial demographics of institutions of higher education in the United States are<br />
quickly changing. Institutions of higher education were often traditionally known as<br />
Predominantly White Institutions (PWI's). These institutions are now challenged to<br />
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improve their diversity efforts and create policies that address the root cause of negative<br />
racial climates on PWI campuses. It is estimated that by 2010, 40% of high school<br />
graduates would be non-white. While racial homogeneity in high schools increased,<br />
institutions of higher education were becoming more racially diverse. Due to racial<br />
homogeneity in high schools, some college students occasionally find themselves<br />
having their first interracial contact in college. Universities and colleges that have<br />
identified diversity as one of their priorities should plan how to strategically and in a<br />
sensitive manner create a campus climate in which all students, in particular students of<br />
color in a PWI, do not have to risk feeling unsafe, discriminated against, marginalized or<br />
tokenized to obtain a post-secondary degree.<br />
Data has shown that students of color and White students have different perceptions of<br />
campus racial climates. In a survey of 433 undergraduate students at one institution<br />
found that, in comparison to White students, students of color felt differently about<br />
campus policies. White students were more often to describe their campus racial<br />
climate as positive, while students of African descent rated it as negative. Findings<br />
indicate that students of color experience harassment that is, "offensive, hostile, or<br />
intimidating" at higher rates than White students, which interferes with their learning.<br />
Further, "students of color perceived the climate as more racist and less accepting than<br />
did White students, even though White students recognized racial harassment at similar<br />
rates as students of color". In addition, many African American students have a hard<br />
time to fit in a white predominant colleges because of the fear of "becoming white."<br />
White students also felt more positive about their classroom experience and the way<br />
professors presented various viewpoints in the curriculum, about institutional policies as<br />
well as recruitment and retention of student of color. Students of African descent and<br />
other students of color felt the campus environment was not friendly and that they had<br />
been targets of racism. In another study of 5,000 first year students at 93 institutions,<br />
White students were more likely to agree with the statement that "racial discrimination is<br />
no longer a problem" than students of color. White students were also more likely to feel<br />
that the campus climate is improving in comparison to students of color. White students<br />
felt the campus climate was non-racist, friendly, and respectful while students of color<br />
felt that it was racist, hostile, and disrespectful. Research has shown that racial<br />
diversification in colleges and universities, without intentional education about systemic<br />
racism and the history of race in the United States, can lead to creating a racial campus<br />
climate that is oppressive towards students of color. There needs to be, "intentional<br />
education interventions related to the changing racial composition of college students<br />
[which] would likely influence how the climate of an environment changes".<br />
If institutional racism is to be addressed in institutes of higher education, different types<br />
of interventions need to be created, in particular, interventions created specifically for<br />
the academy. Rankin and Reason's research concluded that for intervention to be<br />
effective, faculty would need to be used as socializing agents on campus, in particular,<br />
because intellectual and behavioral norms on most campuses are set by faculty and,<br />
these norms have a heavy impact on campus climate. An example of students trying to<br />
change racial campus climate is the Being Black at the University of Michigan #BBUM<br />
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moment. The Black Student Union is organizing and collaborating with organizations to<br />
bring attention to the racial climate at the University of Michigan and how it is affecting<br />
all students. In order to create interventions that lead to sustainable learning about race,<br />
institutions of higher education need to equally value the histories and experiences of<br />
students of color and White students. One example of this is required coursework<br />
through the departments of African/African-American Studies, Xicano studies, Asian-<br />
American studies, Arab American studies, and Native American studies alongside the<br />
History department. Research has shown that curricular diversity is positively<br />
associated with intergroup attitudes, decreased racial prejudice and intergroup<br />
understanding, and attitudes toward campus diversity.<br />
Black Reconstruction<br />
In Politics<br />
Ad protesting black reconstruction.<br />
After slavery was abolished, the government went<br />
through a series of changes that reflected the presence<br />
of new (black) citizens in the United States. Newly<br />
acquired freedom founded a growth in African<br />
American participation in politics. This period of<br />
increased African American participation, from 1867 to<br />
1877, is known as Radical Reconstruction or Black<br />
Reconstruction. Despite the increase in African American participation in politics,<br />
Radical Reconstruction is not mentioned as an example of how black politics strive to<br />
be. There are very distinct viewpoints concerning this time period. Some believed that<br />
corruption had run rampart in the South with the introduction of newly freed slaves into<br />
legislation and a great deal of attention was given to the negativity that surrounded the<br />
introduction of black faces into government. The Reconstruction of South Carolina<br />
particularly was under scrutiny as the legislatures were predominantly black.<br />
The happenings in the South Carolina legislature were described negatively and seen<br />
as pro- black and significantly focused on issues that only pertained to blacks. Attention<br />
was solely focused on the misgivings occurring within legislature such as, "unethical<br />
appropriation of state funds by members of the legislature" and other unethical and<br />
illegal acts committed by both black and white legislatures in South Carolina. Another<br />
set of issues brought up was the multitude of expensive decorative items and<br />
embellishments that were purchased for the refurbishment of the State House. White<br />
legislatures were generally left out of the criticisms, despite their own contributions, and<br />
were referred to as victims of corruption due to the influence of black people. Others<br />
believed that Black Reconstruction was not to blame for all corruption in legislation. This<br />
faction of people saw the constructive debates and conversations that flowed within the<br />
southern legislations. They were also more receptive to the positive aspects and<br />
characteristics of black legislatures that were displayed during their time in office.<br />
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Despite the amount of eager participants, this period eventually led to a decline in black<br />
participation in politics. The backlash of those against increase of black participation in<br />
politics effectively began to cause the number of participants to stop and then decline.<br />
Today, despite past involvement, black participation in politics is low. Black participation<br />
is not a common occurrence in comparison to overall participation and is often<br />
celebrated when a black candidate or politician does particularly well in their political<br />
endeavors. This decline is attributed to a white counterattack of the Black<br />
Reconstruction movement. Many methods were used to dissuade blacks from taking<br />
office. One of the most prominent was violence. An example of that would be the Ku<br />
Klux Klan, a secretive group whose members all believed in white supremacy. The<br />
lynching, beatings, and intimidation of black people helped to hasten the decline of<br />
black participation in politics. Coercion was also another method used to dissuade black<br />
participation in politics, particularly voting. Threats of loss jobs and refusal of medical<br />
care are some of the coercion methods employed. Coercion did not play as big of a role<br />
as direct physical violence however it did serve to further hinder the growth of black<br />
participation in politics. These methods helped to forge a political system that has a<br />
scarce amount of minorities in office.<br />
Representation<br />
Black representation in Congress had been scarce with less than eight Blacks in<br />
Congress per Congressional periods since the end of the Civil War up until the Nixon<br />
era when there were 11 Black representatives (ten in the House and one in the Senate).<br />
After the 91st Congress, Black representation began to increase. Not only did the<br />
number of Black representatives rise; the number of Black democrats in Congress<br />
increased as well.<br />
Canada<br />
Exclusionary Anti-Chinese Immigration Laws<br />
The Canadian government passed the Chinese Immigration Act of 1885 levying a $50<br />
head tax upon all Chinese people immigrating to Canada. When the 1885 act failed to<br />
deter Chinese immigration, the Canadian government then passed the Chinese<br />
Immigration Act, 1900, increasing the head tax to $100, and, upon that act failing,<br />
passed the Chinese Immigration Act, 1904 increasing the head tax (landing fee) to<br />
$500, equivalent to $8000 in 2003 – when compared to the head tax – Right of Landing<br />
Fee and Right of Permanent Residence Fee – of $975 per person, paid by new<br />
immigrants in 1995–2005 decade, which then was reduced to $490 in 2006.<br />
The Chinese Immigration Act, 1923, better known as the "Chinese Exclusion Act",<br />
replaced prohibitive fees with a ban on Chinese immigration to Canada – excepting<br />
merchants, diplomats, students, and "special circumstance" cases. The Chinese who<br />
entered Canada before 1923 had to register with the local authorities, and could leave<br />
Canada only for two years or less. Since the Exclusion Act went into effect on 1 July<br />
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1923, Chinese-Canadians referred to Canada Day (Dominion Day) as "Humiliation<br />
Day", refusing to celebrate it until the Act's repeal in 1947.<br />
Indigenous People<br />
The living standard of indigenous peoples in Canada falls far short of those of the nonindigenous,<br />
and they, along with other 'visible minorities' remain, as a group, the<br />
poorest in Canada. There continue to be barriers to gaining equality with other<br />
Canadians of European ancestry. The life expectancy of First Nations people is lower;<br />
they have less high school graduates, much higher unemployment rates, nearly double<br />
the number of infant deaths and significantly greater contact with law enforcement.<br />
Their incomes are lower, they enjoy fewer promotions in the workplace and as a group<br />
the younger members are more likely to work reduced hours or weeks each year.<br />
Many in Europe during the 19th century, (as reflected in the Imperial Report of the<br />
Select Committee on Aborigines), supported the goal put forth by colonial imperialists of<br />
'civilizing' the Native populations. This led to an emphasis on the acquisition of<br />
Aboriginal lands in exchange for the putative benefits of European society and their<br />
associated Christian religions. British control of Canada (the Crown) began when they<br />
exercised jurisdiction over the first nations and it was by Royal Proclamation that the<br />
first piece of legislation the British government passed over First Nations citizens<br />
assumed control of their lives. It gave recognition to the Indians tribes as First Nations<br />
living under Crown protection.<br />
It was after the treaty of Paris In 1763, whereby France ceded all claims in present-day<br />
Canada to Britain, that King George III of Great Britain issued this Royal Proclamation<br />
specifying how the Indigenous in the crown colony were to be treated. It is the most<br />
significant pieces of legislation regarding the Crown's relationship with Aboriginal<br />
people. This Royal Proclamation recognized Indian owned lands and reserved to them<br />
all use as their hunting grounds. It also established the process by which the Crown<br />
could purchase their lands, and also laid out basic principles to guide the Crown when<br />
making treaties with the First Nations. The Proclamation made Indian lands transferred<br />
by treaty to be Crown property, and stated that indigenous title is a collective or<br />
communal rather than a private right so that individuals have no claim to lands where<br />
they lived and hunted long before the British came.<br />
Indian Acts<br />
In 1867, the British North America Act made land reserved for Indians a Crown<br />
responsibility. In 1876 the first of many Indian Acts passed, each successive one<br />
leeched more from the rights of the indigenous as was stated in the first. The sundry<br />
revised Indian Acts (22 times by 2002) solidified the position of Natives as wards of the<br />
state, and Indian agents were given discretionary power to control almost every aspect<br />
of the lives of the indigenous. It then became necessary to have permission from an<br />
Indian agent if Native people wanted to sell crops they had grown and harvested, or<br />
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wear traditional clothes off the reserves. The Indian Act was also used to deny Indians<br />
the right to vote until 1960, and they could not sit on juries.<br />
In 1885 General Middleton after defeating the Metis rebellion introduced the Pass<br />
System in western Canada, under which Natives could not leave their reserves without<br />
first obtaining a pass from their farming instructors permitting them to do so. While the<br />
Indian Act did not give him such powers, and no other legislation allowed the<br />
Department of Indian Affairs to institute such a system, and it was known by crown<br />
lawyers to be illegal as early as 1892, the Pass System remained in place and was<br />
enforced until the early 1930s. As Natives were not permitted at that time to become<br />
lawyers, they could not fight it in the courts. Thus was institutional racism externalized<br />
as official policy.<br />
When Aboriginals began to press for recognition of their rights and to complain of<br />
corruption and abuses of power within the Indian department, the Act was amended to<br />
make it an offence for an Aboriginal person to retain a lawyer for the purpose of<br />
advancing any claims against the crown.<br />
Métis<br />
Unlike the effect of those Indian treaties in the North-West which established the<br />
reserves for the Indigenous, the protection of Métis lands was not secured by the scrip<br />
policy instituted in the 1870s, whereby the crown exchanged a scrip in exchange for a<br />
fixed (160–240 acres) grant of land to those of mixed heritage. In most cases, the scrip<br />
policy did not consider Métis ways of life, did not guarantee their land rights, and did not<br />
facilitate any economic or lifestyle transition.<br />
Metis land scrip<br />
005005-e010836018-v8<br />
Metis scrip issued to halfbreeds<br />
1894<br />
Most Métis were<br />
illiterate and did not<br />
know the value of the scrip,<br />
and in most cases<br />
sold them for instant gratification due to<br />
economic need to speculators<br />
who undervalued the<br />
paper. Needless to say, the process by which they applied for their land was made<br />
deliberately ardous.<br />
There was no legislation binding scrip land to the Métis whom applied for them, Instead,<br />
Métis scrip lands could be sold to anyone, hence alienating any Aboriginal title which<br />
may have been vested in those lands. Despite the evident detriment to the Métis,<br />
speculation was rampant and done in collusion with the distribution of scrip. While this<br />
does not necessarily preclude a malicious intent by the federal government to<br />
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consciously 'cheat' the Métis, it illustrates their apathy towards the welfare of the Métis,<br />
their long-term interests, and the recognition of their Aboriginal title. But the point of the<br />
policy was to settle land in the North-West with agriculturalists, not keep a land reserve<br />
for the Métis. Scrip, then, was a major undertaking in Canadian history, and its<br />
importance as both an Aboriginal policy and a land policy should not be overlooked as it<br />
was an institutional 'policy' which discriminated against ethnic indigenous to their<br />
continued detriment.<br />
Enfranchisement<br />
Until 1951 the various Indian Acts defined a 'person' as "an individual other than an<br />
Indian", and all indigenous peoples were considered wards of the state. Legally, the<br />
Crown devised a system of enfranchisement whereby an indigenous person could<br />
become a "person" in Canadian law. Indigenous people could gain the right to vote and<br />
become Canadian citizens, "persons" under the law, by voluntarily assimilating into<br />
European/Canadian society. It was hoped that indigenous peoples would renounce their<br />
native heritage and culture and embrace the 'benefits' of civilized society. Indeed, from<br />
the 1920s to the 1940s some Natives did give up their status in order to receive the right<br />
to go to school, vote or to drink. However, voluntary enfranchisement proved a failure<br />
when few natives took advantage. In 1920 a law was passed to authorize<br />
enfranchisement without consent, and many Aboriginal peoples were involuntarily<br />
enfranchised. Natives automatically lost their Indian status under this policy and also if<br />
they became professionals such as doctors or ministers, or even if they obtained<br />
university degrees, and with it, their right to reside on the reserves.<br />
The enfranchisement requirements particularly discriminated against Native women,<br />
specifying in Section 12 (1)(b) of the Indian Act that an Indian status woman marrying a<br />
non Indian man would lose her status as an Indian, as would her children. In contrast<br />
non Indian women marrying Indian men would gain Indian status. Duncan Campbell<br />
Scott, the Deputy Superintendent of Indian Affairs, neatly expressed the sentiment of<br />
the day in 1920: "Our object is to continue until there is not a single Indian in Canada<br />
that has not been absorbed into the body politic, and there is no Indian question and no<br />
Indian Department" This aspect of enfranchisement was addressed by passage of Bill<br />
C-31 in 1985, where the discriminatory clauses of the Indian Act was removed, and<br />
Canada officially gave up the goal of enfranchising Natives.<br />
Residential Schools<br />
With the goal of civilizing and Christianizing Aboriginal populations, a system of<br />
'industrial schools' was developed in the 19th century which combined academic studies<br />
with "more practical matters" and schools for Natives began to appear in the 1840s.<br />
From 1879 on these schools were modelled after the Carlisle Indian School in<br />
Pennsylvania, whose motto was "Kill the Indian in him and save the man". It was felt<br />
that the most effective weapon for "killing the Indian" in them, was to remove children<br />
from their Native supports and so Native children were taken away from their homes,<br />
their parent, their families, friends and communities. The 1876 Indian Act gave the<br />
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federal government responsibility for Native education and by 1910 residential schools<br />
dominated the Native education policy. The government provided funding to religious<br />
groups such as the Catholic, Anglican, United Church and Presbyterian churches to<br />
undertake Native education. By 1920, attendance by natives was made compulsory and<br />
there were 74 residential schools operating nationwide. Following the ideas of Sifton<br />
and others like him, the academic goals of these schools were "dumbed down". As<br />
Duncan Campbell Scott stated at the time, they didn't want students that were "made<br />
too smart for the Indian villages": "To this end the curriculum in residential schools has<br />
been simplified and the practical instruction given is such as may be immediately of use<br />
to the pupil when he returns to the reserve after leaving school."<br />
The funding the government provided was generally insufficient and often the schools<br />
ran themselves as "self-sufficient businesses", where 'student workers' were removed<br />
from class to do the laundry, heat the building or perform farm work. Dormitories were<br />
often poorly heated and overcrowded, and the food was less than adequately nutritious.<br />
A 1907 report, commissioned by Indian Affairs, found that in 15 prairie schools there<br />
was a death rate of 24%. Indeed, a deputy superintendent general of Indian Affairs at<br />
the time commented: "It is quite within the mark to say that fifty percent of the children<br />
who passed through these schools did not benefit from the education which they had<br />
received therein."<br />
While the death rate did decline in later years, death would remain a part of the<br />
residential school tradition. The author of that report to the BNA, Dr. P.H. Bryce, was<br />
later removed and in 1922 published a pamphlet that came close to calling the<br />
governments indifference to the conditions of the Indians in the schools 'manslaughter'.<br />
The worst aspect of Canada's residential schools, and that which anthropologists<br />
Steckley and Cummins said "might readily qualify as the single-worst thing that<br />
Europeans did to Natives in Canada" was the endemic abuses; emotional, physical and<br />
sexual, for which they are now known.<br />
Punishments were often brutal and cruel, sometimes even life-threatening or life-ending.<br />
Pins were sometimes stuck in children's tongues for speaking their Native languages,<br />
sick children were made to eat their vomit, and semi-formal inspections of children's<br />
genitalia were carried out. The term Sixties Scoop (or Canada Scoops) refers to the<br />
Canadian practice, beginning in the 1960s and continuing until the late 1980s, of taking<br />
("scooping up") children of Aboriginal peoples in Canada from their families for placing<br />
in foster homes or adoption.<br />
Most residential schools closed in the 1970s. Criminal and civil suits against the<br />
government and the churches began in the late 1980s and shortly thereafter the last<br />
residential school closed. By 2002 the number of lawsuits had passed 10,000. In the<br />
1990s, beginning with the United Church, the churches that ran the residential schools<br />
began to issue formal apologies. And in 1998 the Canadian government issued the<br />
Statement of Reconciliation, and committed $350 million in support of a communitybased<br />
healing strategy to address the healing needs of individuals, families and<br />
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communities arising from the legacy of physical and sexual abuse at residential schools.<br />
The money was used to launch the Aboriginal Healing Foundation.<br />
Canadian Indian Residential School System<br />
In the 19th and 20th century, the Canadian federal government's Indian Affairs<br />
Department officially encouraged the growth of the Indian residential school system as<br />
an agent in a wider policy of assimilating Native Canadians into European-Canadian<br />
society. This policy was enforced with the support of various Christian churches, who<br />
ran many of the schools. Over the course of the system's existence, approximately 30%<br />
of native children, roughly some 150,000, were placed in residential schools nationally,<br />
with the last school closing in 1996. There has long been controversy about the<br />
conditions experienced by students in the residential schools. While day schools for<br />
First Nations, Metis, and Inuit children always far outnumbered residential schools, a<br />
new consensus emerged in the early 21st century that the latter schools did significant<br />
harm to Aboriginal children who attended them by removing them from their families,<br />
depriving them of their ancestral languages, undergoing forced sterilization for some<br />
students, and by exposing many of them to physical leading to sexual abuse by staff<br />
members, and other students, and dis-enfranchising them forcibly.<br />
Starting in the 1990s, the government started a number of initiatives to address the<br />
effects of the Indian residential school. In March 1998, the government made a<br />
Statement of Reconciliation and established the Aboriginal Healing Foundation. In the<br />
fall of 2003, the Alternative Dispute Resolution process was launched, which was a<br />
process outside of court providing compensation and psychological support for former<br />
students of residential schools who were physically or sexually abused or were in<br />
situations of wrongful confinement. On June 11, 2008, Prime Minister Stephen Harper<br />
issued a formal apology on behalf of the sitting Cabinet and in front of an audience of<br />
Aboriginal delegates. A Truth and Reconciliation Commission ran from 2008 through to<br />
2015 in order to document past wrongdoing in the hope of resolving conflict left over<br />
from the past.<br />
Algeria<br />
French political thinker Alexis de Tocqueville (1805–59) supported colonization in<br />
general, and in particular the colonization of Algeria. In several speeches on France's<br />
foreign affairs, and in two official reports presented to the National Assembly in March<br />
1847 on behalf of an ad hoc commission, he also repeatedly commented on and<br />
analysed the issue in his voluminous correspondence. In short, De Tocqueville<br />
developed a theoretical basis for French expansion in North Africa. He even studied the<br />
Koran, sharply concluding that the religion of Muhammad was "the main cause of the<br />
decadence ... of the Muslim world". His opinions are also instructive about the early<br />
years of the French conquest and how the colonial state was first set up and organized.<br />
De Tocqueville emerged as an early advocate of "total domination" in Algeria and<br />
subsequent "devastation of the country". On 31 January 1830 when Charles X captured<br />
Algiers the French state thus began what became the institutional racism directed at the<br />
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Kabyle, or Berbers, of Arab descent in north Africa. The Dey of Algiers had insulted the<br />
monarchy by slapping the French ambassador with a fly whisk and the French used this<br />
pretext to invade, and also put an end to piracy in the vicinity. The unofficial objective<br />
was to restore the prestige of the French crown and gain a foothold in North Africa,<br />
thereby preventing the British gaining advantage over France in the Mediterranean. The<br />
July Monarchy, which came to power in 1831, inherited this burden. The next 9 years<br />
saw the indigenous population subjected to the might of the French army. By 1840 more<br />
conservative elements gained control of the government and they dispatched General<br />
Thomas Bugeaud, the newly appointed governor of the colony, to Algeria, marking the<br />
real start of the country's conquest. The methods employed were atrocious. The army<br />
deported villagers en masse; massacred the men and raped women; took the children<br />
hostage, stole livestock and harvests and destroyed orchards. De Tocqueville wrote, "I<br />
believe the laws of war entitle us to ravage the country and that we must do this, either<br />
by destroying crops at harvest time, or all the time by making rapid incursions, known as<br />
raids, the aim of which is to carry off men and flocks." He added: "In France I have often<br />
heard people I respect, but do not approve, deplore [the army] burning harvests,<br />
emptying granaries and seizing unarmed men, women and children. As I see it, these<br />
are unfortunate necessities that any people wishing to make war on the Arabs must<br />
accept." He also advocated that "all political freedoms must be suspended in Algeria".<br />
Marshal Bugeaud, who was the first governor-general as he was also heading the civil<br />
gov't, was rewarded by the King for the conquest, having instituted the systemic use of<br />
torture and following a "scorched earth" policy against the Arab population.<br />
Land Grab<br />
Once the conquest of Algiers was accomplished soldier-politician Bertrand Clauzel and<br />
others formed a company to acquire agricultural land and, despite official<br />
discouragement, to subsidize its settlement by European farmers, which triggered a<br />
land rush. He became governor general in 1835 and used his office to make private<br />
investments in land, encouraging bureaucrats and army officers in his administration to<br />
do the same. This development created a vested interest among government officials in<br />
greater French involvement in Algeria. Merchants with influence in the government also<br />
saw profit in land speculation which resulted in expanding the French occupation. Large<br />
agricultural tracts were carved out, factories and businesses began exploiting cheap<br />
local labor and also to benefit from laws and edicts that gave control to the French. The<br />
policy of limited occupation was formally abandoned in 1840 for one of complete<br />
control. By 1843, De Tocqueville intended to protect and extend expropriation by the<br />
rule of law. He therefore advocated setting up special courts, based on what he called<br />
"summary" procedure, to carry out massive expropriation for the benefit of French and<br />
other European settlers who would thus be able to purchase land at an attractive price<br />
and live in villages that the colonial government had equipped with fortifications,<br />
churches, schools and even fountains. His belief, which framed his writings and<br />
influenced state actions, was that the local people, who had been driven out by the<br />
army and robbed of their land by the judges, would gradually die out.<br />
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The French colonial state, as he conceived it and as it took shape in Algeria, was a twotiered<br />
organization, quite unlike the regime in mainland France. It introduced two<br />
different political and legal systems which, in the last analysis, were based on racial,<br />
cultural and religious distinctions. According to De Tocqueville, the system that should<br />
apply to the colonizers would enable them alone to hold property and travel freely, but<br />
would deprive them of any form of political freedom, which should be suspended in<br />
Algeria. “There should therefore be two quite distinct legislations in Africa, for there are<br />
two very separate communities. There is absolutely nothing to prevent us treating<br />
Europeans as if they were on their own, as the rules established for them will only ever<br />
apply to them”.<br />
Following the defeats of the Muslim army in the 1840s colonization continued apace. By<br />
1848, Algeria was populated by 109,400 Europeans, only 42,274 of which were French.<br />
The leader of the colons delegation, Auguste Warnier (1810–1875), succeeded during<br />
the 1870s in modifying or introducing legislation which facilitated the private transfer of<br />
land to settlers and continue the Algerian state's appropriation of land from the local<br />
population and distribution to settlers. Europeans held about 30% of the total arable<br />
land, including the bulk of the most fertile land and most of the areas under irrigation. In<br />
1881, the Code de l'Indigénat made the discrimination official by creating specific<br />
penalties for indigenes and organizing the seizure or appropriation of their lands. By<br />
1900, Europeans produced more than two-thirds of the value of output in agriculture<br />
and practically all agricultural exports. The colonials imposed more and higher taxes on<br />
Muslims than on Europeans. The Muslims, in addition to paying traditional taxes dating<br />
from before the French conquest, also paid new taxes, from which the colons were<br />
normally exempted. In 1909, for instance, Muslims, who made up almost 90% of the<br />
population but produced 20% of Algeria's income, paid 70% of direct taxes and 45% of<br />
the total taxes collected. And colons controlled how these revenues would be spent. As<br />
a result, colon towns had handsome municipal buildings, paved streets lined with trees,<br />
fountains and statues, while Algerian villages and rural areas benefited little if at all from<br />
tax revenues.<br />
In Education<br />
The colonial regime proved severely detrimental to overall education for Algerian<br />
Muslims, who had previously relied on religious schools to learn reading, writing, and<br />
engage in religious studies. Not only did the state appropriate the habus lands (the<br />
religious foundations that constituted the main source of income for religious institutions,<br />
including schools) in 1843, but colon officials refused to allocate enough money to<br />
maintain schools and mosques properly and to provide for enough teachers and<br />
religious leaders for the growing population. In 1892, more than five times as much was<br />
spent for the education of Europeans as for Muslims, who had five times as many<br />
children of school age. Because few Muslim teachers were trained, Muslim schools<br />
were largely staffed by French teachers. Even a state-operated madrasah often had<br />
French faculty members. Attempts to institute bilingual, bicultural schools, intended to<br />
bring Muslim and European children together in the classroom, were a conspicuous<br />
failure, rejected by both communities and phased out after 1870. According to one<br />
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estimate, fewer than 5% of Algerian children attended any kind of school in 1870. As<br />
late as 1954 only one Muslim boy in five and one girl in sixteen was receiving formal<br />
schooling. Efforts were begun by 1890 to educate a small number of Muslims along with<br />
European students in the French school system as part of France's "civilizing mission"<br />
in Algeria. The curriculum was entirely French and allowed no place for Arabic studies,<br />
which were deliberately downgraded even in Muslim schools. Within a generation, a<br />
class of well-educated, gallicized Muslims – the évolués (literally, the evolved ones) –<br />
had been created.<br />
Enfranchisement<br />
Following its conquest of Ottoman controlled Algeria in 1830, for well over a century<br />
France maintained colonial rule in the territory which has been described as "quasiapartheid".<br />
The colonial law of 1865 allowed Arab and Berber Algerians to apply for<br />
French citizenship only if they abandoned their Muslim identity; Azzedine Haddour<br />
argues that this established "the formal structures of a political apartheid". Camille<br />
Bonora-Waisman writes that, "[i]n contrast with the Moroccan and Tunisian<br />
protectorates", this "colonial apartheid society" was unique to Algeria. Under the French<br />
Fourth Republic, although Muslim Algerians were accorded the rights of citizenship, this<br />
system of discrimination was maintained in more informal ways. Frederick Cooper<br />
writes that Muslim Algerians "were still marginalized in their own territory, notably the<br />
separate voter roles of "French" civil status and of "Muslim" civil status, to keep their<br />
hands on power." This "internal system of apartheid" met with considerable resistance<br />
from the Muslims affected by it, and is cited as one of the causes of the 1954<br />
insurrection.<br />
There was clearly nothing exceptional about the crimes committed by the French army<br />
and state in Algeria in 1955-62. On the contrary, they were part of history repeating<br />
itself.<br />
State <strong>Racism</strong><br />
Following the views of Michel Foucault, French historian Olivier Le Cour Grandmaison<br />
spoke of a "state racism" under the French Third Republic, notable by the example of<br />
the 1881 Indigenous Code applied in Algeria. Replying to the question "Isn't it excessive<br />
to talk about a state racism under the Third Republic?", he replied:<br />
"No, if we can recognize "state racism" as the vote and implementation of<br />
discriminatory measures, grounded on a combination of racial, religious and<br />
cultural criteria, in those territories. The 1881 Indigenous Code is a monument of<br />
this genre! Considered by contemporary prestigious jurists as a "juridical<br />
monstruosity", this code planned special offenses and penalties for "Arabs". It<br />
was then extended to other territories of the empire. On one hand, a state of rule<br />
of law for a minority of French and Europeans located in the colonies. On the<br />
other hand, a permanent state of exception for the "indigenous" people. This<br />
situation lasted until 1945."<br />
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During a reform effort in 1947, the French created a bicameral legislature with one<br />
house for the French citizens and another for the Muslims but made a European's vote<br />
equal seven times a Muslim's vote. Even the events of 1961 will show that Frances'<br />
treatment of the Algerians had not changed over the years, as the police took up the<br />
institutional racism the French state had made law in their treatment of Arabs whom, as<br />
Frenchmen, had re-located to the continent.<br />
Further reading:<br />
Paris massacre of 1961<br />
Part of Algerian war<br />
Deaths 40/200+<br />
a demonstration of some 30,000<br />
Victims pro-National Liberation Front<br />
(FLN) Algerians<br />
Head of the Parisian police,<br />
Perpetrators Maurice Papon, the French<br />
National Police<br />
Original text: Library of Congress Country Study of Algeria<br />
Aussaresses, Paul. The Battle of the Casbah: Terrorism and Counter-Terrorism in Algeria, 1955–<br />
1957. (New York: Enigma Books, 2010) ISBN 978-1-929631-30-8.<br />
Bennoune, Mahfoud. The Making of Contemporary Algeria, 1830-1987 (Cambridge University<br />
Press, 2002)<br />
Gallois, William. A History of Violence in the Early Algerian Colony (2013), On French violence<br />
1830-1847 online review<br />
Horne, Alistair. A Savage War of Peace: Algeria 1954–1962, (Viking Adult, 1978)<br />
Mohammed Lakhdar-Hamina<br />
The Battle of Algiers<br />
The 1961 massacre was referenced in Caché, a 2005 film by Michael Haneke.<br />
The 2005 French television drama-documentary Nuit noire, 17 octobre 1961 explores in detail the<br />
events of the massacre. It follows the lives of several people and also shows some of the<br />
divisions within the Paris police, with some openly arguing for more violence while others tried to<br />
uphold the rule of law.<br />
Drowning by Bullets, a television documentary in the British Secret History series, first shown on<br />
13 July 1992.<br />
Malaysia<br />
The Malaysian Chinese and Indian-Malaysians – who are significant ethnic minorities in<br />
Malaysia – were granted citizenship by the Malaysian Constitution but this implied a<br />
social contract that left them at a disadvantage and discriminated in other ways, as<br />
Article 153 of the Constitution of Malaysia refers to the special "position" and "privileges"<br />
of the Muslim Malay people as supposed initial dwellers of the land.<br />
In 1970 the Malaysian New Economic Policy a program of affirmative action aimed at<br />
increasing the share of the economy held by the Malay population, introduced quotas<br />
for Malays in areas such as public education, access to housing, vehicle imports,<br />
government contracts and share ownership. Initially meant as a measure to curb the<br />
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poor economic participation of the Malays, aimed to reduce the number of hardcore<br />
poor Malays, it is now (post 2009) perceived by most conservative Malays as a form of<br />
entitlement or 'birthright'. In post-modern Malaysia, this entitlement in political,<br />
legislative, monarchy, religious, education, social and economic areas has led to lower<br />
productivity and lower competitiveness amongst the Malays. As for the elite Malays, this<br />
'privilege' has been abused to the point where the poor Malays remain poor, while the<br />
rich Malays becomes richer; which is the result of Malay cronyism, non-competitive and<br />
non-transparent government project tender processes favoring Bumiputera candidates -<br />
causing deeper intra-ethnic inequality. However, the actual indigenous people or better<br />
known as Orang Asli remain marginalized and have their rights ignored by the<br />
Malaysian government.<br />
Since Article 160 defines a Malay as "professing the religion of Islam", those eligible to<br />
benefit from laws assisting bumiputra are, in theory, subject to religious law enforced by<br />
the parallel Syariah Court system.<br />
Australia<br />
When Captain James Cook arrived it is estimated that the indigenous peoples' pre-1788<br />
population was 314,000. It has also been estimated by ecologists that the land could<br />
have supported a population of a million people. By 1901 they had been reduced by 2/3<br />
to 93,000. In 2011 they placed at 3% of the population, 661,000 persons of colour. On<br />
Cook's arrival, he was under orders not to plant the British flag and defer to any native<br />
population, which he and following captains promptly ignored and did on landing.<br />
Land Rights, Stolen Generations and Terra Nullius<br />
Indigenous Australians is an inclusive term used when referring to both Aboriginal and<br />
Torres Strait Islanders. The Torres Strait Islanders are indigenous to the Torres Strait<br />
Islands, which are at the northernmost tip of Queensland near Papua New Guinea.<br />
<strong>Institutional</strong> racism had its early roots here due to interactions between these islanders<br />
who had Melanesian origins and depended on the sea for sustenance whose land rights<br />
were abrogated; and later the Australian Aboriginal peoples whose children were<br />
removed from their families by Australian Federal and State government agencies and<br />
church missions, under acts of their respective parliaments. The removals occurred in<br />
the period between approximately 1909 and 1969. An example of the abandonment of<br />
mixed race children in the 1920s is given in a report by Walter Baldwin Spencer that<br />
many mixed-descent children born during construction of The Ghan railway were<br />
abandoned at early ages with no one to provide for them. This incident and others<br />
spurred the need for state action to provide for and protect such children. Both were<br />
official policy and were coded into law by various acts. They have both been rescinded<br />
and restitution for past wrongs addressed at the highest levels of government.<br />
All of the Stolen Generations can refer to those acts that canonized the treatment of the<br />
"darkies" on the continent, but gloss over the true history of the Aborigines and<br />
treatment by the colonial powers, which has come to be termed as "Cultural Genocide".<br />
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The earliest introduction of child removal to legislation is recorded in the Victorian<br />
Aboriginal Protection Act 1869. The Central Board for the Protection of Aborigines had<br />
been advocating such powers since 1860, and the passage of the Act gave the colony<br />
of Victoria a wide suite of powers over Aboriginal and "half-caste" persons, including the<br />
forcible removal of children, especially "at risk" girls. By 1950, similar policies and<br />
legislation had been adopted by other states and territories, such as the Aboriginals<br />
Protection and Restriction of the Sale of Opium Act 1897 (Qld), the Aborigines<br />
Ordinance 1918 (NT), the Aborigines Act 1934 (SA) and the 1936 Native Administration<br />
Act (WA).<br />
The child removal legislation resulted in widespread removal of children from their<br />
parents and exercise of sundry guardianship powers by Aboriginal protectors over<br />
Aborigines up to the age of 16 or 21. Policemen or other agents of the state (such as<br />
"Aboriginal Protection Officers") were given the power to locate and transfer babies and<br />
children of mixed descent from their mothers or families or communities into institutions.<br />
In these Australian states and territories, half-caste institutions (both government and<br />
missionary) were established in the early decades of the 20th century for the reception<br />
of these separated children. Examples of such institutions include Moore River Native<br />
Settlement in Western Australia, Doomadgee Aboriginal Mission in Queensland,<br />
Ebenezer Mission in Victoria and Wellington Valley Mission in New South Wales.<br />
In 1911, the Chief Protector of Aborigines in South Australia, William Garnet South,<br />
reportedly "lobbied for the power to remove Aboriginal children without a court hearing<br />
because the courts sometimes refused to accept that the children were neglected or<br />
destitute". South argued that "all children of mixed descent should be treated as<br />
neglected". His lobbying reportedly played a part in the enactment of the Aborigines Act<br />
1911; this made him the legal guardian of every Aboriginal child in South Australia,<br />
including so-called "half-castes". Bringing Them Home, a report on the status of the<br />
mixed race stated "... the physical infrastructure of missions, government institutions<br />
and children's homes was often very poor and resources were insufficient to improve<br />
them or to keep the children adequately clothed, fed and sheltered."<br />
In reality, during this period removal of the half-castes was related to the fact that most<br />
were offspring of domestics working on pastoral farms, whom by removing them<br />
allowed the mothers to continue working as help on the farm and removing the white<br />
landowners from responsibility for fathering them; and from social stigma for having<br />
such mixed race children visible in the home. Also when they were left alone on the<br />
farm they became targets of the men who contributed to the rise in the population of<br />
half-caste children. The institutional racism was government policy gone awry, one that<br />
allowed babies to be ripped from their mothers at birth, and this continued for most of<br />
the 20th century. That it was policy and kept secret for over 60 years is a mystery that<br />
no agency has solved to date.<br />
In the 1930s, the Northern Territory Protector of Natives, Cecil Cook, perceived the<br />
continuing rise in numbers of "half-caste" children as a problem. His proposed solution<br />
was: "Generally by the fifth and invariably by the sixth generation, all native<br />
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characteristics of the Australian Aborigine are eradicated. The problem of our halfcastes<br />
will quickly be eliminated by the complete disappearance of the black race, and<br />
the swift submergence of their progeny in the white." He did suggest at one point that<br />
they be all sterilized.<br />
Similarly, the Chief Protector of Aborigines in Western Australia, A. O. Neville, wrote in<br />
an article for The West Australian in 1930: "Eliminate in future the full-blood and the<br />
white and one common blend will remain. Eliminate the full blood and permit the white<br />
admixture and eventually, the race will become white."<br />
Official policy then concentrated on removing all blacks from the population, [266] to the<br />
extent that the full-blooded Aboriginal people were hunted to extinguish them from<br />
society, and those of mixed race would be assimilated with the white race so that in a<br />
few generations they too would become white.<br />
By 1900 the recorded Indigenous Australian population had declined to approximately<br />
93,000.<br />
Western Australia and Queensland specifically excluded Aboriginal and Torres Strait<br />
Islander people from the electoral rolls. The Commonwealth Franchise Act 1902<br />
excluded "Aboriginal natives of Australia, Asia, Africa and Pacific Islands except for New<br />
Zealand" from voting unless they were on the roll before 1901.<br />
Land Rights Returned<br />
In 1981 a land rights conference was held at James Cook University, where Eddie<br />
Mabo, a Torres Strait Islander, made a speech to the audience in which he explained<br />
the land inheritance system on Murray Island. The significance of this in terms of<br />
Australian common law doctrine was taken note of by one of the attendees, a lawyer,<br />
who suggested there should be a test case to claim land rights through the court<br />
system. Ten years later, five months after Eddie Mabo died, on 3 June 1992, the High<br />
Court announced its historic decision, namely overturning the legal doctrine of terra<br />
nullius – which is a term applied to the attitude of the British towards land ownership by<br />
Indigenous Australians on the continent of Australia.<br />
Public interest in the Mabo case had the side effect of throwing the media spotlight on<br />
all issues related to Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders in Australia, and most<br />
notably the Stolen Generations. The social impacts of forced removal have been<br />
measured and found to be quite severe. Although the stated aim of the "re-socialization"<br />
program was to improve the integration of Aboriginal people into modern society, a<br />
study conducted in Melbourne and cited in the official report found that there was no<br />
tangible improvement in the social position of "removed" Aboriginal people as compared<br />
to "non-removed", particularly in the areas of employment and post-secondary<br />
education.<br />
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Most notably, the study indicated that removed Aboriginal people were actually less<br />
likely to have completed a secondary education, three times as likely to have acquired a<br />
police record and were twice as likely to use illicit drugs. The only notable advantage<br />
"removed" Aboriginal people possessed was a higher average income, which the report<br />
noted was most likely due to the increased urbanization of removed individuals, and<br />
hence greater access to welfare payments than for Aboriginal people living in remote<br />
communities.<br />
Aboriginal Health and Employment<br />
In his 2008 address to the houses of parliament apologising for the treatment of the<br />
Indigenous population, Prime Minister Kevin Rudd made a plea to the health services<br />
regarding the disparate treatment in health services. He noted the widening gap<br />
between the treatment of indigenous and non-indigenous Australians and committed the<br />
government to "closing the gap", admitting to past institutional racism in health services<br />
that shortened the life expectancy of the Aboriginal people. Committees that followed up<br />
on this outlined broad categories to redress the inequities in life expectancy, educational<br />
opportunities and employment. The Australian government also allocated funding to<br />
redress the past discrimination. Indigenous Australians visit their general practitioners<br />
(GPs) and are hospitalized for diabetes, circulatory disease, musculoskeletal conditions,<br />
respiratory and kidney disease, mental, ear and eye problems and behavioral problems<br />
yet are less likely than non-indigenous Australians to visit the GP, use a private doctor<br />
or apply for residence in an old age facility. Childhood mortality rates, the gap in<br />
education achievement levels and lack of employment opportunities were made goals<br />
that in a generation should halve the gap. A national "Close the Gap" day was<br />
announced for March of each year. In 2011 the Australian Institute of Health and<br />
Welfare reported that life expectancy had increased since 2008 by 11.5 years for<br />
women and 9.7 years for men along with a significant decrease in infant mortality but it<br />
still is 2.5 times higher than for the non-indigenous population. Much of the health woes<br />
of the indigenous can be traced to the availability of transport. In the remote<br />
communities, the report cited 71% of the population in these remote discrete indigenous<br />
communities lacked access to public transportation and 78% of the communities were<br />
more than 50 miles from the nearest hospital. Although English is the official language<br />
of Australia, many indigenous Australians do not speak it as a primary language and the<br />
lack of printed materials that are translated into the Aboriginal languages and the nonavailability<br />
of translators form a barrier to adequate health care for the Aborigines. By<br />
2015, most of the funding promised to achieve the goals of "closing the gap" had been<br />
cut and the national group monitoring the conditions of the indigenous population is not<br />
optimistic that the promises of 2008 will be kept. In 2012, the group complained that<br />
institutional racism and overt discrimination continue to be issues, and that in some<br />
sectors of government the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples is<br />
treated as an aspirational, rather that a binding document.<br />
Sri Lanka<br />
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There are four main ethnic groups on the island of Sri Lanka: the Sinhalese who made<br />
up 69% of the population in 1946, Indian Tamils (12%), Sri Lankan Tamils (11%) and<br />
Sri Lankan Moors (6%). The discrimination against the Sri Lankan Tamil minority by the<br />
Sinhalese controlled Sri Lankan state was one of the main causes of the 26 year Sri<br />
Lankan Civil War which killed between 80,000 and 100,000 people.<br />
Immediately after independence the Sinhalese dominated government of Ceylon<br />
introduced the Ceylon Citizenship Act of 1948 which deliberately discriminated against<br />
the Indian Tamil ethnic minority by making it virtually impossible for them to obtain<br />
citizenship of Ceylon. Approximately 700,000 Indian Tamils were made stateless. Over<br />
the next three decades more than 300,000 Indian Tamils were deported back to India. It<br />
wasn't until 2003, 55 years after independence, that all Indian Tamils living in Sri Lanka<br />
were granted citizenship but by this time they only made up 5% of the island's<br />
population.<br />
In 1956 the Ceylon government introduced the Sinhala Only Act, replacing English with<br />
Sinhala as the official language of Ceylon. The Act was a deliberate attempt to correct<br />
the perceived disproportionately high number of Sri Lankan Tamils working in the<br />
Ceylon Civil Service and other public services.<br />
However, the Tamil language speaking minorities of the Ceylon (Sri Lankan Tamils,<br />
Indian Tamils and Sri Lankan Moors) viewed the Act as linguistic, cultural and economic<br />
discrimination against them. Many Tamil speaking civil servants/public servants were<br />
forced to resign because they weren't fluent in Sinhala. The detrimental impact of the<br />
Act on the civil/public services forced the government to relax the language laws: in<br />
1977 Tamil was made a 'national language' and in 1987 it was made an official<br />
language.<br />
The 1971 Universities Act introduced a policy of standardization to correct<br />
disproportionately high number of Sri Lankan Tamils students entering universities.<br />
Officially the policy was meant to discriminate in favour of students from rural areas but<br />
in reality the policy discriminated against Sri Lankan Tamil students who were in effect<br />
required gain more marks than Sinhalese students to gain admission to universities.<br />
The number of Sri Lankan Tamil students entering universities fell dramatically. The<br />
policy was abandoned in 1977.<br />
Other forms of official discrimination against the Sri Lankan Tamils included the statesponsored<br />
colonisation of traditional Tamil areas by Sinhalese peasants, the banning of<br />
the import of Tamil-language media and the precedence given by the 1978 Constitution<br />
of Sri Lanka to Buddhism, the main religion followed by the Sinhalese.<br />
The Sri Lankan Tamils reacted to the discrimination by calling for political devolution<br />
(federalism) and staging peaceful protests but were met with violence and ethnic riots.<br />
This in turn resulted in moderate Tamils calling for self determination but some young<br />
Tamils reacted by forming a number of militant groups, the most prominent being the<br />
Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). By 1983 full-scale civil war had erupted<br />
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etween the LTTE and the Sri Lankan government. The civil war ended in May 2009<br />
with the defeat of the LTTE but many independent/international observers recognised<br />
that the continued discrimination against the Tamils would leave the ethnic conflict<br />
unresolved. The United Nations Human Rights Council has urged the Sri Lankan<br />
government "to combat discrimination against persons belonging to ethnic minorities".<br />
In the Metropolitan Police Service<br />
United Kingdom<br />
In the United Kingdom, the inquiry about the murder of the black Briton Stephen<br />
Lawrence concluded that the investigating police force was institutionally racist. Sir<br />
William Macpherson used the term as a description of "the collective failure of an<br />
organization to provide an appropriate and professional service to people because of<br />
their colour, culture or ethnic origin", which "can be seen or detected in processes,<br />
attitudes, and behaviour, which amount to discrimination through unwitting prejudice,<br />
ignorance, thoughtlessness, and racist stereotyping, which disadvantages minority<br />
ethnic people". Sir William's definition is almost identical to Stokely Carmichael's original<br />
definition some forty years earlier. Stokely Carmichael and Charles Hamilton 1967 were<br />
black power activists and first used the term 'institutional racism' to describe the<br />
consequences of a societal structure that was stratified into a racial hierarchy that<br />
resulted in layers of discrimination and inequality for minority ethnic people in housing,<br />
income, employment, education and health (Garner 2004:22).<br />
The Stephen Lawrence Inquiry Report, and the public's response to it, were among the<br />
major factors that forced the Metropolitan Police to address its treatment of ethnic<br />
minorities. More recently, the former Metropolitan Police Commissioner, Sir Ian Blair<br />
said that the British news media are institutionally racist, a comment that offended<br />
journalists, provoking angry responses from the media, despite the National Black<br />
Police Association welcoming Blair's assessment.<br />
The report also found that the Metropolitan Police was institutionally racist. A total of 70<br />
recommendations for reform were made. These proposals included abolishing the<br />
double jeopardy rule and criminalizing racist statements made in private. Macpherson<br />
also called for reform in the British Civil Service, local governments, the National Health<br />
Service, schools, and the judicial system, to address issues of institutional racism.<br />
In June 2015, the Metropolitan Police Commissioner, Sir Bernard Hogan-Howe, said<br />
there was some justification in claims that the Metropolitan Police Service is<br />
institutionally racist.<br />
Criminal Conviction<br />
While problems with the treatment of minorities in criminal investigations were found<br />
institutional, another aspect of criminal conviction crossed the line, affecting both white<br />
and black convicts. For 7 years, the courts in the U.K. handed down sentences for<br />
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minor crimes that resulted in virtual life in prison. By 2012, the use of IPP sentence<br />
guidelines were curtailed, however, three years after the sentences were abolished,<br />
more than three fourths of the 4,612 IPP prisoners still jailed in the system have passed<br />
the minimum sentence term set by the court. 200 more have been in prison for nearly a<br />
decade – despite being given a minimum sentence of less than two years. These<br />
guidelines were introduced to keep criminals behind bars until they were no longer<br />
deemed a risk to the public, but where their crimes did not warrant a fixed life sentence.<br />
Although they were designed for the most dangerous offenders, IPP sentences were<br />
given out for relatively minor crimes including affray (fighting in public), minor criminal<br />
damage worth less than 20 pounds, and shoplifting. They were ended in 2012 after the<br />
European Court of Human Rights ruled that all prisoners had the right to know how long<br />
they were being held for. UK courts stopped handing out the sentences, but the ban did<br />
nothing to impact those already serving an IPP.<br />
In a kafkaesque turn, many cannot be released as they cannot complete the courses<br />
required as a condition of release due to them not being offered, and paperwork to<br />
conclude parole hearings is not prepared before the hearings, only after the hearing is<br />
concluded due to lack of paperwork. The situation has been exacerbated by budget<br />
cutbacks to prisons, probation, and the Parole Board, resulting in IPP prisoners<br />
becoming trapped in the system.<br />
A former Judge and Parole board member stated, "We've got a whole series of people<br />
who were caught up in indeterminate sentences who posed no danger to anyone – let<br />
alone society at large – and who are saddled with a need to remain in custody almost<br />
indefinitely." The law was originally to apply to 153 specific crimes and were expected to<br />
affect a few hundred convictions, instead it was applied widely, judges handing down<br />
8,701 IPP sentences in just seven years – some for crimes far less serious than those<br />
specified in the original legislation. A senior high court judge describes those still<br />
incarcerated under IPP sentencing as 'the disappeared'. That these laws were<br />
abolished places those still being held under them as victims of an institutional policy<br />
gone awry, and the culture endemic to the poorer wards of the U.K.'s inner cities –<br />
drugs, fighting in the streets and general un-sociable behavior – was what brought them<br />
to be incarcerated in the first place, crimes that generally did not warrant life sentences.<br />
In Psychiatry<br />
According to the Institute for the Study of Academic <strong>Racism</strong>, scholars have drawn on a<br />
1979 work by social psychologist Michael Billig – "Psychology, <strong>Racism</strong>, and Fascism" –<br />
that identified links between the Institute of Psychiatry and racist/eugenic theories,<br />
notably in regard to race and intelligence, as for example promoted by IOP psychologist<br />
Hans Eysenck and in a highly publicized talk in August 1970 at the IOP by American<br />
psychologist Arthur Jensen. Billig concluded that "racialist presuppositions" intruded into<br />
research at the Institute both unintentionally and intentionally.<br />
More recently in 2007, the BBC reported that a "race row" had broken out in the wake of<br />
an official inquiry that identified institutional racism in British psychiatry, with<br />
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psychiatrists, including from the IOP/Maudsley, arguing against the claim, while the<br />
heads of the Mental Health Act Commission accused them of misunderstanding the<br />
concept of institutional racism and dismissing the legitimate concerns of the Black<br />
community in Britain. Campaigns by voluntary groups seek to address the higher rates<br />
of sectioning, over-medication, misdiagnosis and forcible restraint on members of<br />
minority groups.<br />
South Africa<br />
In South Africa, during Apartheid, institutional racism has been a powerful means of<br />
excluding from resources and power any person not categorized or marked as white.<br />
Those marked as black were further discriminated against differentially, with Africans<br />
facing more extreme forms of exclusion and exploitation than those marked as coloured<br />
or Indian. One such example of institutional racism in South Africa is Natives Land Act,<br />
1913, which reserved 90% of land for white use and the Native Urban Areas Act of 1923<br />
controlled access to urban areas, which suited commercial farmers who were keen to<br />
hold labor on their land. Africans, who formed the majority of the population, were<br />
relegated to barren rural reserves, which later became homelands.<br />
More modern forms of institutional racism in South Africa are centered around<br />
interracial relationships. Opposition to interracial intimate relationships may be indicative<br />
of underlying racism, and that conversely acceptance and support of these relationships<br />
may be indicative of a stance against racism. Even though the prohibition of Mixed<br />
Marriages Act was repealed in 1985, the term "mixed" continued to exists, thus carrying<br />
forth the inherent stigmatization of "mixed" relationships and race. Consequently,<br />
discourse is a framework that realizes language can produce institutional structures and<br />
relations. However, language constitute who we are, interact with others and<br />
understand ourselves. So discourse is viewed as inextricable link to power and<br />
necessarily more than a medium utilized to transmit information.<br />
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II. <strong>Institutional</strong> Discrimination<br />
<strong>Institutional</strong>ized Discrimination refers to the unjust and discriminatory mistreatment of<br />
an individual or group of individuals by society and its institutions as a whole, through<br />
unequal selection or bias, intentional or unintentional; as opposed to individuals making<br />
a conscious choice to discriminate. It stems from systemic stereotypical beliefs (such as<br />
sexist or racist beliefs) that are held by the vast majority living in a society where<br />
stereotypes and discrimination are the norm (see institutionalized racism). Such<br />
discrimination is typically codified into the operating procedures, policies, laws, or<br />
objectives of such institutions.<br />
Members of minority groups such as populations of African descent in the U.S. are at a<br />
much higher risk of encountering these types of sociostructural disadvantage. Among<br />
the severe and long-lasting detrimental effects of institutionalized discrimination on<br />
affected populations are increased suicide rates, suppressed attainment of wealth and<br />
decreased access to health care.<br />
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Examples<br />
Examples of institutionalized discrimination include laws and decisions that reflect<br />
racism, such as the Plessy vs. Ferguson U.S. Supreme Court case. The verdict of this<br />
case ruled in favor of separate but equal public facilities between African Americans and<br />
non-African Americans. This ruling was struck down by the Brown vs. Board of<br />
Education Supreme Court decision. <strong>Institutional</strong>ized discrimination often exists within<br />
the government, though it can also occur in any other type of social institution including<br />
religion, education and marriage. Achievement gaps in education per se are an example<br />
of institutionalized discrimination. Two recent studies aimed to explain the complications<br />
of assessing educational progress within the United States. One study focused on high<br />
school graduation rates, whereas the other study compared dropout rates in suburban<br />
and urban schools. By taking a closer look at statistics of test scores and academic<br />
achievement, researchers noticed that wealthy whites do better than blacks, poor<br />
whites, and Latinos. According to Star Parker, reporter of the Durham Herald Sun,<br />
graduation rates among whites and Asians are about 25 percent higher than those of<br />
blacks, Hispanics, and American Indians. This signifies that academic achievement is<br />
linked to socioeconomic status.<br />
Spillover effects<br />
<strong>Institutional</strong>ized discrimination also exists in institutions aside from the government such<br />
as religion, education, and marriage among many other. Routines that encourage the<br />
selection of one individual over another, for instance in an employment situation, is a<br />
form of institutionalized discrimination. The phenomenon occurs unintentionally at times.<br />
Thomas Shapiro’s The Hidden Cost of Being African American addresses many of the<br />
problems faced by African Americans in the United States and how their current social<br />
and economic situations compare to one another. These issues include the racial<br />
wealth gap between blacks and whites, assets, and education. Housing in the United<br />
States is valued differently based on the racial makeup of the neighborhood. There can<br />
be two identical houses in terms of amenities and size but the value of each house<br />
depends on the racial makeup of the people within the community. Tactics like<br />
blockbusting, a method where real estate agents survey white homeowners in an area<br />
can cause a shift in the composition of a neighborhood. Although the concept of<br />
blockbusting has been illegal since 1968 unintentional segregation continues to define<br />
neighborhoods today.<br />
Solutions<br />
The Cedar Grove Institute for Sustainable Communities has developed a plan to fight<br />
institutionalized discrimination in the Mebane, North Carolina area, and included<br />
minorities in local planning that have historically been excluded rendering them<br />
insufficient police and fire protection. Their land values are lower than others leading to<br />
zoning for schools and other related issues.<br />
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As community boundaries are not visible, a mapping process from the Geographical<br />
Information System (GIS) divides it. It combines several types of information into a<br />
single picture. The base map is physical features (roads, city limits, county boundaries)<br />
onto which other variables (e.g. race, income, water service, etc.). If needed, the<br />
processing system can also show other types of economic variables to draw<br />
conclusions about the area. Once the individuals begin to understand this information<br />
and realize what is happening to them, they have the power to hold the government<br />
accountable and can fight back against the institutionalized discrimination.<br />
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III. Harassment<br />
and Psychological Warfare<br />
Harassment covers a wide range of behaviors of an offensive nature. It is commonly<br />
understood as behavior that demeans, humiliates or embarrasses a person, and it is<br />
characteristically identified by its unlikelihood in terms of social and moral<br />
reasonableness. In the legal sense, these are behaviors that appear to be disturbing,<br />
upsetting or threatening. It evolves from discriminatory grounds, and has an effect of<br />
nullifying or impairing a person from benefiting their rights. When this behaviors become<br />
repetitive it is defined as bullying. Sexual harassment refers to persistent and unwanted<br />
sexual advances even after gently refusing, typically in the workplace, where the<br />
consequences are potentially very disadvantageous to the victim if there is a power<br />
imbalance between the perpetuator.<br />
Etymology<br />
The word is based in English since circa 1618 as a loan word from the French, which<br />
was in turn already attested in 1572 meaning torment, annoyance, bother, trouble and<br />
later as of 1609 was also referred to the condition of being exhausted, overtired. Of the<br />
French verb harasser itself there are the first records in a Latin to French translation of<br />
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1527 of Thucydides’ History of the war that was between the Peloponnesians and the<br />
Athenians both in the countries of the Greeks and the Romans and the neighbouring<br />
places wherein the translator writes harasser allegedly meaning harceler (to exhaust the<br />
enemy by repeated raids); and in the military chant Chanson du franc archer of 1562,<br />
where the term is referred to a gaunt jument (de poil fauveau, tant maigre et harassée:<br />
of fawn horsehair, so meagre and …) where it is supposed that the verb is used<br />
meaning overtired.<br />
A hypothesis about the origin of the verb harasser is harace/harache, which was used in<br />
the 14th century in expressions like courre à la harache (to pursue) and prendre aucun<br />
par la harache (to take somebody under constraint). The Französisches Etymologisches<br />
Wörterbuch, a German etymological dictionary of the French language (1922–2002)<br />
compares phonetically and syntactically both harace and harache to the interjection<br />
hare and haro by alleging a pejorative and augmentative form. The latter was an<br />
exclamation indicating distress and emergency (recorded since 1180) but is also<br />
reported later in 1529 in the expression crier haro sur (to arise indignation over<br />
somebody). hare 's use is already reported in 1204 as an order to finish public activities<br />
as fairs or markets and later (1377) still as command but referred to dogs. This<br />
dictionary suggests a relation of haro/hare with the old lower franconian *hara (here) (as<br />
by bringing a dog to heel).<br />
While the pejorative of an exclamation and in particular of such an exclamation is<br />
theoretically possible for the first word (harace) and maybe phonetically plausible for<br />
harache, a semantic, syntactic and phonetic similarity of the verb harasser as used in<br />
the first popular attestation (the chant mentioned above) with the word haras should be<br />
kept in mind: Already in 1160 haras indicated a group of horses constrained together for<br />
the purpose of reproduction and in 1280 it also indicated the enclosure facility itself,<br />
where those horses are constrained.<br />
The origin itself of harass is thought to be the old Scandinavian hârr with the Romanic<br />
suffix –as, which meant grey or dimmish horsehair. Controversial is the etymological<br />
relation to the Arabic word for horse whose roman transliteration is faras.<br />
Although the French origin of the word 'harassment' is beyond all question in the Oxford<br />
English Dictionary and those dictionaries basing on it, a supposed Old French verb<br />
harer should be the origin of the French verb harasser, despite the fact that this verb<br />
cannot be found in French etymologic dictionaries like that of the Centre national de<br />
resources textuelles et lexicales or the Trésor de la langue française informatisé (see<br />
also their corresponding websites as indicated in the interlinks); since the entry further<br />
alleges a derivation from hare, like in the mentioned German etymological dictionary of<br />
the French language a possible misprint of harer = har/ass/er = harasser is plausible or<br />
cannot be excluded. In those dictionaries the relationship with harassment were an<br />
interpretation of the interjection hare as to urge a dog to attack', despite the fact that it<br />
should indicate a shout to come and not to go (hare = hara = here; cf. above). The<br />
American Heritage Dictionary prudently indicates this origin only as possible.<br />
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Types<br />
Electronic<br />
Electronic harassment is the unproven belief of the use of electromagnetic waves to<br />
harass a victim. Psychologists have identified evidence of auditory hallucinations,<br />
delusional disorders, or other mental disorders in online communities supporting those<br />
who claim to be targeted.<br />
Landlord<br />
Landlord harassment is the willing creation, by a landlord or his agents, of conditions<br />
that are uncomfortable for one or more tenants in order to induce willing abandonment<br />
of a rental contract. Such a strategy is often sought because it avoids costly legal<br />
expenses and potential problems with eviction.<br />
This kind of activity is common in regions where rent control laws exist, but which do not<br />
allow the direct extension of rent-controlled prices from one tenancy to the subsequent<br />
tenancy, thus allowing landlords to set higher prices.<br />
Landlord harassment carries specific legal penalties in some jurisdictions, but<br />
enforcement can be very difficult or even impossible in many circumstances. However,<br />
when a crime is committed in the process and motives similar to those described above<br />
are subsequently proven in court, then those motives may be considered an<br />
aggravating factor in many jurisdictions, thus subjecting the offender(s) to a stiffer<br />
sentence.<br />
Online<br />
Distribution of cyberbullying venues used by young<br />
people in the US, according to the Centers for<br />
Disease Control<br />
Harassment directs multiple repeating obscenities and<br />
derogatory comments at specific individuals focusing,<br />
for example, on the targets' race, religion, gender,<br />
nationality, disability, or sexual orientation. This often<br />
occurs in chat rooms, through newsgroups, and by<br />
sending hate e-mail to interested parties.<br />
This may also include stealing photos of the victim and<br />
their families, doctoring these photos in offensive ways, and then posting them on social<br />
media with the aim of causing emotional distress (see cyberbullying, cyberstalking, hate<br />
crime, online predator, and stalking).<br />
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Police<br />
Unfair treatment conducted by law officials, including but not limited to excessive force,<br />
profiling, threats, coercion, and racial, ethnic, religious, gender/sexual, age, or other<br />
forms of discrimination.<br />
Power<br />
Power harassment is harassment or unwelcome attention of a political nature, often<br />
occurring in the environment of a workplace including hospitals, schools and<br />
universities. It includes a range of behavior from mild irritation and annoyances to<br />
serious abuses which can even involve forced activity beyond the boundaries of the job<br />
description. Power harassment is considered a form of illegal discrimination and is a<br />
form of political and psychological abuse, and bullying.<br />
Psychological<br />
This is humiliating, intimidating or abusive behavior which is often difficult to detect,<br />
leaving no evidence other than victim reports or complaints. This characteristically<br />
lowers a person’s self-esteem or causes one to have overwhelming torment. This can<br />
take the form of verbal comments, engineered episodes of intimidation, aggressive<br />
actions or repeated gestures. Falling into this category is workplace harassment by<br />
individuals or groups mobbing.<br />
Community-based psychological harassment, meanwhile, is stalking by a group<br />
against an individual using repeated distractions that the individual is sensitized to.<br />
Media reports of large numbers of coordinated groups stalking individual stalking<br />
victims, including a press interview given by an active duty police lieutenant, have<br />
described this community-based harassment as gang stalking.<br />
Racial<br />
The targeting of an individual because of their race or ethnicity. The harassment may<br />
include words, deeds, and actions that are specifically designed to make the target feel<br />
degraded due to their race or ethnicity.<br />
Religious<br />
Notice to passengers posted behind bus driver, in<br />
Hebrew: "Every passenger may take any seat they<br />
choose (excepting places marked for disabled persons);<br />
harassing a passenger in this regard may be a criminal<br />
offence".<br />
Verbal, psychological or physical harassment is used<br />
against targets because they choose to practice a<br />
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specific religion. Religious harassment can also include forced and involuntary<br />
conversions.<br />
Sexual<br />
Further information: Sexual harassment in education and Sexual harassment in the<br />
military<br />
Sexual harassment is an offensive or humiliating behaviour that is related to a person's<br />
sex. It can be a subtle or overt sexual nature of a person (sexual annoyance, e.g.<br />
flirting, expression of sexuality, etc.) that results in wrong communication or<br />
miscommunication, implied sexual conditions of a job (sexual coercion), etc. It can<br />
happen anywhere, but is most common in the workplace, schools, and the military. It<br />
involves unwanted and unwelcome words, deeds, actions, gestures, symbols, or<br />
behaviors of a sexual nature that make the target feel uncomfortable. Women are<br />
substantially more likely to be affected than men. The main focus of groups working<br />
against sexual harassment has been the protection of women, but in recent years<br />
awareness has grown of the need to protect LGBTQ (for right of gender expression),<br />
men and transgender people also.<br />
Workplace<br />
Workplace harassment is the offensive, belittling or threatening behavior directed at an<br />
individual worker or a group of workers.<br />
Recently, matters of workplace harassment have gained interest among practitioners<br />
and researchers as it is becoming one of the most sensitive areas of effective workplace<br />
management. In Oriental countries, it attracted lots of attention from researchers and<br />
governments since the 1980s, because a significant source of work stress is associated<br />
with aggressive behaviors in the workplace. Under occupational health and safety laws<br />
around the world, workplace harassment and workplace bullying are identified as being<br />
core psychosocial hazards.<br />
United States<br />
Laws<br />
Harassment, under the laws of the United States, is defined as any repeated or<br />
continuing un-consented contact that serves no useful purpose beyond creating alarm,<br />
annoyance, or emotional distress. In 1964, the United States Congress passed Title VII<br />
of the Civil Rights Act which prohibited discrimination at work on the basis of race, color,<br />
religion, national origin and sex. This later became the legal basis for early harassment<br />
law. The practice of developing workplace guidelines prohibiting harassment was<br />
pioneered in 1969, when the U.S. Department of Defense drafted a Human Goals<br />
Charter, establishing a policy of equal respect for both sexes. In Meritor Savings Bank<br />
v. Vinson, 477 U.S. 57 (1986): the U.S. Supreme Court recognized harassment suits<br />
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against employers for promoting a sexually hostile work environment. In 2006,<br />
President George W. Bush signed a law which prohibited the transmission of annoying<br />
messages over the Internet (aka spamming) without disclosing the sender's true<br />
identity.<br />
New Jersey's Law Against Discrimination ("LAD")<br />
The LAD prohibits employers from discriminating in any job-related action, including<br />
recruitment, interviewing, hiring, promotions, discharge, compensation and the terms,<br />
conditions and privileges of employment on the basis of any of the law's specified<br />
protected categories. These protected categories are race, creed, color, national origin,<br />
nationality, ancestry, age, sex (including pregnancy and sexual harassment), marital<br />
status, domestic partnership status, affectional or sexual orientation, atypical hereditary<br />
cellular or blood trait, genetic information, liability for military service, or mental or<br />
physical disability, including HIV/AIDS and related illnesses. The LAD prohibits<br />
intentional discrimination based on any of these characteristics. Intentional<br />
discrimination may take the form of differential treatment or statements and conduct that<br />
reflect discriminatory animus or bias.<br />
Canada<br />
In 1984, the Canadian Human Rights Act prohibited sexual harassment in workplaces<br />
under federal jurisdiction.<br />
United Kingdom<br />
In the UK, there are a number of laws protecting people from harassment, including the<br />
Protection from Harassment Act 1997 and the Criminal Justice and Public Order Act<br />
1994.<br />
________<br />
Early<br />
Psychological Warfare<br />
History<br />
Mosaic of Alexander the Great on his campaign against the Persian Empire.<br />
Since prehistoric times, warlords and chiefs have recognized the importance of<br />
weakening morale of opponents.<br />
In the Battle of Pelusium (525 BC) between the Persian Empire and ancient Egypt, the<br />
Persian forces used cats and other animals as a psychological tactic against the<br />
Egyptians, who avoided harming cats due to religious belief and spells.<br />
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Currying favor with supporters was the other side of psychological warfare, and an early<br />
practitioner of such this was Alexander the Great, who successfully conquered large<br />
parts of Europe and the Middle East and held on to his territorial gains by co-opting<br />
local elites into the Greek administration and culture. Alexander left some of his men<br />
behind in each conquered city to introduce Greek culture and oppress dissident views.<br />
His soldiers were paid dowries to marry locals in an effort to encourage assimilation.<br />
Genghis Khan, leader of the Mongolian Empire in the 13th century AD employed less<br />
subtle techniques. Defeating the will of the enemy before having to attack and reaching<br />
a consented settlement was preferable to facing his wrath. The Mongol generals<br />
demanded submission to the Khan, and threatened the initially captured villages with<br />
complete destruction if they refused to surrender. If they had to fight to take the<br />
settlement, the Mongol generals fulfilled their threats and massacred the survivors.<br />
Tales of the encroaching horde spread to the next villages and created an aura of<br />
insecurity that undermined the possibility of future resistance.<br />
The Khan also employed tactics that made his numbers seem greater than they actually<br />
were. During night operations he ordered each soldier to light three torches at dusk to<br />
give the illusion of an overwhelming army and deceive and intimidate enemy scouts. He<br />
also sometimes had objects tied to the tails of his horses, so that riding on open and dry<br />
fields raised a cloud of dust that gave the enemy the impression of great numbers. His<br />
soldiers used arrows specially notched to whistle as they flew through the air, creating a<br />
terrifying noise.<br />
Another tactic favored by the Mongols was catapulting severed human heads over city<br />
walls to frighten the inhabitants and spread disease in the besieged city's closed<br />
confines. This was especially used by the later Turko-Mongol chieftain.<br />
The Muslim caliph Omar, in his battles against the Byzantine Empire, sent small<br />
reinforcements in the form of a continuous stream, giving the impression that a large<br />
force would accumulate eventually if not swiftly dealt with.<br />
During the early Qin dynasty and late Eastern Zhou dynasty in 1st Century AD China,<br />
the Empty Fort Strategy was used to trick the enemy into believing that an empty<br />
location is an ambush, in order to prevent them from attacking it using reverse<br />
psychology. This tactic also relied on luck should the enemy believe that the location is<br />
a threat to them.<br />
In the 6th century BCE Greek Bias of Priene successfully resisted the Lydian king<br />
Alyattes by fattening up a pair of mules and driving them out of the besieged city. When<br />
Alyattes' envoy was then sent to Priene, Bias had piles of sand covered with corn to<br />
give the impression of plentiful resources.<br />
This ruse appears to have been well known in medieval Europe: defenders in castles or<br />
towns under siege would throw food from the walls to show besiegers that provisions<br />
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were plentiful. A famous example occurs in the 8th-century legend of Lady Carcas, who<br />
supposedly persuaded the Franks to abandon a five-year siege by this means and gave<br />
her name to Carcassonne as a result.<br />
Modern<br />
World War I<br />
Lord Bryce led the commission of 1915 to document<br />
German atrocities committed against Belgian civilians.<br />
The start of modern psychological operations in war is<br />
generally dated to the World War I. By that point, Western<br />
societies were increasingly educated and urbanized, and<br />
mass media was available in the form of large circulation<br />
newspapers and posters. It was also possible to transmit<br />
propaganda to the enemy via the use of airborne leaflets or<br />
through explosive delivery systems like modified artillery or<br />
mortar rounds.<br />
At the start of the war, the belligerents, especially the British<br />
and Germans, began distributing propaganda, both<br />
domestically and on the Western front. The British had several<br />
advantages that allowed them to succeed in the battle for world opinion; they had one of<br />
the world's most reputable news systems, with much experience in international and<br />
cross-cultural communication, and they controlled much of the undersea cable system<br />
then in operation. These capabilities were easily transitioned to the task of warfare.<br />
The British also had a diplomatic service that kept up good relations with many nations<br />
around the world, in contrast to the reputation of the German services. While German<br />
attempts to foment revolution in parts of the British Empire, such as Ireland and India,<br />
were ineffective, extensive experience in the Middle East allowed the British to<br />
successfully induce the Arabs to revolt against the Ottoman Empire.<br />
In August 1914, David Lloyd George appointed Charles Masterman MP, to head a<br />
Propaganda Agency at Wellington House. A distinguished body of literary talent was<br />
enlisted for the task, with its members including Arthur Conan Doyle, Ford Madox Ford,<br />
G. K. Chesterton, Thomas Hardy, Rudyard Kipling and H. G. Wells. Over 1,160<br />
pamphlets were published during the war and distributed to neutral countries, and<br />
eventually, to Germany. One of the first significant publications, the Report on Alleged<br />
German Outrages of 1915, had a great effect on general opinion across the world. The<br />
pamphlet documented atrocities, both actual and alleged, committed by the German<br />
army against Belgian civilians. A Dutch illustrator, Louis Raemaekers, provided the<br />
highly emotional drawings which appeared in the pamphlet. [14]<br />
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In 1917, the bureau was subsumed into the new Department of Information and<br />
branched out into telegraph communications, radio, newspapers, magazines and the<br />
cinema. In 1918, Viscount Northcliffe was appointed Director of Propaganda in Enemy<br />
Countries. The department was split between propaganda against Germany organized<br />
by H.G Wells and against the Austro-Hungarian Empire supervised by Wickham Steed<br />
and Robert William Seton-Watson; the attempts of the latter focused on the lack of<br />
ethnic cohesion in the Empire and stoked the grievances of minorities such as the<br />
Croats and Slovenes. It had a significant effect on the final collapse of the Austro-<br />
Hungarian Army at the Battle of Vittorio Veneto.<br />
Aerial leaflets were dropped over German trenches containing postcards from prisoners<br />
of war detailing their humane conditions, surrender notices and general propaganda<br />
against the Kaiser and the German generals. By the end of the war, MI7b had<br />
distributed almost 26 million leaflets. The Germans began shooting the leaflet-dropping<br />
pilots, prompting the British to develop unmanned leaflet balloons that drifted across noman's<br />
land. At least one in seven of these leaflets were not handed in by the soldiers to<br />
their superiors, despite severe penalties for that offence. Even General Hindenburg<br />
admitted that "Unsuspectingly, many thousands consumed the poison", and POWs<br />
admitted to being disillusioned by the propaganda leaflets that depicted the use of<br />
German troops as mere cannon fodder. In 1915, the British began airdropping a regular<br />
leaflet newspaper Le Courrier de l'Air for civilians in German-occupied France and<br />
Belgium.<br />
At the start of the war, the French government took control of the media to suppress<br />
negative coverage. Only in 1916, with the establishment of the Maison de la Presse, did<br />
they begin to use similar tactics for the purpose of psychological warfare. One of its<br />
sections was the "Service de la Propagande aérienne" (Aerial Propaganda Service),<br />
headed by Professor Tonnelat and Jean-Jacques Waltz, an Alsatian artist code-named<br />
"Hansi". The French tended to distribute leaflets of images only, although the full<br />
publication of US President Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points, which had been heavily<br />
edited in the German newspapers, was distributed via airborne leaflets by the French.<br />
The Central Powers were slow to use these techniques; however, at the start of the war<br />
the Germans succeeded in inducing the Sultan of the Ottoman Empire to declare 'holy<br />
war', or Jihad, against the Western infidels. They also attempted to foment rebellion<br />
against the British Empire in places as far afield as Ireland, Afghanistan, and India. The<br />
Germans' greatest success was in giving the Russian revolutionary, Lenin, free transit<br />
on a sealed train from Switzerland to Finland after the overthrow of the Tsar. This soon<br />
paid off when the Bolshevik Revolution took Russia out of the war.<br />
World War II<br />
An example of a World War II era leaflet meant to be dropped<br />
from an American B-17 over a German city. See the file<br />
description page for a translation.<br />
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Adolf Hitler was greatly influenced by the psychological tactics of warfare the British had<br />
employed during WWI, and attributed the defeat of Germany to the effects this<br />
propaganda had on the soldiers. He became committed to the use of mass propaganda<br />
to influence the minds of the German population in the decades to come. By calling his<br />
movement The Third Reich, he was able to convince many civilians that his cause was<br />
not just a fad, but the way of their future. Joseph Goebbels was appointed as<br />
Propaganda Minister when Hitler came to power in 1933, and he portrayed Hitler as a<br />
messianic figure for the redemption of Germany. Hitler also coupled this with the<br />
resonating projections of his orations for effect.<br />
Germany's Fall Grün plan of invasion of Czechoslovakia had a large part dealing with<br />
psychological warfare aimed both at the Czechoslovak civilians and government as well<br />
as, crucially, at Czechoslovak allies. It became successful to the point that Germany<br />
gained support of UK and France through appeasement to occupy Czechoslovakia<br />
without having to fight an all-out war, sustaining only minimum losses in covert war<br />
before the Munich Agreement.<br />
At the start of the Second World War, the British set up the Political Warfare Executive<br />
to produce and distribute propaganda. Through the use of powerful transmitters,<br />
broadcasts could be made across Europe. Sefton Delmer managed a successful black<br />
propaganda campaign through several radio stations which were designed to be<br />
popular with German troops while at the same time introducing news material that<br />
would weaken their morale under a veneer of authenticity. British Prime Minister<br />
Winston Churchill made use of radio broadcasts for propaganda against the Germans.<br />
Map depicting the targets of all the subordinate<br />
plans of Operation Bodyguard.<br />
During World War II, the British made extensive use of<br />
deception – developing many new techniques and<br />
theories. The main protagonists at this time were 'A'<br />
Force, set up in 1940 under Dudley Clarke, and the<br />
London Controlling Section, chartered in 1942 under<br />
the control of John Bevan. Clarke pioneered many of<br />
the strategies of military deception. His ideas for<br />
combining fictional orders of battle, visual deception<br />
and double agents helped define Allied deception<br />
strategy during the war, for which he has been referred to as "the greatest British<br />
deceiver of WW2".<br />
During the lead up to the Allied invasion of Normandy, many new tactics in<br />
psychological warfare were devised. The plan for Operation Bodyguard set out a<br />
general strategy to mislead German high command as to the exact date and location of<br />
the invasion. Planning began in 1943 under the auspices of the London Controlling<br />
Section (LCS). A draft strategy, referred to as Plan Jael, was presented to Allied high<br />
command at the Tehran Conference. Operation Fortitude was intended to convince the<br />
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Germans of a greater Allied military strength than existed, through fictional field armies,<br />
faked operations to prepare the ground for invasion and leaked information about the<br />
Allied order of battle and war plans.<br />
Elaborate naval deceptions (Operations Glimmer, Taxable and Big Drum) were<br />
undertaken in the English Channel. Small ships and aircraft simulated invasion fleets<br />
lying off Pas de Calais, Cap d'Antifer and the western flank of the real invasion force. At<br />
the same time Operation Titanic involved the RAF dropping fake paratroopers to the<br />
east and west of the Normandy landings.<br />
A dummy Sherman tank,<br />
used to deceive the Germans.<br />
The deceptions were implemented with the use of<br />
double agents, radio traffic and visual deception. The<br />
British "Double Cross" anti-espionage operation had<br />
proven very successful from the outset of the war, and<br />
the LCS was able to use double agents to send back<br />
misleading information about Allied invasion plans.<br />
The use of visual deception, including mock tanks and other military hardware had been<br />
developed during the North Africa campaign. Mock hardware was created for<br />
Bodyguard; in particular, dummy landing craft were stockpiled to give the impression<br />
that the invasion would take place near Calais.<br />
The Operation was a strategic success and the Normandy landings caught German<br />
defenses unaware. Subsequent deception led Hitler into delaying reinforcement from<br />
the Calais region for nearly seven weeks.<br />
Vietnam War<br />
"Viet Cong, beware!" – South Vietnam leaflets<br />
urging the defection of Viet Cong.<br />
The United States ran an extensive program of psychological<br />
warfare during the Vietnam War. The Phoenix Program had<br />
the dual aim of assassinating National Liberation Front of<br />
South Vietnam (NLF or Viet Cong) personnel and terrorizing<br />
any potential sympathizers or passive supporters. Chieu Hoi<br />
program of the South Vietnam government promoted NLF<br />
defections.<br />
When members of the PRG were assassinated, CIA and<br />
Special Forces operatives placed playing cards in the mouth<br />
of the deceased as a calling card. During the Phoenix<br />
Program, over 19,000 NLF supporters were killed. The United<br />
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States also used tapes of distorted human sounds and played them during the night<br />
making the Vietnamese soldiers think that the dead were back for revenge.<br />
Recent Operations<br />
An American PSYOP leaflet disseminated during the Iraq War. It shows a<br />
caricature of Al-Qaeda in Iraq leader Abu Musab al-Zarqawi caught in a rat<br />
trap. The caption reads "This is your future, Zarqawi".<br />
The CIA made extensive use of Contra soldiers to destabilize<br />
the Sandinista government in Nicaragua. The CIA used<br />
psychological warfare techniques against the Panamanians<br />
by delivering unlicensed TV broadcasts. The United States<br />
government has used propaganda broadcasts against the<br />
Cuban government through TV Marti, based in Miami, Florida.<br />
However, the Cuban government has been successful at<br />
jamming the signal of TV Marti.<br />
Iraqi Army to fight.<br />
In the Iraq War, the United States used the shock and awe<br />
campaign to psychologically maim and break the will of the<br />
In cyberspace, social media has enabled the use of disinformation on a wide scale.<br />
Analysts have found evidence of doctored or misleading photographs spread by social<br />
media in the Syrian Civil War and 2014 Russian military intervention in Ukraine,<br />
possibly with state involvement. Military and governments have engaged in<br />
psychological operations (PSYOPS) and informational warfare on social networking<br />
platforms to regulate foreign propaganda, which includes countries like the US, Russia,<br />
and China.<br />
Methods<br />
Most modern uses of the term psychological warfare, refers to the following military<br />
methods:<br />
<br />
<br />
Demoralization:<br />
o Distributing pamphlets that encourage desertion or supply instructions on<br />
how to surrender<br />
o Shock and awe military strategy<br />
o Projecting repetitive and annoying sounds and music for long periods at<br />
high volume towards groups under siege like during Operation Nifty<br />
Package<br />
o Tolerance indoctrination, so that the totems and culture of a defeated<br />
enemy can be removed or replaced without conflict.<br />
Propaganda radio stations, such as Lord Haw-Haw in World War II on the<br />
"Germany calling" station<br />
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Renaming cities and other places when captured, such as the renaming of<br />
Saigon to Ho Chi Minh City after Vietnamese victory in the Vietnam War<br />
False flag events<br />
Use of loudspeaker systems to communicate with enemy soldiers<br />
Terrorism<br />
The threat of chemical weapons<br />
Information warfare<br />
Most of these techniques were developed during World War II or earlier, and have been<br />
used to some degree in every conflict since. Daniel Lerner was in the OSS (the<br />
predecessor to the American CIA) and in his book, attempts to analyze how effective<br />
the various strategies were. He concludes that there is little evidence that any of them<br />
were dramatically successful, except perhaps surrender instructions over loudspeakers<br />
when victory was imminent. It should be noted, though, that measuring the success or<br />
failure of psychological warfare is very hard, as the conditions are very far from being a<br />
controlled experiment.<br />
Lerner also divides psychological warfare operations into three categories:<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
White propaganda (Omissions and Emphasis): Truthful and not strongly biased,<br />
where the source of information is acknowledged.<br />
Grey propaganda (Omissions, Emphasis and Racial/Ethnic/Religious Bias):<br />
Largely truthful, containing no information that can be proven wrong; the source<br />
is not identified.<br />
Black propaganda (Commissions of falsification): Inherently deceitful, information<br />
given in the product is attributed to a source that was not responsible for its<br />
creation.<br />
Lerner points out that grey and black operations ultimately have a heavy cost, in that the<br />
target population sooner or later recognizes them as propaganda and discredits the<br />
source. He writes, "This is one of the few dogmas advanced by Sykewarriors that is<br />
likely to endure as an axiom of propaganda: Credibility is a condition of persuasion.<br />
Before you can make a man do as you say, you must make him believe what you say."<br />
Consistent with this idea, the Allied strategy in World War II was predominantly one of<br />
truth (with certain exceptions).<br />
China<br />
By Country<br />
According to U.S. military analysts, attacking the enemy’s mind is an important element<br />
of the People's Republic of China's military strategy. This type of warfare is rooted in the<br />
Chinese Stratagems outlined by Sun Tzu in The Art of War and Thirty-Six Stratagems.<br />
In its dealings with its rivals, China is expected to utilize Marxism to mobilize communist<br />
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loyalists, as well as flex its economic and military muscle to persuade other nations to<br />
act in China's interests. The Chinese government also tries to control the media to keep<br />
a tight hold on propaganda efforts for its people.<br />
Germany<br />
In the German Bundeswehr, the Zentrum Operative Information and its subordinate<br />
Batallion für Operative Information 950 are responsible for the PSYOP efforts (called<br />
Operative Information in German). Both the center and the battalion are subordinate<br />
to the new Streitkräftebasis (Joint Services Support Command, SKB) and together<br />
consist of about 1,200 soldiers specialising in modern communication and media<br />
technologies. One project of the German PSYOP forces is the radio station Stimme der<br />
Freiheit (Sada-e Azadi, Voice of Freedom), heard by thousands of Afghans. Another is<br />
the publication of various newspapers and magazines in Kosovo and Afghanistan,<br />
where German soldiers serve with NATO.<br />
United Kingdom<br />
The British were one of the first major military powers to use psychological warfare in<br />
the First and Second World Wars. In the current British Armed Forces, PSYOPS are<br />
handled by the tri-service 15 Psychological Operations Group. (See also MI5 and<br />
Secret Intelligence Service). The Psychological Operations Group comprises over 150<br />
personnel, approximately 75 from the regular Armed Services and 75 from the<br />
Reserves. The Group supports deployed commanders in the provision of psychological<br />
operations in operational and tactical environments.<br />
The Group was established immediately after the 1991 Gulf War, has since grown<br />
significantly in size to meet operational requirements, and from 2015 it will be one of the<br />
sub-units of the 77th Brigade, formerly called the Security Assistance Group. Stephen<br />
Jolly, the MOD's Director of Defense Communications and former Chair of the UK's<br />
National Security Communications Committee (2013–15), is thought to be the most<br />
senior serving psyops officer within British Defense.<br />
In June 2015, NSA files published by Glenn Greenwald revealed details of the JTRIG<br />
group at British intelligence agency GCHQ covertly manipulating online communities.<br />
This is in line with JTRIG's goal: to "destroy, deny, degrade [and] disrupt" enemies by<br />
"discrediting" them, planting misinformation and shutting down their communications.<br />
United States<br />
U.S. Army soldier hands out a newspaper<br />
to a local in Mosul, Iraq.<br />
U.S. Army loudspeaker<br />
team in action in Korea<br />
The term psychological<br />
warfare is believed to<br />
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have migrated from Germany to the United States in 1941. [45] During World War II, the<br />
United States Joint Chiefs of Staff defined psychological warfare broadly, stating<br />
"Psychological warfare employs any weapon to influence the mind of the enemy. The<br />
weapons are psychological only in the effect they produce and not because of the<br />
weapons themselves." The U.S. Department of Defense currently defines psychological<br />
warfare as:<br />
"The planned use of propaganda and other psychological actions having the primary<br />
purpose of influencing the opinions, emotions, attitudes, and behavior of hostile foreign<br />
groups in such a way as to support the achievement of national objectives."<br />
This definition indicates that a critical element of the U.S. psychological operations<br />
capabilities includes propaganda and by extension counterpropaganda. Joint<br />
Publication 3-53 establishes specific policy to use public affairs mediums to<br />
counterpropaganda from foreign origins.<br />
The purpose of United States psychological operations is to induce or reinforce attitudes<br />
and behaviors favorable to US objectives. The Special Activities Division (SAD) is a<br />
division of the Central Intelligence Agency's National Clandestine Service, responsible<br />
for Covert Action and "Special Activities". These special activities include covert political<br />
influence (which includes psychological operations) and paramilitary operations. SAD's<br />
political influence group is the only US unit allowed to conduct these operations covertly<br />
and is considered the primary unit in this area.<br />
Dedicated psychological operations units exist in the United States Army. The United<br />
States Navy also plans and executes limited PSYOP missions. United States PSYOP<br />
units and soldiers of all branches of the military are prohibited by law from targeting U.S.<br />
citizens with PSYOP within the borders of the United States (Executive Order S-1233,<br />
DOD Directive S-3321.1, and National Security Decision Directive 130). While United<br />
States Army PSYOP units may offer non-PSYOP support to domestic military missions,<br />
they can only target foreign audiences.<br />
A U.S. Army field manual released in January 2013 states that "Inform and Influence<br />
Activities" are critical for describing, directing, and leading military operations. Several<br />
Army Division leadership staff are assigned to “planning, integration and<br />
synchronization of designated information-related capabilities."<br />
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IV. The Racial Achievement Gap<br />
in The U.S.<br />
The racial achievement gap in the United States refers to the educational disparities<br />
between various ethnic groups. It manifests itself in a variety of ways: among students,<br />
blacks and Hispanics are more likely to receive lower grades, score lower on<br />
standardized tests, drop out of high school, and they are less likely to enter and<br />
complete college than whites, who similarly score lower than East Asians who originate<br />
from the rich industrialized developed countries of Taiwan, Japan, Singapore, South<br />
Korea and China.<br />
Evidence of The Racial Achievement Gap<br />
Over the past 45 years, students in the United States have made notable gains in<br />
academic achievement. However, the racial achievement gap remains because not all<br />
groups of students are advancing at the same rates.<br />
Evidence of the racial achievement gap has been manifested through standardized test<br />
scores, high school dropout rates, high school completion rates, college acceptance<br />
and retention rates, as well as through longitudinal trends.<br />
While efforts to close the racial achievement gap have increased over the years with<br />
varying success, studies have shown that disparities still exist between achievement<br />
levels of minorities compared to their White counterparts.<br />
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Kindergarten Through Fifth Grade<br />
Early Schooling Years<br />
The racial achievement gap has been found to exist before students<br />
enter kindergarten for their first year of schooling. At the start of kindergarten, Hispanic<br />
and black students have math and reading scores substantially lower than those of<br />
white students. While both Hispanics and blacks scores have significantly lower test<br />
scores than their white counterparts, Hispanic and black have scores that are roughly<br />
equal to each other. In a study published in 2009, Reardon and Galindo (2009)<br />
specifically examine test scores by race and ethnicity. The data Reardon and Galindo<br />
(2009) use comes from the ECLS-K, sponsored by the National Center for Education<br />
Statistics. The ECLS-K contains data on a nationally representative sample of<br />
approximately 21,400 students from the kindergarten class of 1998–1999. Students in<br />
the sample were assessed in reading and mathematics skills six times from 1998 to<br />
2004. The content areas of the tests are based on the National Assessment of<br />
Educational Progress (NAEP) fourth-grade content areas, adapted to be age<br />
appropriate at each grade level. The assessments were scored using a threeparameter<br />
Item Response Theory (IRT) model. Reardon and Galindo (2009) found that<br />
average Hispanic and black students begin kindergarten with math scores three<br />
quarters of a standard deviation lower than those of white students and with reading<br />
scores a half standard deviation lower than those of white students. Six years later,<br />
Hispanic-white gaps narrow by roughly a third, whereas black-white gaps widen by<br />
about a third. More specifically, the Hispanic-white gap is a half standard deviation in<br />
math, and three-eighths in reading at the end of fifth grade. The trends in the Hispanicwhite<br />
gaps are especially interesting because of the rapid narrowing that occurs<br />
between kindergarten and first grade. Specifically, the estimated math gap declines<br />
from 0.77 to 0.56 standard deviations, and the estimated reading gap from 0.52 to 0.29<br />
in the roughly 18 months between the fall of kindergarten and the spring of first grade.<br />
In the four years from the spring of first grade through the spring of fifth grade, the<br />
Hispanic-white gaps narrow slightly to 0.50 standard deviations in math and widening<br />
slightly to 0.38 deviations in reading.<br />
Children of Latino, Native, and African American heritage arrive to kindergarten and first<br />
grade with lower levels of oral language, reading, and mathematics skill than Caucasian<br />
and Asian American children. It is estimated that the achievement gap could drastically<br />
be shortened if the performance gap at school entrance is addressed.<br />
Third Through Eighth Grade<br />
In a 2009 study Clotfelter et al. examine test scores of elementary and middle school<br />
students by race. The data used in the study comes from administrative records created<br />
by North Carolina's Department of Public Instruction and maintained by the North<br />
Carolina Education Research Data Center and are not nationally representative. North<br />
Carolina requires all students to take standardized achievement tests in both math and<br />
reading at the end of every grade between grades 3 and 8. In order to make<br />
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comparisons across years, Clotfelter et al. (2009) normalized the scaled scores for each<br />
test in every year over all students in the state who took the test so that each test would<br />
have a mean score of 0 and a standard deviation of 1. On this normalized scale,<br />
positive scores denote above-average performances relative to the statewide average,<br />
and negative scores denote below-average performance. Analysis by Clotfelter et al.<br />
(2009) found gaps between four different racial groups: whites, Asians, Hispanics, and<br />
blacks. Essentially, while the black-white gaps are substantial, both Hispanic and Asian<br />
students tend to gain on whites as they progress in school. The white-black<br />
achievement gap in math scores is about half a standard deviation, and the white-black<br />
achievement gap in reading is a little less than half a standard deviation. By fifth grade,<br />
Hispanic and white students have roughly the same math and reading scores. By eighth<br />
grade, scores for Hispanic students in North Carolina surpassed those of<br />
observationally equivalent whites by roughly a tenth of a standard deviation. Asian<br />
students surpass whites on math and reading tests in all years except third and fourth<br />
grade reading.<br />
Secondary School<br />
In a 2006 study, LoGerfo, Nichols, and Reardon (2006) found that, starting in the eighth<br />
grade, white students have an initial advantage in reading achievement over black and<br />
Hispanic students but not Asian students. Using nationally representative data from by<br />
the National Center for Education Statistics (NCES)—the Early Childhood Longitudinal<br />
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Study (ECLS-K) and the National Education Longitudinal Study (NELS:88), LoGerfo,<br />
Nichols, and Reardon (2006) claim that black students score 5.49 points lower than<br />
white students and Hispanic students score 4.83 points lower than white students on<br />
reading tests. These differences in initial status are compounded by differences in<br />
reading gains made during high school. Specifically, between ninth and tenth grades,<br />
white students gain slightly more than black students and Hispanic students, but white<br />
students gain less than Asian students. Between tenth and twelfth grades, white<br />
students gain at a slightly faster rate than black students, but white students gain at a<br />
slower rate than Hispanic students and Asian students.<br />
In eighth grade, white students also have an initial advantage over black and Hispanic<br />
students in math tests. However, Asian students have an initial 2.71 point advantage<br />
over white students and keep pace with white students throughout high school.<br />
Between eighth and tenth grade, black students and Hispanic students make slower<br />
gains in math than white students, and black students fall farthest behind. Asian<br />
students gain 2.71 points more than white students between eight and tenth grade.<br />
Some of these differences in gains persist later in high school. For example, between<br />
tenth and twelfth grades, white students gain more than black students, and Asian<br />
students gain more than white students. There are no significant differences in math<br />
gains between white students and Hispanic students. By the end of high school, gaps<br />
between groups increase slightly. Specifically, the initial 9-point advantage of white<br />
students over black students increases by about a point, and the initial advantage of<br />
Asian students over white students also increases by about a point. Essentially, by the<br />
end of high school, Asian students are beginning to learn intermediate-level math<br />
concepts, whereas black and Hispanic students are far behind, learning fractions and<br />
decimals, which are math concepts that the white and Asian students learned in the<br />
eighth grade. Black and Hispanic students end twelfth grade with scores 11 and 7<br />
points behind those of white students, while the male-female difference in math scores<br />
is only around 2 points.<br />
Standardized Test Scores<br />
The racial group differences across admissions tests, such as<br />
the SAT, ACT, GRE, GMAT, MCAT, LSAT, Advanced<br />
Placement<br />
Program examinations and other measures of educational achievement, have been<br />
fairly consistent. Since the 1960s, the population of students taking these assessments<br />
has become increasingly diverse. Consequently, the examination of ethnic score<br />
differences have been more rigorous. Specifically, the largest gaps exist between white<br />
and African American students. On average, they score about .82 to 1.18 standard<br />
deviations lower than white students in composite test scores. Following closely behind<br />
is the gap between white and Hispanic students. Asian American students overall<br />
performance were higher than those of White students except Asian American students<br />
performed one quarter standard deviation unit lower on the SAT verbal section, and<br />
about one half a standard deviation unit higher in the GRE Quantitative test. However,<br />
in the new current version of the SAT, Asian-American students<br />
of Taiwanese, Korean, Japanese, Indian and Han Chinese descent have scored higher<br />
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on both the verbal and math sections of the new SAT test than whites and all other<br />
student racial groups.<br />
The National Assessment of Educational Progress reports the national Black-White gap<br />
and the Hispanic-White Gap in math and reading assessments, measured at the 4th<br />
and 8th grade level. The trends show both gaps widen in mathematics as students grow<br />
older, but tend to stay the same in reading. Furthermore, the NAEP measures the<br />
widening and narrowing of achievement gaps on a state level. From 2007 to 2009, the<br />
achievement gaps for the majority of states stayed the same, although more fluctuations<br />
were seen at the 8th grade level than the 4th grade level.<br />
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The Black-White Gap demonstrates:<br />
• In mathematics, a 26-point difference at the 4th grade level and a 31-point<br />
difference at the 8th grade level.<br />
• In reading, a 27-point difference at the 4th grade level and a 26-point difference at<br />
the 8th grade level.<br />
The Hispanic White Gap demonstrates:<br />
• In mathematics, a 21-point difference at the 4th grade level and a 26-point<br />
difference at the 8th grade level.<br />
• In reading, there is a 25-point difference at the 4th grade level and a 24-point<br />
difference at the 8th grade level (NAEP, 2011).<br />
The National Educational Longitudinal Survey (NELS, 1988) demonstrates similar<br />
findings in their evaluation of assessments administered to 12th graders in reading and<br />
math.<br />
High School Dropout Rates<br />
According to the US Department of Education, event dropout rate is the percentage of<br />
high school students who dropped out of high school between the beginning of one<br />
school year and the beginning of the next school year. Five out of every 100 students<br />
enrolled in high school in October 2000 left school before October 2001 without<br />
successfully completing a high school program. The percentage of students who were<br />
event dropouts decreased from 1972 through 1987. However, despite some year-toyear<br />
fluctuations, the percentage of students dropping out of school each year has<br />
stayed relatively the same since 1987. Data from the October 2001 Current Population<br />
Survey (CPS) show that black and Hispanic students were more likely to have dropped<br />
out of high school between October 2000 and October 2001 than were white or<br />
Asians/Pacific Islander students. During this period, 6.3% of black and 8.8% of Hispanic<br />
high school students dropped out compared to 4.1% of white and 2.3% of Asian/Pacific<br />
Islander high school students.<br />
2001 Event Dropout Rates: 16- to 24-year-olds by Race<br />
Event Dropout Rate<br />
Asian/Pacific Islander 2.3%<br />
White 4.1%<br />
Black 6.3%<br />
Hispanic 8.8%<br />
According to the US Department of Education, status dropout rates measure the<br />
percentage of individuals who are not enrolled in high school and who lack a high<br />
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school credential, independent of when they dropped out. Status rates are higher than<br />
event rates because they include all dropouts in this age range, regardless of when they<br />
last attended school or whether or not they ever entered the US education system. In<br />
October 2001, about 3.8 million 16- through 24-year-olds were not enrolled in a high<br />
school program and had not completed high school. These individuals accounted for<br />
10.7% of the 35.2 million 16- through 24-year-olds in the United States in 2001. In 1972,<br />
the white status dropout rate was 40% and the black status dropout rate was 49%.<br />
Because the black rate declined more steeply than the white rate, there has been a<br />
narrowing of the gap between the dropout rates for blacks and whites. However, this<br />
narrowing occurred in the 1980s, and the gap between whites and blacks has remained<br />
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fairly constant since 1990. The percentage of Hispanics who were status dropouts has<br />
remained higher than that of blacks and whites in every year since 1970. Even though<br />
Hispanics represented approximately the same percentage of the young adult<br />
population as did blacks, Hispanics were disproportionately represented among status<br />
dropouts in 2001.<br />
Also in 2001, the status dropout rate for Asians/Pacific Islanders ages 16–24 was lower<br />
than for any other 16- through 24-year-olds. Specifically, the status rate for<br />
Asians/Pacific Islanders was 3.6%, compared with 27.0% for Hispanics, 20.9% for<br />
blacks, and 7.3% for whites.<br />
2001 Status Dropout Rates: 16- to 24-year-olds by Race<br />
Status Dropout Rate<br />
Asian/Pacific Islander 3.6%<br />
White 7.3%<br />
Black 20.9%<br />
Hispanic 27.0%<br />
High School Completion Rates<br />
Status completion rates measure the percentage of a given population that has a high<br />
school credential, regardless of when the credential was earned. In 2001, 86.5% of 18-<br />
through 24-year-olds not enrolled in elementary or secondary school had completed<br />
high school. Status completion rates increased from 82.8% in 1972 to 85.6% in 1990.<br />
Since 1991, the rate has shown no consistent trend and has fluctuated between 84.8%<br />
and 86.5%. High school status completion rates for white and black young adults<br />
increased between the early 1970s and 1990 but has remained relatively the same<br />
since 1990.<br />
Specifically, status completion rates for white students increased from 86.0% in 1972 to<br />
89.6% in 1990. Since 1990, white completion rates have remained in the range of 89.4–<br />
91.8%. In 2001, 91.0% of white and 85.6% of black 18- through 24-year-olds had<br />
completed high school. The percentage of black students completing high school rose<br />
from 72.1% in 1972 to 85.6% in 2001. The gap between black and white completion<br />
rates narrowed between 1972 and 2001.<br />
In 2001, 65.7% of all Hispanic 18- through 24-year- olds completed high school. This<br />
percentage compares to 91.0% of whites, 85.6% of blacks, and 96.1% of Asians/Pacific<br />
Islanders. Essentially, in 2001, whites and Asians/Pacific Islanders were more likely<br />
than their black and Hispanic peers to have completed high school. Also, whites<br />
completed high school at a higher rate than both blacks and Hispanic students. Black<br />
students completed high school at a higher rate than Hispanics.<br />
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2001 Status Completion Rates: 18- to 24-year-olds by Race<br />
Status Completion Rate<br />
Asian/Pacific Islander 96.1%<br />
White 91.0%<br />
Black 85.6%<br />
Hispanic 65.7%<br />
The four-year completion rate is the percentage of 9th-grade students who left school<br />
over a subsequent 4-year period while also completing a high school credential. Data<br />
for the 4-year completion rate calculations are taken from the Common Core of Data<br />
(CCD). The 4-year completion rate calculation is dependent on the availability of<br />
dropout estimates over a 4-year span, and current counts of completers. Because<br />
dropout rate information was missing for many states during the 4-year period<br />
considered by the US Department of Education, 4- year completion rate estimates for<br />
the 2000-01 school year are only available for 39 states. Since data were not available<br />
from all states, an overall national rate could not be calculated. However, among<br />
reporting states, the high school 4-year completion rates for public school students<br />
ranged from a high of 90.1% in North Dakota to a low of 65.0% in Louisiana.<br />
Sat Scores<br />
Racial and ethnic variations in SAT scores follow a similar pattern to other racial<br />
achievement gaps. In 1990, the average SAT was 528 for Asian-Americans, 491 for<br />
whites, 429 for Mexican Americans and 385 for blacks. 34% of Asians compared with<br />
20% of whites, 3% of blacks, 7% of Mexican Americans, and 9% of Native Americans<br />
scored above a 600 on the SAT math section.[15] On the SAT verbal section in 1990,<br />
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whites scored an average of 442, compared with 410 for Asians, 352 for blacks, 380 for<br />
Mexican Americans, and 388 for Native Americans. In 2015, the average SAT scores<br />
on the math section were 598 for Asian-Americans, 534 for whites, 457<br />
for Hispanic Latinos and 428 for blacks.[16]Additionally, 10% of Asian-Americans, 8% of<br />
whites, 3% of Mexican Americans, 3% of Native Americans and 2% of blacks scored<br />
above 600 on the SAT verbal section in 1990.Race gaps on the SATs are especially<br />
pronounced at the tails of the distribution. In a perfectly equal distribution, the racial<br />
breakdown of scores at every point in the distribution should ideally mirror the<br />
demographic composition of test-takers as whole i.e. 51% whites, 21% Hispanic<br />
Latinos, 14% blacks, and 14% Asian-Americans. But ironically, among the highest top<br />
scorers, those scoring between a 750 and 800 (perfect scores) over 60% are East<br />
Asians of Taiwanese, Japanese, Korean and Han Chinese descent, while only 33% are<br />
white, compared to 5% Hispanic Latinos and 2% blacks.<br />
There are some limitations to the data which may mean that, if anything, the race gap is<br />
being understated. The ceiling on the SAT score may, for example, understate the<br />
achievement and full potential of East Asians of Taiwanese, Japanese, Korean and Han<br />
Chinese descent. If the exam was redesigned to increase score variance (add harder<br />
and easier questions than it currently has), the achievement gap across racial groups<br />
could be even more wider and pronounced. In other words, if the math section was<br />
scored between 0 and 1000, we might see more complete tails on both the right and the<br />
left. More East Asians score between 750 and 800 than score between 700 and 750,<br />
suggesting that many East Asians of Taiwanese, Japanese, Korean and Han Chinese<br />
descent could be scoring high above 800 if the test allowed them to.<br />
College Enrollment and Graduation Rates<br />
The US Department in Education demonstrates performance of different ethnic groups<br />
in colleges and universities. Specifically, they found that about 72% of White students<br />
who have completed high school enrolled in college the same year, compared to 44%<br />
for Black students, and 50% for Hispanic students. Furthermore, trends in<br />
undergraduate and graduate enrollment have shown increases in all ethnicity groups,<br />
but the largest gap still exists for Black student enrollment. Hispanic and Asian/Pacific<br />
Islanders student enrollment have experienced the most growth since 1976. The 6-year<br />
national college graduation rate is 59% for White students, 51% for Hispanic students,<br />
46% for Black females, and 35% for Black males. Furthermore, even at prestigious<br />
institutions, the graduation rate of white students is higher than that of black student.<br />
Long-Term Trends<br />
The National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) has been testing seventeenyear-olds<br />
since 1971. From 1971 to 1996, the black-white reading gap shrank by almost<br />
one half and the math gap by almost one third. Specifically, blacks scored an average of<br />
239 points, and whites scored an average of 291 points on the NAEP reading tests in<br />
1971. In 1990, blacks scored an average of 267, and whites scored an average of 297<br />
points. On NAEP math tests in 1973, blacks scored an average of 270, and whites<br />
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scored 310. In 1990, black average score was 289 and whites scored an average of<br />
310 points. For Hispanics, the average NAEP math score for seventeen-year-olds in<br />
1973 was 277 and 310 for whites. In 1990, the average score among Hispanics was<br />
284 compared with 310 for whites.<br />
Because of<br />
small population<br />
size in the<br />
1970s, similar<br />
trend data are<br />
not available for<br />
AsianAmericans.<br />
Data from the 1990 NAEP Mathematics Assessment Tests show that among twelfth<br />
graders, Asians scored an average of 315 points compared with 301 points for whites,<br />
270 for blacks, 278 for Hispanics, and 290 for Native Americans. Racial and ethnic<br />
differentiation is most apparent at the highest achievement levels.<br />
Specifically, 13% of Asians performed at level of 350 points or higher, 6% of whites,<br />
less than 1% of blacks, and 1% of Hispanics did so.<br />
The NAEP has since collected and analyzed data through 2008. Overall, the White-<br />
Hispanic and the White-Black gap for NAEP scores have significantly decreased since<br />
the 1970s.<br />
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The Black-White Gap demonstrates:<br />
• In mathematics, the gap for 17-year-olds was narrowed by 14 points from 1973<br />
to 2008.<br />
• In reading, the gap for 17-year-olds was narrowed by 24 points from 1971 to<br />
2008.<br />
The Hispanic-White Gap demonstrates:<br />
• In mathematics, the gap for 17-year-olds was narrowed by 12 points from 1973<br />
to 2008.<br />
• In reading, the gap for 17-year-olds was narrowed by 15 points from 1975 to<br />
2008.<br />
Furthermore, subgroups showed predominant gains in 4th grade at all achievement<br />
levels. In terms of achieving proficiency, gaps between subgroups in most states have<br />
narrowed across grade levels, yet had widened in 23% of instances. The progress<br />
made in elementary and middle schools was greater than that in high schools, which<br />
demonstrates the importance of early childhood education. Greater gains were seen in<br />
lower-performing subgroups rather than in higher-performing subgroups. Similarly,<br />
greater gains were seen in Latino and African American subgroups than for low-income<br />
and Native American<br />
subgroups.<br />
Reading- ages 9 (light<br />
gray), 13 (dark gray), and<br />
17 (black).<br />
Income<br />
Research that was<br />
conducted shows that<br />
income is a factor that<br />
affects the racial<br />
achievement gap.<br />
Black and Hispanic<br />
students tend to come<br />
from low-income<br />
communities and they<br />
also tend to be behind<br />
white students in<br />
terms of math and<br />
reading scores. Another piece of evidence is that when you compare the gap between<br />
white and minority students with similar family economic backgrounds, the achievement<br />
gap results are different. Katherine Paschall is a researcher who believes that family<br />
income plays more of a factor in the academic achievement gap than race/ethnicity.<br />
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This is due to the fact that even within racial groups, there are differences in economic<br />
statuses. Family income was able to explain most of the evidence that was<br />
shown. Katherine Paschall conducted research to see if the achievement gap is due to<br />
a combination of race/ethnicity and income rather than just race/ethnicity by<br />
itself. Paschall discuses how important it is to look at both race/ethnicity and poverty<br />
status together. Since there is already research on both factors separately, it is<br />
important to look at the intersection between them in order to further understand the<br />
achievement gap. Paschall believes that these findings are important in the<br />
development of educational policies that try to reduce the achievement gaps. Racial<br />
disparities in the educational system is decreasing, and it is believed that wealth<br />
disparities will become the new barrier for equal education. A student that is enrolled in<br />
a school district where racial, poverty, financial, and academic segregation is unable to<br />
receive equal education. Despite the fact that there are successful student that do<br />
overcome segregation disparities, many schools still fail to meet educational standards.<br />
Theories About The Origin of The Racial Achievement Gap<br />
Further information: Achievement gap in the United States § Debate on the origins of<br />
the racial achievement gap<br />
The achievement gap between low-income minority students and middle-income White<br />
students has been a popular research topic among sociologists since the publication of<br />
the report, "Equality of Educational Opportunity" (more widely known as the Coleman<br />
Report). This report was commissioned by the U.S. Department of Education in 1966 to<br />
investigate whether the performance of African-American students was caused by their<br />
attending schools of a lesser quality than white students. The report suggested that both<br />
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in-school factors and home/community factors affect the academic achievement of<br />
students and contribute to the achievement gap that exists between races.<br />
The study of the achievement gap can be addressed from two standpoints—from a<br />
supply-side and a demand-side viewpoint of education. In Poor Economics, Banerjee<br />
and Duflo explain the two families of arguments surrounding education of underserved<br />
populations. Demand-side arguments focus on aspects of minority populations that<br />
influence education achievement. These include family background and culture, which<br />
shape perceptions and expectations surrounding education. A large body of research<br />
has been dedicated to studying these factors contributing to the achievement gap.<br />
Supply-side arguments focus on the provision of education and resources and the<br />
systemic structures in place that perpetuate the achievement gap. These include<br />
neighborhoods, funding, and policy. In 2006, Ladson-Billings called on education<br />
researchers to move the spotlight of education research from family background to take<br />
into account the rest of the factors that affect educational achievement, as explained by<br />
the Coleman Report. The concept of opportunity gaps—rather than achievement<br />
gaps—has changed the paradigm of education research to assess education from a<br />
top-down approach.<br />
Social Belonging<br />
Non-Cognitive Factors<br />
A person's sense of social belonging is one non-cognitive factor that plays a part in the<br />
racial achievement gap. Some of the processes that threaten a person's sense of<br />
belonging in schools include social stigma, negative intellectual stereotypes, and<br />
numeric under-representation.<br />
Walton and Cohen describe three ways in which a sense of social belonging boosts<br />
motivation, the first being positive self-image. By adopting similar interests as those who<br />
a person considers to be socially significant, it may help to increase or affirm a person's<br />
sense of his or her personal worth. People have a basic need to belong, which is why<br />
people may feel a sense of distress when social rejection occurs. Students in minority<br />
groups have to battle other factors as well, such as peer and friend groups being<br />
separated by race. Homogeneous friend groups can segregate people out of important<br />
networking connections, thus limiting important future opportunities that non-minority<br />
groups have because they have access to these networking connections. Oakland<br />
students that come from low socioeconomic families are less likely to attend schools<br />
that provide equal education as wealthier schools that come from major American cities.<br />
This means that only two of ten students will go to schools that have a closing<br />
achievement gap.<br />
Students who do not fall into the majority or dominant group in their schools often worry<br />
about whether or not they will belong and find a valued place in their school. Their<br />
thoughts are often centered around whether they will be accepted and valued for who<br />
they are around their peers. Social rejection can cause reductions in IQ test<br />
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performance, self-regulation, and also can prompt aggression. People can do more<br />
together than they can alone. Social life is a form of collaborative activity, and an<br />
important feature of human life. When goals and objectives become shared, they offer a<br />
person and the social units he or she is a part of major advantages over if he or she<br />
was working alone.<br />
Under performing groups in schools often report that they feel like they do not belong<br />
and that they are unhappy a majority of the time. Steele offers an example, explaining<br />
an observation done by his colleague, Treisman. It was observed that African American<br />
students at Berkeley did their work independently in their rooms with nobody to<br />
converse with. They spent most of their time checking answers to their arithmetic in the<br />
back of their textbook, weakening their grasp of the concepts themselves. This<br />
ultimately caused these students to do worse on tests and assessments than their white<br />
peers, creating a frustrating experience and also contributing to the racial achievement<br />
gap.<br />
Purpose<br />
When students feel<br />
that what they are<br />
doing has purpose,<br />
they are more likely<br />
to succeed<br />
academically.<br />
Students who<br />
identify and actively<br />
work towards their<br />
individual,<br />
purposeful, life goals<br />
have a better chance<br />
at eliminating<br />
disengagement that<br />
commonly occurs in<br />
middle school and<br />
continues into later<br />
adolescence. These<br />
life goals give<br />
students a chance to<br />
believe that their<br />
school work is done<br />
in hopes of achieving<br />
larger, more longterm<br />
goals that<br />
matter to the world.<br />
This also gives<br />
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students the opportunity to feel that their lives have meaning by working towards these<br />
goals.<br />
Purposeful life goals, such as work goals, may also increase students motivation to<br />
learn. Adolescents may make connections between what they are learning in school<br />
and how they will use those skills and knowledge will help them make an impact in the<br />
future. This idea ultimately will lead students to create their own goals related to<br />
mastering the material they are learning in school.<br />
Adolescents who have goals, and believe that their opinions and voices can impact the<br />
world positively, they may become more motivated. They become more committed to<br />
mastering concepts and being accountable for their own learning, rather than focusing<br />
on getting the highest grade in the class. Students will study more intently and deeply,<br />
as well as persist longer, seeking out more challenges. They will like learning more<br />
because the tasks they are doing have purpose, creating a personal meaning to them<br />
and in turn leading to satisfaction.<br />
Mindset<br />
Students’ mindsets (how they perceive their abilities) play a large role in their<br />
achievement and also their motivation. An adolescent's level of self-efficacy is a great<br />
predictor of their level of academic performance, going above and beyond a student's<br />
measured level of ability and also their prior performance in school. Students having a<br />
growth mindset believe that their intelligence can be developed over time. Those with a<br />
fixed mindset believe that their intelligence is fixed and cannot grow and develop.<br />
Students with growth mindsets tend to outperform their peers who have fixed mindsets.<br />
Students are highly influenced by their teachers in which kind of mindset they develop in<br />
school. When people are taught with a growth mindset, the ideas of challenging<br />
themselves and putting in more effort follow. People believe that each mindset is better<br />
than the other, which causes students to feel that they are not as good as other<br />
students in school. A big question that is asked in schooling is when does someone feel<br />
smart: when they are flawless or when they are learning? With a fixed mindset, you<br />
must be flawless, and not just smart in the classroom. With this mindset, there is even<br />
more pressure on students to not only succeed, but to be flawless in front of their peers.<br />
Students who have a fixed mindset, have come to change the idea of failure as an<br />
action to an identity. They come to think of the idea of failing something as being that<br />
they are a failure and that they cannot achieve something. This links back into how they<br />
think of themselves as a person and decreases their motivation in school. This sense of<br />
"failure" is especially prominent during adolescence. If one thing goes wrong, one with a<br />
fixed mindset will feel that they cannot overcome this small failure, and thus their<br />
mindset motivation will decrease.<br />
Education Debt<br />
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Education debt is a theory developed by Gloria Ladson-Billings, a pedagogical<br />
theorist. In her theory of education debt, she likens the focus of the achievement gap to<br />
the United States current focus on the national deficit. She argues that instead the true<br />
issue is debt rather than deficit: an education debt to African Americans, Native<br />
Americans, and Latino/as. As defined by a colleague of Ladson-Billings, Professor<br />
Emeritus Robert Haveman, education debt is the “foregone schooling resources that we<br />
could have (should have) been investing in (primarily) low income kids, which deficit<br />
leads to a variety of social problems (e.g. crime, low productivity, low wages, low labor<br />
force participation) that require on-going public investment”. The education debt has<br />
historical, economic, sociopolitical and moral components; the structure of the education<br />
debt theory makes is a logical cause of the racial achievement gap.<br />
Historical Component<br />
Historical debt is the concept of inequality throughout history that has prevented equal<br />
education of minorities. Inequities surrounding education throughout history have been<br />
designed to prevent people based on their race, class, and gender from receiving<br />
quality education. Disparity in achievement is a result of legislation that has prevented<br />
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education of minorities, specifically African Americans. After the abolishment of slavery,<br />
African Americans were subject to follow the laws of their bitter oppressors. This left<br />
African Americans with little to no representation. It was prohibited by law in many<br />
places across the United States, specifically the south, for African Americans to attend<br />
school. This is an early example in history of education being denied to African<br />
Americans.<br />
Similarly, the Native American population was prevented from obtaining a quality<br />
education. After forced labor and genocides, the remaining population was funneled<br />
into boarding schools focused on religious teachings and assimilation into European<br />
culture. Native Americans had little to no representation. Latino/as were also denied<br />
equal education. In the case Mendez vs. West Minister, Latino fathers challenged the<br />
courts as their children, and thousands of others, were victims of racial segregation.<br />
Historically, much of the inequalities embedded within legislation was perpetuated by<br />
leaders of the country. The falsity that African Americans were unable to be educated<br />
was endorsed by Thomas Jefferson, even though he supported the idea of education<br />
for all American people. Historic events and legislation are both related to economic<br />
debt, in the fact that they both affected the education opportunities of minorities.<br />
Economic Component<br />
Economic debt has greatly accumulated from the disparities in school funding. Even<br />
after it was deemed unconstitutional for education to be withheld on the basis of race,<br />
legislation regarding the allocation of money for public schools was passed regardless<br />
of the fact that it left minority school districts with significantly less money than districts<br />
of White counterparts. The concept of separate but equal, made constitutional<br />
by Plessy vs. Ferguson, allowed a significant of amount of funding disparity to be<br />
perpetuated. Although, Plessy vs. Ferguson was overturned, the segregation it caused<br />
can still be observed today. Statistics show that Chicago public school spend spend<br />
roughly $8,000 a year per child; the population of Chicago public school students is<br />
87% African American and Latino/a. Highland Park school district spends more than<br />
double the amount of the Chicago public school district; Highland Park (a neighboring<br />
town) public schools has a population of 91% White students. It is important to consider<br />
an affect of economic debt; earning ratios. Gloria Ladson-Billings points to the relation<br />
of level of schoolings and earning ratios. Higher level of income is related to a higher<br />
level of education data suggests.<br />
Socio-Political Component<br />
Sociopolitical debt “is the degree to which communities of color are excluded from the<br />
civic process” (Landson-Billings 2006). The civic process includes refers to the<br />
engagement of conversation or activity that addresses issues or concerns within<br />
society. Disenfranchisement of voting rights contributed to and continues to contribute<br />
to sociopolitical debt. With little to no access to franchise, African American, Latino/a,<br />
and Native American communities received no representation or legislation that<br />
reflected their issues and concerns. These groups were often excluded from legislation<br />
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and conversation concerning education which did not allow them to advocate for the<br />
equal education. An example of the mitigation of sociopolitical debt is the Voting Rights<br />
Act of 1965. This piece of legislation ensured a voice to minorities within the political<br />
sphere. No such legislation has been passed that focuses on diminishing education<br />
inequalities. Affirmative action is the closest legislation that has had a strong<br />
impact. Although affirmative action benefited White women the most, observations<br />
show that the emergence of the Black middle class was aided by the policy (Bowen and<br />
Bok 1999). Members of the Black middle class and other minority groups continue to<br />
fight for change in education despite being silenced. The sociopolitical debt has limited<br />
access to resources such as policy makers and law experts; disadvantages as these do<br />
not allow for the gain of political capital needed to enact change.<br />
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Moral Component<br />
Moral debt is the final component of the education debt and “reflects disparity between<br />
what we know is right and what we actually do” (Ladson-Billings). Moral debt is<br />
expressed as the lack of honor given when honor is due. There is no hesitation in<br />
giving honor to Martin Luther King Jr. or Rosa Parks. Another example of repaying<br />
moral debt are the reparations placed on Germany after WWII.[38] Debate is happening<br />
on the basis of moral debt, reparations and success but much of the debate focuses on<br />
the individual and the responsibility of the individual to ensure success. “No nation can<br />
enslave a race of people for hundreds of years, set them free bedraggled and<br />
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penniless, pit them, without assistance in a hostile environment, against privileged<br />
victimizers, and then reasonably expect the gap between the heirs of the two groups to<br />
narrow. Lines, begun parallel and left alone, can never touch.” Randall Robinson<br />
states. Individual responsibility becomes an unrealistic expectation when a group has<br />
been exploited, disenfranchised and oppressed for centuries.<br />
Family Structure/Parenting Style<br />
Demand-Side<br />
Children can differ in their readiness to learn before they enter school. Research has<br />
shown that parental involvement in a child's development has a significant effect on the<br />
educational achievement of minority children. According to sociologist Annette Lareau,<br />
differences in parenting styles can affect a child's future achievement. In her<br />
book Unequal Childhoods, she argues that there are two main types of parenting:<br />
concerted cultivation and the achievement of natural growth.<br />
Concerted cultivation is usually practiced by middle-class parents, regardless of their<br />
race. These parents are more likely to be involved in their children's education,<br />
encourage their children's participation in extracurricular activities or sports teams, and<br />
to teach their children how to successfully communicate with authority figures. These<br />
communication skills give children a form of social capital that help them communicate<br />
their needs and negotiate with adults throughout their life.<br />
The achievement of natural growth is generally practiced by poor and working-class<br />
families. These parents generally do not play as large a role in their children's<br />
education, their children are less likely to participate in extracurriculars or sports teams,<br />
and they usually do not teach their children the communication skills that middle- and<br />
upper-class children have. Instead, these parents are more concerned that their<br />
children obey authority figures and have respect for authority, which are two<br />
characteristics that are important to have in order to succeed in working-class jobs.<br />
The parenting practices that a child is raised with influences their future educational<br />
achievement. However, parenting styles are heavily influenced by the parents' and<br />
family's social, economic, and physical circumstances. In particular, immigration status<br />
(if applicable), education level, incomes, and occupations influence the degree of<br />
parental involvement their children's academic achievement. These factors directly<br />
determine the access of the parents to time and resources to dedicate to their children's<br />
development. These factors also indirectly determine the home environment and<br />
parents' educational expectations of their children. For example, children from poor<br />
families have lower academic performance in kindergarten than children from middle to<br />
upper-class backgrounds, but children from poor families who had cognitively<br />
stimulating materials in the home demonstrated higher rates of academic achievement<br />
in kindergarten. Additionally, parents of children living in poverty are less likely to have<br />
cognitively stimulating materials in the home for their children and are less likely to be<br />
involved in their child's school. The quality of language that the student uses is affected<br />
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y family's socioeconomic backgrounds, which is another factor in the academic<br />
achievement gap.<br />
In the United States, most minority groups are more likely to live in poverty than White<br />
Americans. Unemployment rate and mortgages for African and Latin Americans are<br />
usually higher than White Americans'. And although Asian American families earn, on<br />
average, more income than White American families do, there are usually more family<br />
members working in the Asian American family than the White American family. These<br />
disparities in socioeconomic status between minority groups and White Americans help<br />
explain differences in parenting styles, family structure, and the resultant educational<br />
achievement of minority children. However, the racial gaps persists when comparing<br />
families with similar income. Whites from families with incomes below $10,000 had a<br />
mean SAT test score that was 61 points higher than blacks whose families had incomes<br />
of between $80,000 and $100,000.<br />
African-American Family Structure<br />
In 2010, 72% of Black babies were born to unwed mothers.<br />
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There is consensus in the literature about the negative consequences of growing up in<br />
single-parent homes on educational attainment and success. Children growing up in<br />
single-parent homes are more likely to not finish school and generally obtain less years<br />
of schooling than those in two-parent homes.[51] Specifically, boys growing in homes<br />
with only their mothers are more likely to receive poorer grades and display behavioral<br />
problems.<br />
For black high school students, the African American family structure does affect their<br />
educational goals and expectations also. Studies on the topic have indicated that<br />
children growing up in single-parent homes faces disturbances in young childhood,<br />
adolescence and young adulthood as well. Although these effects are sometimes<br />
minimal and contradictory, it is generally agreed that the family structure a child grows<br />
up in is important for their success in the educational sphere.<br />
The black family structure is seen as a source of low student achievement because it is<br />
seen as a family structure that creates a “culture of poverty”. Research has found that<br />
student's that come from “culture of poverty” tend to be low achievers due to them<br />
already being at a disadvantage, making it hard for them to be high achievers.<br />
Cultural Differences<br />
Some experts believe that cultural factors contribute to the racial achievement gap.<br />
Students from minority cultures face language barriers, differences in cultural norms in<br />
interactions, learning styles, varying levels of receptiveness of their culture to White<br />
American culture, and varying levels of acceptance of the White American culture by the<br />
students. In particular, it has been found that minority students from cultures with views<br />
that generally do not align with the mainstream cultural views have a harder time in<br />
school. Furthermore, views of the value of education differ by minority groups as well as<br />
members within each group. Both Hispanic and African-American youths often receive<br />
mixed messages about the importance of education, and often end up performing below<br />
their academic potential.<br />
Latino American<br />
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Many Hispanic parents who immigrate to The United States see a high school diploma<br />
as being a sufficient amount of schooling and may not stress the importance of<br />
continuing on to college. Parental discouragement from pursuing higher education tends<br />
to be based on the notion of "we made it without formal schooling, so you can too".<br />
Additionally, depending on the immigration generation and economic status of the<br />
student, some students prioritize their obligations to assisting their family over their<br />
educational aspirations. Poor economic circumstances place greater pressure on the<br />
students to sacrifice time spent working towards educational attainment in order to<br />
dedicate more time to help support the family. Surveys have shown that while Latino<br />
American families would like their children to have a formal education, they also place<br />
high value on getting jobs, marrying, and having children as early as possible, all of<br />
which conflict with the goal of educational achievement. However, counselors and<br />
teachers usually promote continuing on to college. This message conflicts with the one<br />
being sent to Hispanic students by their families and can negatively affect the motivation<br />
of Hispanic students, as evidenced by the fact that Latinos have the lowest college<br />
attendance rates of any racial/ethnic group. Overall, Latino American students face<br />
barriers such as financial stability and insufficient support for higher education within<br />
their families. Reading to children when they are younger increases literacy<br />
comprehension, which is a fundamental concept in the education system; however, it is<br />
less likely to occur within Latino American families because many parents do not have<br />
any formal education. Currently, Latino Americans over the age of 25 have the lowest<br />
percentage in obtaining a bachelor's degree or higher amongst all other racial groups;<br />
while only having 11 percent.<br />
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African American<br />
African American students are also likely to receive different messages about the<br />
importance of education from their peer group and from their parents. Many young<br />
African-Americans are told by their parents to concentrate on school and do well<br />
academically, which is similar to the message that many middle-class white students<br />
receive. However, the peers of African-American students are more likely to place less<br />
emphasis on education, sometimes accusing studious African-American students of<br />
"acting white." This causes problems for black students who want to pursue higher<br />
levels of education, forcing some to hide their study or homework habits from their<br />
peers and perform below their academic potential.<br />
Asian American<br />
Asian American students are more likely to view education as a means to social<br />
mobility, as they believe it provides a means to overcome language barriers as well as<br />
discrimination. This notion comes from parental expectations of their children, which are<br />
rooted in the cultural belief that hard work is the key to educational and eventually<br />
occupational attainment. Many Asian Americans immigrated to the United States<br />
voluntarily, in search for better opportunities. This immigration status comes into play<br />
when assessing the cultural views of Asian Americans since attitudes of more recent<br />
immigration are associated with optimistic views about the correlation between hard<br />
work and success. Obstacles such as language barriers and acceptance of White<br />
American culture are more easily overcome by voluntary immigrants since their<br />
expectations of attaining better opportunities in the United States influence their<br />
interactions and experiences.<br />
Geographic and Neighborhood Factors<br />
Supply-Side<br />
The quality of school that a student attends and the socioeconomic status of the<br />
student's residential neighborhood are two factors that can affect a student's academic<br />
performance.<br />
In the United States, the financing of most public schools is based on local property<br />
taxes This system means that schools located in areas with lower real estate values<br />
have proportionately less money to spend per pupil than schools located in areas with<br />
higher real estate values. This system has also maintained a "funding segregation:"<br />
because minority students are much more likely to live in a neighborhood with lower<br />
property values, they are much more likely to attend a school that receives significantly<br />
lower funding.<br />
Data from research shows that when the quality of the school is better and students are<br />
given more resources, it affects the racial achievement gap by reducing it. When white<br />
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and black schools were given the equal amount of resources, it shows that black<br />
students started improving while white students stayed the same because they didn't<br />
need the resources. This showed that lack of resources is a factor in the racial<br />
achievement gap. The research that was conducted shows that predominantly white<br />
schools have more resources than black schools. However, lack of resources is only a<br />
small effect on academic achievement in comparison to students’ family backgrounds.<br />
Using property taxes to fund public schools contributes to school inequality. Lowerfunded<br />
schools are more likely to have (1) lower-paid teachers; (2) higher studentteacher<br />
ratios, meaning less individual attention for each student; (3) older books; (4)<br />
fewer extracurricular activities, which have been shown to increase academic<br />
achievement; (5) poorly maintained school buildings and grounds; and (6) less access<br />
to services like school nursing and social workers. All of these factors can affect student<br />
performance and perpetuate inequalities between students of different races.<br />
Living in a high-poverty or disadvantaged neighborhood have been shown to negatively<br />
influence educational aspirations and consequently attainment. The Moving to<br />
Opportunityexperiment showed that moving to a low-poverty neighborhood had a<br />
positive effect on the educational attainment of minority adolescents. The school<br />
characteristics associated with the low-poverty neighborhoods proved to be effective<br />
mediators, since low-poverty neighborhoods tended to have more favorable school<br />
composition, safety, and quality.Additionally, living in a neighborhood with economic<br />
and social inequalities leads to negative attitudes and more problematic behavior due to<br />
and social tensions. Greater college aspirations have been correlated with more social<br />
cohesiveness among neighborhood youth, since community support from both youth<br />
and adults in the neighborhood tends to have a positive influence on educational<br />
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aspirations. Some researchers believe that vouchers should be given to low income<br />
students so they can go to school in other places. However, other researchers believe<br />
that the idea of vouchers promotes equality and doesn't eliminate it.<br />
Racial and ethnic residential segregation in the United States still persists, with African<br />
Americans experiencing the highest degree of residential segregation, followed by<br />
Latino Americans and Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders. This isolation from White<br />
American communities is highly correlated with low property values and high-poverty<br />
neighborhoods. This issue is propagated by issues of home ownership facing minorities,<br />
especially African Americans and Latino Americans, since residential areas<br />
predominantly populated by these minority groups are perceived as less attractive in the<br />
housing market.<br />
Home ownership by minority groups is further undermined by institutionalized<br />
discriminatory practices, such as differential treatment of African Americans and Latino<br />
Americans in the housing market compared with White Americans. Higher mortgages<br />
charged to African American or Latino American buyers make it more difficult for<br />
members of these minority groups to attain full home ownership and accumulate wealth.<br />
As a result, African American and Latino American groups continue to live in racially<br />
segregated neighborhoods and face the socioeconomic consequences of residential<br />
segregation.<br />
Differences in the academic performance of African-American and White students exist<br />
even in schools that are desegregated and diverse, and studies have shown that a<br />
school's racial mix does not seem to have much effect on changes in reading scores<br />
after sixth grade, or on math scores at any age. In fact, minority students in segregatedminority<br />
schools have more optimism and greater educational aspirations as well as<br />
achievements than minority students in segregated-white schools. This can be<br />
attributed to various factors, including the attitudes of faculty and staff at segregatedwhite<br />
schools and the effect of stereotype threat.<br />
History<br />
The minority status of a student plays a major role in the minority experience of<br />
schooling. Non-White minority groups are classified into voluntary and involuntary<br />
minority groups, which are differentiated by the reasons that brought the groups to the<br />
United States. Voluntary minorities are immigrants who came to the United States for<br />
better social, economic, and political opportunities, such as the Chinese and Punjabi<br />
Indians. Optimism regarding educational and occupational prospects are reflected in<br />
parents' expectations of their children. It should be noted, however, that earlier<br />
generations of students from voluntary minority groups tend to perform better and place<br />
a higher value on education than native-born and later-generation students of the same<br />
group. Involuntary minorities are those from groups who came to the United States or<br />
integrated into the United States against their will, such as Native Americans or African<br />
Americans. Involuntary minority groups face both external and internal tensions;<br />
institutionalized socioeconomic factors prevent social mobility for these groups,<br />
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in addition to the identity-related conflicts within a minority culture. These ethnic<br />
histories thus define the social status of minority groups and thereby influence the<br />
schooling experience of minority students.<br />
Legacy of Discrimination Argument<br />
An argument has been put that the disparity in income that exists between African<br />
Americans and Whites directly contributes to the racial achievement gap. This school of<br />
thought argues that the origin of this "wealth gap" is the slavery and racism that made it<br />
extremely difficult for African-Americans to accumulate wealth for almost 100 years. A<br />
comparable history of discrimination created a similar gap between Hispanics and<br />
whites. This results in many minority children being born into low socioeconomic<br />
backgrounds, which in turn affects educational opportunities.<br />
Research has shown time and again that the wealth and income of parents is a primary<br />
factor influencing student achievement[citation needed]. A low socioeconomic<br />
background can have negative effects on a child's educational achievement before even<br />
starting school; indeed, research has shown that the achievement gap is present<br />
between races before starting formal education.<br />
On average, when entering kindergarten, African-American students are one year<br />
behind White students in terms of vocabulary and basic math skills, and this gap<br />
continues to grow as a child's education continues.<br />
Refugees<br />
Part of the racial achievement gap can be attributed to the experience of the refugee<br />
population in the United States. Refugee groups in particular face obstacles such as<br />
cultural and language barriers and discrimination, in addition to pre-migration stresses.<br />
These factors affect how successfully refugee children can assimilate to and succeed in<br />
the United States. Furthermore, it has been shown that immigrant children from<br />
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politically unstable countries do not perform as well as immigrant children from politically<br />
stable countries.<br />
Genetic Differences<br />
J. Philippe Rushton and Arthur Jensen suggested that the results of intelligence<br />
testing demonstrate that genetic differences can explain some or all of the racial<br />
achievement gap in American education.<br />
Robert Sternberg later published a reply to Rushton and Jensen in which he wrote<br />
critically of their approach to the subject and of some of their specific claims and<br />
rhetoric. Sternberg states his belief that science should be conducted with values in<br />
mind. He then argues that Rushton and Jensen were wrong to suggest any policy<br />
implications of their research because international variation in social norms and<br />
definitions of success may affect the influence IQ has on the attainment of success.<br />
While Sternberg acknowledges that there is a genetic factor affecting individual<br />
intelligence, he asserts that intelligence is changeable, and at the group level,<br />
subjective.<br />
Economic Outcomes<br />
Implications of The Achievement Gap<br />
The racial achievement gap has consequences on the life outcomes of minority<br />
students. However, this gap also has the potential for negative implications for<br />
American society as a whole, especially in terms of workforce quality and the<br />
competitiveness of the American economy. As the economy has become more<br />
globalized and the United States' economy has shifted away from manufacturing and<br />
towards a knowledge-based economy; education has become an increasingly important<br />
determinate of economic success and prosperity. A strong education is now essential<br />
for preparing and training the future workforce that is able to compete in the global<br />
economy. Education is also important for attaining jobs and a stable career, which is<br />
critical for breaking the cycle of poverty and securing a sound economic future, both<br />
individually and as a nation. Students with lower achievement are more likely to drop<br />
out of high school, entering the workforce with minimal training and skills, and<br />
subsequently earning substantially less than those with more education. Therefore,<br />
eliminating the racial achievement gap and improving the achievement of minority<br />
students will help eliminate economic disparities and ensure that America's future<br />
workforce is well prepared to be productive and competitive citizens.<br />
Reducing the racial achievement gap is especially important because the United States<br />
is becoming an increasingly diverse country. The percentage of African-American and<br />
Hispanic students in school is increasing: in 1970, African-Americans and Hispanics<br />
made up 15% of the school-age population, and that number had increased to 30% by<br />
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2000. It is expected that minority students will represent the majority of school<br />
enrollments by 2015. Minorities make up a growing share of America's future workforce;<br />
therefore, the United States' economic competitiveness depends heavily on closing the<br />
racial achievement gap.<br />
The racial achievement gap affects the volume and quality of human capital, which is<br />
also reflected through calculations of GDP. The cost of racial achievement gap<br />
accounts for 2–4 percent of the 2008 GDP. This percentage is likely to increase as<br />
blacks and Hispanics continue to account for a higher proportion of the population and<br />
workforce. Furthermore, it was estimated that $310 billion would be added to the US<br />
economy by 2020 if minority students graduated at the same rate as white<br />
students. Even more substantial is the narrowing of educational achievement levels in<br />
the US compared to those of higher-achieving nations, such as Finland and Korea.<br />
McKinsey & Company estimate a $1.3 trillion to $2.3 trillion, or a 9 to 16 percent<br />
difference in GDP. Furthermore, if high school dropouts were to cut in half, over $45<br />
billion would be added in savings and additional revenue. In a single high school class,<br />
halving the dropout rate would be able to support over 54,000 new jobs, and increase<br />
GDP by as much as $9.6 billion. Overall, the cost of high school drop outs on the US<br />
economy is roughly $355 billion.<br />
$3.7 billion would be saved on community college remediation costs and lost earnings if<br />
all high school students were ready for college. Furthermore, if high school graduation<br />
rates for males raised by 5 percent, cutting back on crime spending and increasing<br />
earnings each year would lead to an $8 billion increase the US economy.<br />
Job Opportunities<br />
As the United States' economy has moved towards a globalized knowledge-based<br />
economy, education has become even more important for attaining jobs and a stable<br />
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career, which is critical for breaking the cycle of poverty and securing a sound economic<br />
future. The racial achievement gap can hinder job attainment and social mobility for<br />
minority students. The United States Census Bureau reported $62,545 as the median<br />
income of White families, $38,409 of Black families, and $39,730 for Hispanic<br />
families.[80] And while the median income of Asian families is $75,027, the number of<br />
people working in these households is usually greater than that in White American<br />
families. The difference in income levels relate highly to educational opportunities<br />
between various groups. Students who drop out of high school as a result of the racial<br />
achievement gap demonstrate difficulty in the job market. The median income of young<br />
adults who do not finish high school is about $21,000, compared to the $30,000 of those<br />
who have at least earned a high school credential. This translates into a difference of<br />
$630,000 in the course of a lifetime. Students who are not accepted or decide not to<br />
attend college as a result of the racial achievement gap may forgo over $450,000 in<br />
lifetime earnings had they earned a Bachelor of Arts degree. In 2009, $36,000 was the<br />
median income for those with an associate degree was, $45,000 for those with a<br />
bachelor's degree, $60,000 for those with a master's degree or higher.<br />
Stereotype Threat<br />
Beyond differences in earnings, minority students also experience stereotype threat that<br />
negatively affects performance through activation of salient racial stereotypes.<br />
The stereotype threat both perpetuates and is caused by the achievement<br />
gap.[85] Furthermore, students of low academic performance demonstrate low<br />
expectations for themselves and self-handicapping<br />
tendencies.[86] Psychologists Claude Steele, Joshua Aronson, and Steven Spencer,<br />
have found that Microaggression such as passing reminders that someone belongs to<br />
one group or another (i.e.: a group stereotyped as inferior in academics) can affect test<br />
performance.<br />
Steele, Aronson and Spencer, have examined and performed experiments to see how<br />
stereotypes can threaten how students evaluate themselves, which then alters<br />
academic identity and intellectual performance. Steele tested the stereotype threat<br />
theory by giving Black and White college students a half-hour test using difficult<br />
questions from the verbal Graduate Record Examination (GRE). In the stereotype-threat<br />
condition, they told students the test diagnosed intellectual ability. In saying that the test<br />
diagnoses intellectual ability it can potentially elicit the stereotype that Blacks are less<br />
intelligent than Whites. In the no-stereotype-threat condition, they told students that the<br />
test was a problem-solving lab task that said nothing about ability. This made<br />
stereotypes irrelevant. In the stereotype threat condition, Blacks who were evenly<br />
matched with Whites in their group by SAT scores, performed worse compared to their<br />
White counterparts. In the experiments with no stereotype threat, Blacks performed<br />
slightly better than in those with a stereotype threat, though still significantly worse than<br />
whites. Aronson believes the study of stereotype threat offers some "exciting and<br />
encouraging answers to these old questions [of achievement gaps] by looking at the<br />
psychology of stigma -- the way human beings respond to negative stereotypes about<br />
their racial or gender group". When pressed, Steele, Aronson, and Spenser,<br />
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acknowledge that their experiments on stereotype threat only explain a modest portion<br />
of test-score gaps.[88] However, their findings have consistently been erroneously<br />
attributed to explaining the entirety of the test score gap. The American Psychological<br />
Association is one such institution that misuses the study to posit that stereotype threat<br />
undercuts the tendency of evolutionary psychologists to lay the blame on genetic and<br />
cultural factors, such as whether African Americans "value" education. Researchers<br />
from Heterodox Academy, a think tank dedicated to pursuing intellectual diversity in<br />
academia, posit that the tendency of some social scientists to over emphasise the<br />
potency of stereotype threat, has to do with their loyalty to politically correct clean slate<br />
ideology, rather than objective reasoning.[88] Adherence to such dogma therefore<br />
permits these individuals to dismiss the possibility of less palatable explanations for<br />
racial group disparities, such as genetics and culture.<br />
Political Representation<br />
Another consequence of the racial achievement gap can be seen in the lack of<br />
representation of minority groups in public office. Studies have shown that higher<br />
socioeconomic status—in terms of income, occupation, and/or educational attainment—<br />
is correlated with higher participation in politics. This participation is defined as<br />
"individual or collective action at the national or local level that supports or opposes<br />
state structures, authorities, and/or decisions regarding allocation of public goods"; this<br />
action ranges from engaging in activities such as voting in elections to running for public<br />
office.<br />
Since median income per capita for minority groups(Except Asians) is lower than that of<br />
White Americans, and since minority groups(Except Asians) are more likely to occupy<br />
less gainful employment and achieve lower education levels, there is a lowered<br />
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likelihood of political participation among minority groups. Education attainment is<br />
highly correlated with earnings and occupation.<br />
And there is a proven disparity between educational attainment of White Americans and<br />
minority groups, with only 30% of bachelor's degrees awarded in 2009 to minority<br />
groups. Thus socioeconomic status—and therefore political participation—is correlated<br />
with race. Research has shown that African Americans, Latino Americans, and Asian<br />
Americans are less politically active, by varying degrees, than White Americans.<br />
A consequence of under-representation of minority groups in leadership is<br />
incongruence between policy and community needs. A study conducted by Kenneth J.<br />
Meier and Robert E. England of 82 of the largest urban school districts in the United<br />
States showed that African American membership on the school board of these districts<br />
led to more policies encouraging more African American inclusion in policy<br />
considerations. It has been shown that both passive and active representation of<br />
minority groups serves to align constituent policy preference and representation of<br />
these opinions, and thereby facilitate political empowerment of these groups.<br />
Special Programs<br />
Achievement gaps among students may also manifest themselves in the racial and<br />
ethnic composition of special education and gifted education programs. Typically,<br />
African American and Hispanic students are enrolled in greater numbers in special<br />
education programs than their numbers would indicate in most populations, while these<br />
groups are underrepresented in gifted programs. Research shows that these<br />
disproportionate enrollment trends may be a consequence of the differences in<br />
educational achievement among groups.<br />
Efforts to Narrow The Achievement Gap<br />
The United States has seen a variety of different attempts to narrow the racial<br />
achievement gap. These attempts include focusing on the importance of early childhood<br />
education, using federal standards based reforms, and implementing institutional<br />
changes. Despite the fact that there are efforts to narrow the achievement gap, the<br />
consequences of the achievement gap will still be felt for many years. For instance, The<br />
Oakland achievement gap grew by 11 percent between 2011 and 2013. This rate is<br />
alarming because it is a quicker pace than 80 percent of other major nationwide cities.<br />
This means that Oakland's achievement gap is larger than half of California's cities.<br />
Early Childhood Education<br />
There are large cognitive and emotional gaps that form at early ages. They persist<br />
throughout childhood and strongly influence adult outcomes. The gaps originate before<br />
formal schooling begins and persists through childhood and into adulthood.<br />
Remediating the problems created by the gaps is not as cost effective as preventing<br />
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them at the outset. Eight psychologists performed an experiment of infant children born<br />
in Quebec in 1997/1998 and followed annually until 7 years of age. Children receiving<br />
formal childcare were distinguished from those receiving informal childcare. Children of<br />
mothers with low levels of education showed a consistent pattern of lower scores on<br />
academic readiness and achievement tests at 6 and 7 years than those of highly<br />
educated mothers, unless they received formal childcare. The findings provide further<br />
evidence suggesting that formal childcare could represent a preventative means of<br />
attenuating effects of disadvantage on children's early academic trajectory. Economic<br />
research shows that investment at this stage is both more effective and cost effective<br />
than interventions later in a child's life. An evaluation of Chicago Public Schools'<br />
federally funded Child Parent Centers find that for every $1 invested in the preschool<br />
program, nearly $11 is projected to return to society over the participants' lifetimes. This<br />
amount is equivalent to an 18% annual return.<br />
Head Start Program, Title I of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act (ESEA),<br />
and various state-funded pre-kindergarten programs target students from low-income<br />
families in an attempt to equal the playing field for these children before school begins.<br />
The evidence in favor of investing in early childhood education as a means of closing<br />
the achievement gap is strong: various studies have a positive and long-lasting effect on<br />
academic achievement of low-income and minority students. Evaluations of Head Start<br />
have reported positive results. However, fade-out effects were found in Head Start<br />
Critics question whether an emphasis on early childhood education will benefit longterm<br />
kindergarten through 12th grade learning. Critics point to fade-out effects found in<br />
Head Start. Adam Schaeffer, a policy analyst with the Cato Institute highlights research<br />
shows that students make some gains in the first two years after preschool but it fades<br />
out after. Recent literature also reveals positive, short-term effects of early childhood<br />
education on children's development that weaken over time. Even more substantial is<br />
the narrowing of educational achievement levels in the US compared to those of higherachieving<br />
nations, such as Finland and Korea.<br />
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McKinsey & Company estimate a $1.3 trillion to $2.3 trillion, or a 9 to 16 percent<br />
difference in GDP. However, Mary Ellen McGuire, an education policy director at think<br />
tank New America Foundations, pointed out that early childhood education isn't<br />
intended to be a silver-bullet fix to the educational system. It is merely one aspect. In<br />
order for those effects to last high-quality early childhood education needs to be<br />
connected to high-quality elementary schools.<br />
Standards-Based Reform<br />
Standards-based reform has been a popular strategy used to try to eliminate the<br />
achievement gap in recent years. The goal of this reform strategy is to raise the<br />
educational achievement of all students, not just minorities. Many states have adopted<br />
higher standards for student achievement. This type of reform focuses on scores on<br />
standardized tests, and these scores show that a disproportionate share of the students<br />
who are not meeting state achievement standards are Hispanic and African-American.<br />
Therefore, it is not enough for minorities to improve just as much as Whites do—they<br />
must make greater educational gains in order to close the gap.<br />
Goals 2000<br />
One example of standards-based reform was Goals 2000, also known as the Educate<br />
America Act. Goals 2000 was enacted in 1994 by President Clinton and allowed the<br />
federal government a new role in its support for education. It aimed to "provide a<br />
framework for meeting the National Education Goals". It was designed to provide<br />
resources to states and communities to make sure that all students achieved their full<br />
potential by the year 2000. This program set forth eight goals for American students,<br />
including all children in America will start school ready to learn, increasing the high<br />
school graduation rate to at least 90%, and increasing the standing of American<br />
students to first in the world in achievement in math and science. Goals 2000 also<br />
placed an emphasis on the importance of technology, promising that all teachers would<br />
have modern computers in their classroom and that effective software would be an<br />
integral part of the curriculum in every school. President George Bush's No Child Left<br />
Behind Act essentially replaced the Goals 2000 program.<br />
No Child Left Behind<br />
The No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB) legislation was signed by President Bush in<br />
January 2002 and dramatically expanded federal influence over the nation's more than<br />
90,000 public schools. The main implications of this legislation was states had to<br />
conduct annual student assessments linked to state standards to identify schools failing<br />
to make "adequate yearly progress" (AYP) toward the stated goal of having all students<br />
achieve proficiency in reading and math by 2013–2014 and to institute sanctions and<br />
rewards based on each school's AYP status. One of the motivations for this reform is<br />
that publicizing detailed information on school-specific performance and linking that<br />
"high-stakes" test performance to the possibility of sanctions will improve the focus and<br />
productivity of public schools. However, critics charge that test-based school<br />
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accountability has several negative consequences for the broad cognitive development<br />
of children.<br />
Critics argue that NCLB and other test-based accountability policies cause educators to<br />
shift resources away from important but non-tested subjects and to focus instruction in<br />
math and reading on the relatively narrow set of topics that are most heavily<br />
represented on the high-stakes tests. Some even suggest that high-stakes testing may<br />
lead school personnel to intentionally manipulate student test scores.<br />
NCLB has shown mixed success in eliminating the racial achievement gap. Although<br />
test scores are improving, they are improving equally for all races, which means that<br />
minority students are still behind whites. There has also been some criticism as to<br />
whether an increase in test scores actually corresponds to improvements in education,<br />
since test standards vary from state to state and from year to year.<br />
<strong>Institutional</strong> Changes<br />
Research has shown that making certain changes within schools can improve the<br />
performance of minority students. These include lowering class size in schools with a<br />
large population of minority students; expanding access to high-quality preschool<br />
programs to minority families; and focus on teaching the critical thinking and problemsolving<br />
skills that are necessary to retain high-level information.<br />
Charter Schools<br />
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In the United States there are now 5,042 charter schools serving 1.5 million students in<br />
39 states and Washington, D.C. Although they serve only a fraction of the nation's<br />
public school students, charter schools have seized a prominent role in education today.<br />
The question of whether charters or traditional public schools do a better job of<br />
educating students is still open to debate. The research is highly mixed due the<br />
complexities of comparison and wide performance differences among charters.<br />
Charter schools are by definition independent public schools. Although funded with<br />
taxpayer dollars, they operate free from many of the laws and regulations that govern<br />
traditional public schools. In exchange for that freedom, they are bound to the terms of a<br />
contract, or "charter," that lays out a school's mission, academic goals, and<br />
accountability procedures. The average charter school enrollment is 372, compared<br />
with about 478 in all public schools. Researchers have linked small schools with higher<br />
achievement, more individualized instruction, greater safety, and increased student<br />
involvement. With their relative autonomy, charter schools are also seen as a way to<br />
provide greater educational choice and innovation within the public school system.<br />
Another attraction of charter schools is that they often have specialized educational<br />
programs.<br />
Charters frequently take alternative curricular approaches, emphasize particular fields of<br />
study or serve special populations of students. That growth of charter schools has been<br />
particularly strong in cities. More than 55 percent of public charter schools were in urban<br />
settings. Some charters have high concentrations of minority students because demand<br />
for schooling alternatives is highest among such students, whom they say are often<br />
poorly served by the traditional public school systems. Lastly, another positive argument<br />
for charter schools is that they improve the existing school systems through choice and<br />
competition.<br />
However, there are some criticisms of charter schools. There is a high variability in the<br />
quality and success of charter schools across the nation. A high-profile report from<br />
the American Federation of Teachers (2002), for example, argued that many charter<br />
school authorizers have failed to hold the administrators and teachers accountable,<br />
leaving some students to languish in low-performing schools. Another concern of critics<br />
is that charters are more racially segregated than traditional public schools, thus<br />
denying students the educational "benefits associated with attending diverse<br />
schools". Skeptics also worry that charter schools unfairly divert resources and policy<br />
attention from regular public schools.<br />
Taken together, studies about charter schools are inconclusive and have mixed results.<br />
Studies by the Goldwater Institute and California State University-Los Angeles found<br />
that students in charter schools show higher growth in achievement than their<br />
counterparts in traditional public schools. However, another study by the Institute of<br />
Race and Poverty at the University of Minnesota Law show that after two decades of<br />
experience, most charter schools in the Twin Cities still underperform comparable<br />
traditional public schools and are highly segregated by race and income.<br />
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Non-English Schools<br />
To evade a shift to English, some Native American tribes have initiated language<br />
immersion schools for children, where a native Indian language is the medium of<br />
instruction. For example, the Cherokee Nation instigated a 10-year language<br />
preservation plan that involved growing new fluent speakers of the Cherokee<br />
language from childhood on up through school immersion programs as well as a<br />
collaborative community effort to continue to use the language at home. This plan was<br />
part of an ambitious goal that in 50 years, 80% or more of the Cherokee people will be<br />
fluent in the language. The Cherokee Preservation Foundation has invested $3 million<br />
into opening schools, training teachers, and developing curricula for language<br />
education, as well as initiating community gatherings where the language can be<br />
actively used. Formed in 2006, the Kituwah Preservation & Education Program (KPEP)<br />
on the Qualla Boundary focuses on language immersion programs for children from<br />
birth to fifth grade, developing cultural resources for the general public and community<br />
language programs to foster the Cherokee language among adults.<br />
There is also a Cherokee language immersion school in Tahlequah, Oklahoma that<br />
educates students from pre-school through eighth grade. Because Oklahoma's official<br />
language is English, Cherokee immersion students are hindered when taking statemandated<br />
tests because they have little competence in English. The Department of<br />
Education of Oklahoma said that in 2012 state tests: 11% of the school's sixth-graders<br />
showed proficiency in math, and 25% showed proficiency in reading; 31% of the<br />
seventh-graders showed proficiency in math, and 87% showed proficiency in reading;<br />
50% of the eighth-graders showed proficiency in math, and 78% showed proficiency in<br />
reading.<br />
The Oklahoma Department of Education listed the charter school as a Targeted<br />
Intervention school, meaning the school was identified as a low-performing school but<br />
has not so that it was a Priority School.<br />
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Ultimately, the school made a C, or a 2.33 grade point average on the state's A-F report<br />
card system. The report card shows the school getting an F in mathematics<br />
achievement and mathematics growth, a C in social studies achievement, a D in<br />
reading achievement, and an A in reading growth and student attendance."The C we<br />
made is tremendous," said school principal Holly Davis, "[t]here is no English instruction<br />
in our school's younger grades, and we gave them this test in English." She said she<br />
had anticipated the low grade because it was the school's first year as a statefunded<br />
charter school, and many students had difficulty with English.<br />
Eighth graders who graduate from the Tahlequah immersion school are fluent speakers<br />
of the language, and they usually go on to attend Sequoyah High School where classes<br />
are taught in both English and Cherokee.<br />
Private Schools<br />
Private schools are another institution used in attempt to narrow the racial achievement<br />
gap. A disparity between achievement gaps in private and public schools can be seen<br />
using a U.S. Department of Education database to compute the average National<br />
Assessment of Educational Progress test score differences between black students and<br />
white students in both public and private schools.<br />
NAEP<br />
Test<br />
Subject<br />
NAEP Achievement Differences for Public and Private Schools<br />
Year<br />
4th<br />
Grade<br />
Gap<br />
(Public)<br />
12th<br />
Grade<br />
Gap<br />
(Public)<br />
Percent<br />
Difference*<br />
Between 4th<br />
and 12th<br />
Grade Gaps<br />
(Public)<br />
4th<br />
Grade<br />
Gap<br />
(Private)<br />
12th<br />
Grade<br />
Gap<br />
(Private)<br />
Percent<br />
Difference*<br />
Between 4th<br />
and 12th<br />
Grade Gaps<br />
(Private)<br />
Reading 2002 29 25 -13.8 27 14 -48.1<br />
Writing 2002 20 23 15 22 18 -18.2<br />
Math 2000 30 33 10 28 23 -17.9<br />
Science 2001 35 31 -11.4 27 20 -25.9<br />
The table on White/Black NAEP Achievement Differences for Public and Private<br />
Schools above, shows a sizeable achievement gap between black and white fourthgraders<br />
in both public and private schools. However, the private-sector achievement<br />
gap is narrower in the 12th grade than the fourth grade for all of the core NAEP<br />
subjects. Public schools, on the other hand, see a larger gap in both writing and<br />
mathematics at the 12th-grade level than at the fourth. Averaged across subjects, the<br />
public school racial achievement gap is virtually unchanged between fourth and 12th<br />
grades, while the gap in private schools is an average of 27.5 percentage points smaller<br />
in the 12th grade than the fourth.<br />
The achievement gap closes faster in private schools not because white private school<br />
students lose ground with respect to white public school students as they move to<br />
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higher grades, but because black private school students learn at a substantially higher<br />
rate than black public school students. Economist Derek Neal has found that black<br />
students attending urban private schools are far more likely to complete high school,<br />
gain admission to college, and complete college than similar students in urban public<br />
schools.Similarly, in a study comparing graduation rates of all Milwaukee public school<br />
students (of all income levels) with those of the low-income participants in the city's<br />
private school voucher program, Manhattan Institute Senior Fellow Jay Greene found<br />
the voucher students were more than one-and-a-half-times as likely to graduate as<br />
public school students.<br />
However, others argue that private schools actually perpetuate and exacerbate the<br />
achievement gap. Without controlling for student background differences, private<br />
schools scored higher than public schools.<br />
However, a study showed that demographic differences between students in public and<br />
private schools more than account for the relatively high scores of private schools. In<br />
fact, after controlling for these differences, the advantageous "private school effect"<br />
disappears and even reverses in most cases. Private schools have selective<br />
acceptance and a different demographic. Another criticism is that private schools only<br />
serve a small percent of the population and therefore cannot make a huge effect on<br />
closing the achievement gap.<br />
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Greg Wiggan believes that although there is a lot of research on the topic of the racial<br />
achievement gap, there is a gap in the research. Wiggan believes that the gap that is<br />
missing is the research of the perspective of the students, specifically high-achieving<br />
Black students in private schools.<br />
Teach for America<br />
Teach for America (TFA) recruits and selects graduates from some of the top colleges<br />
and universities across the country to teach in the nation's most challenging K-12<br />
schools throughout the nation. It began in 1990 with 500 teachers and has since<br />
expanded to over 4,000 teacher placements in 2010. In the Journal of Policy Analysis<br />
and Management they use individual-level student data linked to teacher data in North<br />
Carolina to estimate the effects of having a TFA teacher compared to a traditional<br />
teacher. According to studies about the effect of different teacher-preparation programs<br />
in Louisiana, North Carolina, and Tennessee, TFA is among the most effective sources<br />
of new teachers in low-income communities. Each of these statewide studies,<br />
conducted between 2009 and 2012, found that corps members often help their students<br />
achieve academic gains at rates equal to or larger than those for students of more<br />
veteran teachers. The findings show that TFA teachers are in general more effective,<br />
according to student exam scores, than traditional teachers that would be in the<br />
classroom in their stead. These estimates demonstrate that, compared with traditional<br />
teachers with similar levels of experience, TFA teachers have strong positive effects on<br />
student test scores. And despite the limitations of TFA teachers, they are no worse than<br />
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average traditional teachers in teaching math subjects and much more effective in<br />
teaching science subjects.<br />
Although TFA teachers tend to have stronger academic credentials, they have not been<br />
taught in traditional training programs, are more likely to teach for a few years, and are<br />
assigned to some of the most challenging schools in the country. Given these<br />
differences, the TFA program has been controversial. Critics of Teach For America<br />
point out two of the major problems. The first is that most TFA teachers have not<br />
received traditional teacher training. TFA corps members participate in an intensive fiveweek<br />
summer national institute and a two-week local orientation and induction program<br />
prior to their first teaching assignment, and therefore some argued they are not as<br />
prepared for the demands of the classroom as traditionally trained teachers. The<br />
second criticism is that TFA requires only a two-year teaching commitment, and the<br />
majority of corps members leave at the end of that commitment. The short tenure of<br />
TFA teachers is troubling because research shows that new teachers are generally less<br />
effective than more experienced teachers.<br />
Interventions for Non-Cognitive Factors<br />
Many different types of interventions can be done to help students who are a part of a<br />
negative stereotype, but a self-affirmation intervention would be the most helpful for<br />
students academic performance. This intervention was expected to help improve a<br />
group of students who are at risk to intervene with the group's academic performance.<br />
This intervention was tested in two different double-blind field experiences, and then<br />
compared. One of the things seen was that African American students who were a part<br />
of the control condition, who saw their performance declining early in the term, their<br />
performance did not improve as the term went on, and in fact it got worse. One thing<br />
that could lead to a slight improvement is having a small reduction in the psychological<br />
threats. Small interventions were seen to have a greater effect when they were carried<br />
out in multiple trials, different times. Having just one intervention one time does not have<br />
a positive effect on a student, rather if there are multiple smaller interventions carried<br />
out different times.<br />
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V. Occupational Segregation<br />
Occupational Segregation is the distribution of workers across and within occupations,<br />
based upon demographic characteristics, most often gender. Occupational segregation<br />
levels differ on a basis of perfect segregation and integration. Perfect segregation<br />
occurs where any given occupation employs only one group. Perfect integration, on the<br />
other hand, occurs where each group holds the same proportion of positions in an<br />
occupation as it holds in the labor force.<br />
Many scholars, such as Biblarz et al., argue that occupational segregation is most likely<br />
caused by gender-based discrimination that often occurs in patterns, either horizontally<br />
(across occupations) or vertically (within the hierarchy of occupations). Both of these<br />
contribute to the gender pay gap.<br />
Horizontal<br />
Types<br />
Horizontal segregation refers to differences in the number of people of each gender<br />
present across occupations. Horizontal segregation is likely to be increased by postindustrial<br />
restructuring of the economy (post-industrial society), in which the expansion<br />
of service industries has called for many women to enter the workforce. The millions of<br />
housewives who entered the economy during post-industrial restructuring primarily<br />
entered into service sector jobs where they could work part-time and having flexible<br />
hours. While these options are often appealing to mothers, who are often responsible<br />
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for the care work of their children and their homes, they are also unfortunately most<br />
available in lower-paying and lower status occupations. The idea that nurses and<br />
teachers are often pictured as women whereas doctors and lawyers are often assumed<br />
to be men are examples of how highly engrained horizontal segregation is in our<br />
society.<br />
Vertical<br />
The term vertical segregation describes men's domination of the highest status jobs in<br />
both traditionally male and traditionally female occupations. Colloquially, the existence<br />
of vertical segregation is referred to as allowing men to ride in a "glass escalator"<br />
through which women must watch as men surpass them on the way to the top<br />
positions. Generally, the more occupational segregation present in a country, the less<br />
vertical segregation there is because women have a better chance of obtaining the<br />
highest positions in a given occupation as their share of employment in that particular<br />
occupation increases.<br />
Vertical segregation can be somewhat difficult to measure across occupations because<br />
it refers to hierarchies within individual occupations. For example, the category of<br />
Education Professionals, (a category in the Australian Standard Classification of<br />
Occupations, Second Edition), is broken down into "School Teachers," "University and<br />
Vocational Education Teachers," and "Miscellaneous Education Professionals." These<br />
categories are then further broken down into subcategories. While these categories<br />
aptly describe the divisions within education, they are not comparable to the hierarchical<br />
categories within other occupations, and thus make comparisons of levels of vertical<br />
segregation quite difficult.<br />
Self-Selection<br />
Maintenance Mechanisms<br />
Some women self-select out of higher status positions, choosing instead to have more<br />
time to spend at home and with their families. According to Sarah Damaske, this choice<br />
is often made because high status positions do not allow time for the heavy domestic<br />
workload that many women expect to take on due to the gendered division of labor in<br />
the home.[5] Working class women, in particular, also sometimes self-select out of more<br />
time-intensive or higher -status positions in order to maintain the traditional gender<br />
hierarchy and household accord.<br />
Educational Disparities<br />
Human capital explanations are those that argue that an individual's and a group's<br />
occupational and economic success can be at least partially attributed to accumulated<br />
abilities developed through formal and informal education and experiences. Human<br />
capital explanations for occupational segregation, then, posit that a difference in<br />
educational levels of men and women is responsible for persistent occupational<br />
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segregation. Contrary to this theory, however, over past 40 years, women's educational<br />
attainment has outpaced men's. One area of education that might play a substantial role<br />
in occupational segregation, however, is the dearth of women in science and<br />
mathematics. STEM fields tend to be pipelines to higher paying jobs. Therefore, the lack<br />
of women in higher paying jobs might be partially because they do not pursue science<br />
and mathematics in school. This can be seen in areas such as finance, which is very<br />
mathematics heavy and is also a very popular field for those who eventually rise to high<br />
status positions in the private sector. This choice, like others, is often a personal<br />
preference or made because of the cultural idea that women are not as good as men at<br />
mathematics.<br />
Work Experience Disparities<br />
Human capital explanations also posit that men tend to rise to higher positions than<br />
women because of a disparity in work experience between the genders. Indeed, the gap<br />
between men and women's tenure rises with age, and female college graduates are<br />
more likely than males to interrupt their careers to raise children. Such choices may also<br />
be attributed to the gendered division of labor which holds women primarily responsible<br />
for domestic duties.<br />
Preferences<br />
Human capital explanations posit additionally that men are more likely than women to<br />
preference their work life over their family life. However, the General Social Survey<br />
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found that men were only slightly less likely than women to value short hours, and that<br />
preferences for particular job characteristics depended mostly on age, education, race,<br />
and other characteristics rather than on gender. In addition, other research has shown<br />
that men and women likely hold endogenous job preferences, meaning that their<br />
preferences are due to the jobs they hold and those they have held in the past rather<br />
than related inherently to gender. After taking into consideration men and women's jobs,<br />
there is no difference in their job preferences. Men and women engaged in similar types<br />
of work have similar levels of commitment to work and display other similar preferences.<br />
Job Search Strategies<br />
According to sociologists Hanson and Pratt, men and women employ different<br />
strategies in their job searches that play a role in occupational segregation. These<br />
differing strategies are influenced by power relations in the household, the gendered<br />
nature of social life, and women's domestic responsibilities. The last factor, in particular,<br />
leads women to prioritize the geographical proximity of paid employment when<br />
searching for a job. In addition, most people have been found to find their jobs through<br />
informal contacts.<br />
The gendered nature of social life leads women to have networks with smaller<br />
geographical reach than men. Thus, the location of women in female-dominated<br />
occupations which are lower-status and lower pay is the result of "severe day-to-day<br />
time constraints" rather than a conscious and long-term choice made that would be able<br />
to maximize pay and prestige.<br />
Gender Pay Gap<br />
Gender<br />
Women in female-dominated jobs pay two penalties: the average wage of their jobs is<br />
lower than that in comparable male-dominated jobs, and they earn less relative to men<br />
in the same jobs. In addition, women's wages are negatively affected by the percentage<br />
of females in a job, but men's wages are essentially unaffected. The crowding<br />
hypothesis postulates that occupational segregation lowers all women's earnings as a<br />
result of women's exclusion from primarily male occupations and segregation into a<br />
number of predominantly female-dominated occupations. Given that feminine skills are<br />
traditionally rewarded less both in salary and prestige, the crowding of women into<br />
certain occupations makes these occupations valued less in both pay and prestige.<br />
Crowding is found to be alleviated through macro-changes in occupational segregation.<br />
Teaching, for example, at least in recent generations, is traditionally a femaledominated<br />
profession. However, when positions open up for women in business and<br />
other high-earning occupations, school boards must raise the salaries of potential<br />
teachers to attract candidates. This is an example of how even women in traditionally<br />
female-dominated professions still benefit salary-wise from the gendered integration of<br />
the market.<br />
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Gendered Division of Labor<br />
The gendered division of labor helps to explain the hierarchy of power across gender<br />
identity, class, race, ethnicity, and sexual orientation. Socialist feminists contribute to<br />
this ideology through a Marxist frame of alienated labor and the means of production.<br />
Heidi Hartmann emphasized the gendered division of labor as patriarchal control over<br />
women's labor. Wally Saccombe suggested the mode of production should become a<br />
unity of production and reproduction, in which women's reproductive abilities are viewed<br />
as a valuable source of labor or income.<br />
The "wages for housework" movement in the late 1970s showcased the importance of<br />
gender inequality in the workplace. Socialist feminists critiqued the exploitation of<br />
women's household and reproductive labor, since it was not viewed as a commodity<br />
that deserved payment in the market economy.<br />
Women often experience working a "double day" or "second shift" when they go to a<br />
wage-earning job and then come home to take care of children and the home.<br />
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Measurement<br />
Occupational segregation is measured using Duncan's D (or the index of dissimilarity),<br />
which serves as a measure of dissimilarity between two distributions. D has to be<br />
calculated first:<br />
Identify N Different Occupations<br />
Calculate the percentage of men (or other ascribed category) who work in each of the<br />
occupations and the percentage of women who work in each occupation. Give men and<br />
women a variable name (m1 could = men, w1 could = women).<br />
• Duncan's D is calculated using this formula: D=½εi|m1-w1|[clarification<br />
needed][citation needed]<br />
It is important to note that Duncan's D uses percentages. So in a given occupation, the<br />
number of men (or women) in that occupation should be divided by the total number of<br />
men (or women) in all of the occupations. For example: You may have 10 men who are<br />
nurses out of 600 total men. The value for the occupation of male nurses should be<br />
10/600, or .0166.<br />
In The United States<br />
Over the last century in the United States, there has been a surprising stability of<br />
segregation-index scores, which measure the level of occupational segregation of the<br />
labor market. There were declines in occupational segregation in the 1970s and 1980s,<br />
as technologies that made the care work of the home quicker and easier allowed more<br />
women time to enter the workforce. However, occupational segregation remains a fixed<br />
element of the United States workforce today. As recently as 1996, it has been found<br />
that gender occupational segregation over the past three generations has not<br />
decreased. In one study, grown women working in the 1980s were likely to have faced<br />
the same occupational segregation faced by their mothers working in the 1960s and<br />
their grandmothers working in the 1940s.<br />
Solutions<br />
Gender egalitarian cultural principles, or changes in traditional gender norms, are one<br />
possible solution to occupational segregation in that they reduce discrimination, affect<br />
women's self-evaluations, and support structural changes. Horizontal segregation,<br />
however, is more resistant to change from simply modern egalitarian<br />
pressures.[5] Changes in norms may reinforce the impact of occupational integration in<br />
that once people see women in traditionally male-dominated occupations, their<br />
expectations about women in the labor market might be changed.<br />
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Some scholars, such as Haveman and Beresford, therefore argue that any policies<br />
aimed at reducing occupational inequality must focus on culture changes. According to<br />
Haveman and Beresford, people in the United States have historically tended to reject<br />
policies that only support one group (unless that group is them). Therefore, effective<br />
policies for limiting occupational segregation must aim to provide benefits across<br />
groups. Therefore, policies that aim at capping work hours for salaried workers or<br />
mandate on-site employer sponsored childcare might be most effective.<br />
In addition, the more occupational integration that occurs, the more women are in the<br />
positions to make powerful decisions affecting occupational segregation. If the overall<br />
market becomes less segregated, those who make personnel decisions in traditionally<br />
female-dominated occupations will have to make jobs, even higher status jobs, more<br />
attractive to women to retain them. School boards, for example, will have to appoint<br />
more women to department head positions and other positions of authority in order to<br />
retain women workers, whereas those jobs might previously have gone to men.<br />
On The Basis of Sexual Orientation<br />
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In addition to gender, sexual orientation can also be a significant basis for occupational<br />
segregation: there is a disproportionately high number of gay and lesbian workers in<br />
certain occupations. Research shows that gay men are more likely to be in femalemajority<br />
occupations than are heterosexual men, and lesbians are more represented in<br />
male-majority occupations than are heterosexual women, but even after accounting for<br />
this tendency, common to both gay men and lesbians is a propensity to concentrate in<br />
occupations that provide task independence or require social perceptiveness, or both.<br />
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VI. Social Stratification<br />
Social Stratification is a kind of social differentiation whereby a society groups people<br />
into socioeconomic strata, based upon their occupation and income, wealth and social<br />
status, or derived power (social and political). As such, stratification is the relative social<br />
position of persons within a social group, category, geographic region, or social unit.<br />
In modern Western societies, social stratification typically is distinguished as<br />
three social classes: (i) the upper class, (ii) the middle class, and (iii) the lower class; in<br />
turn, each class can be subdivided into strata, e.g. the upper-stratum, the middlestratum,<br />
and the lower stratum. Moreover, a social stratum can be formed upon the<br />
bases of kinship, clan, tribe or caste, or all four.<br />
The categorization of people by social strata occurs in all societies, ranging from the<br />
complex, state-based or polycentric societies to tribal and feudal societies, which are<br />
based upon socio-economic relations among classes of nobility and classes<br />
of peasants. Historically, whether or not hunter-gatherer societies can be defined as<br />
socially stratified or if social stratification began with agricultureand common acts<br />
of social exchange, remains a debated matter in the social sciences. Determining the<br />
structures of social stratification arises from inequalities of status among persons,<br />
therefore, the degree of social inequality determines a person's social stratum.<br />
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Generally, the greater the social complexity of a society, the more social strata exist, by<br />
way of social differentiation.<br />
Definition and Usage<br />
Overview<br />
Social stratification is a term used in the social sciences to describe the relative social<br />
position of persons in a given social group, category, geographical region or other social<br />
unit. It derives from the Latin strātum (plural strata; parallel, horizontal layers) referring<br />
to a given society’s categorization of its people into rankings of socioeconomic tiers<br />
based on factors like wealth, income, social status, occupation and power. In<br />
modern Western societies, stratification is often broadly classified into three major<br />
divisions of social class: upper class, middle class, and lower class. Each of these<br />
classes can be further subdivided into smaller classes (e.g. "upper middle"). Social<br />
strata may also be delineated on the basis of kinship ties or caste relations.<br />
The concept of social stratification is often used and interpreted differently within<br />
specific theories. In sociology, for example, proponents of action theory have suggested<br />
that social stratification is commonly found in developed societies, wherein a dominance<br />
hierarchy may be necessary in order to maintain social order and provide a stable social<br />
structure. So-called conflict theories, such as Marxism, point to the inaccessibility of<br />
resources and lack of social mobility found in stratified societies. Many sociological<br />
theorists have criticized the extent to which the working classes are unlikely to advance<br />
socioeconomically while the wealthy tend to hold political power which they use<br />
to exploit the proletariat (laboring class). Talcott Parsons, an American sociologist,<br />
asserted that stability and social order are regulated, in part, by universal values. Such<br />
values are not identical with "consensus" but can as well be an impetus for ardent social<br />
conflict as it has been multiple times through history. Parsons never claimed that<br />
universal values, in and by themselves, "satisfied" the functional prerequisites of a<br />
society. Indeed, the constitution of society is a much more complicated codification of<br />
emerging historical factors. Theorists such as Ralf Dahrendorfalternately note the<br />
tendency toward an enlarged middle-class in modern Western societies due to the<br />
necessity of an educated workforce in technological economies. Various social and<br />
political perspectives concerning globalization, such as dependency theory, suggest<br />
that these effects are due to change in the status of workers to the third world.<br />
Four Underlying Principles<br />
Four principles are posited to underlie social stratification. First, social stratification is<br />
socially defined as a property of a society rather than individuals in that society. Second,<br />
social stratification is reproduced from generation to generation. Third, social<br />
stratification is universal (found in every society) but variable (differs across time and<br />
place). Fourth, social stratification involves not just quantitative inequality but qualitative<br />
beliefs and attitudes about social status.<br />
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Complexity<br />
Although stratification is not limited to complex societies, all complex societies exhibit<br />
features of stratification. In any complex society, the total stock of valued goods is<br />
distributed unequally, wherein the most privileged individuals and families enjoy a<br />
disproportionate share of income, power, and other valued resources. The term<br />
"stratification system" is sometimes used to refer to the complex social<br />
relationships and social structure that generate these observed inequalities. The key<br />
components of such systems are: (a) social-institutional processes that define certain<br />
types of goods as valuable and desirable, (b) the rules of allocation that distribute goods<br />
and resources across various positions in the division of labor (e.g., physician, farmer,<br />
‘housewife’), and (c) the social mobility processes that link individuals to positions and<br />
thereby generate unequal control over valued resources.<br />
Social Mobility<br />
Social mobility is the movement of individuals, social groups or categories of people<br />
between the layers or strata in a stratification system. This movement can be intragenerational<br />
(within a generation) or inter-generational (between two or more<br />
generations). Such mobility is sometimes used to classify different systems of social<br />
stratification. Open stratification systems are those that allow for mobility between<br />
strata, typically by placing value on the achieved status characteristics of individuals.<br />
Those societies having the highest levels of intra-generational mobility are considered<br />
to be the most open and malleable systems of stratification. Those systems in which<br />
there is little to no mobility, even on an inter-generational basis, are considered closed<br />
stratification systems. For example, in caste systems, all aspects of social status<br />
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are ascribed, such that one's social position at birth is the position one holds for a<br />
lifetime.<br />
Karl Marx<br />
Theories of Stratification<br />
Historical<br />
The 1911 "Pyramid of Capitalist System" cartoon is an example of socialist critique of<br />
capitalism and of social stratification<br />
In Marxist theory, the modern mode of production consists of two main economic parts:<br />
the base and the superstructure. The base encompasses the relations of production:<br />
employer–employee work conditions, the technical division of labour, and property<br />
relations. Social class, according to Marx, is determined by one's relationship to the<br />
means of production. There exist at least two classes in any class-based society: the<br />
owners of the means of production and those who sell their labor to the owners of the<br />
means of production. At times, Marx almost hints that the ruling classes seem to own<br />
the working class itself as they only have their own labor power ('wage labor') to offer<br />
the more powerful in order to survive. These relations fundamentally determine the<br />
ideas and philosophies of a society and additional classes may form as part of the<br />
superstructure. Through the ideology of the ruling class—throughout much of history,<br />
the land-owning aristocracy—false consciousness is promoted both through political<br />
and non-political institutions but also through the arts and other elements of culture.<br />
When the aristocracy falls, the bourgeoisie become the owners of the means of<br />
production in the capitalist system. Marx predicted the capitalist mode would eventually<br />
give way, through its own internal conflict, to revolutionary consciousness and the<br />
development of more egalitarian, more communist societies.<br />
Marx also described two other classes, the petite bourgeoisie and the lumpenproletariat.<br />
The petite bourgeoisie is like a small business class that never really accumulates<br />
enough profit to become part of the bourgeoisie, or even challenge their status. The<br />
lumpenproletariat is the underclass, those with little to no social status. This includes<br />
prostitutes, beggars, the homeless or other untouchables in a given society. Neither of<br />
these subclasses has much influence in Marx's two major classes, but it is helpful to<br />
know that Marx did recognize differences within the classes.<br />
According to Marvin Harris and Tim Ingold, Lewis Henry Morgan's accounts of<br />
egalitarian hunter-gatherers formed part of Karl Marx' and Friedrich Engels' inspiration<br />
for communism. Morgan spoke of a situation in which people living in the same<br />
community pooled their efforts and shared the rewards of those efforts fairly equally. He<br />
called this "communism in living." But when Marx expanded on these ideas, he still<br />
emphasized an economically oriented culture, with property defining the fundamental<br />
relationships between people. Yet, issues of ownership and property are arguably less<br />
emphasized in hunter-gatherer societies. This, combined with the very different social<br />
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and economic situations of hunter-gatherers may account for many of the difficulties<br />
encountered when implementing communism in industrialized states. As Ingold points<br />
out: "The notion of communism, removed from the context of domesticity and harnessed<br />
to support a project of social engineering for large-scale, industrialized states with<br />
populations of millions, eventually came to mean something quite different from what<br />
Morgan had intended: namely, a principle of redistribution that would override all ties of<br />
a personal or familial nature, and cancel out their effects."<br />
The counter-argument to Marxist's conflict theory is the theory of structural<br />
functionalism, argued by Kingsley Davis and Wilbert Moore, which states that social<br />
inequality places a vital role in the smooth operation of a society. The Davis–Moore<br />
hypothesis argues that a position does not bring power and prestige because it draws a<br />
high income; rather, it draws a high income because it is functionally important and the<br />
available personnel is for one reason or another scarce. Most high-income jobs are<br />
difficult and require a high level of education to perform, and their compensation is a<br />
motivator in society for people to strive to achieve more.<br />
Max Weber<br />
Max Weber was<br />
strongly<br />
influenced by<br />
Marx's ideas but<br />
rejected the<br />
possibility of<br />
effective<br />
communism,<br />
arguing that it<br />
would require an<br />
even greater level<br />
of detrimental<br />
social control and<br />
bureaucratization than capitalist society. Moreover, Weber criticized<br />
the dialectical presumption of a proletariat revolt, maintaining it to be unlikely. Instead,<br />
he develops a three-component theory of stratification and the concept of life chances.<br />
Weber held there are more class divisions than Marx suggested, taking different<br />
concepts from both functionalist and Marxist theories to create his own system. He<br />
emphasizes the difference between class, status and power, and treats these as<br />
separate but related sources of power, each with different effects on social action.<br />
Working half a century later than Marx, Weber claims there to be four main social<br />
classes: the upper class, the white collar workers, the petite bourgeoisie, and the<br />
manual working class. Weber's theory more-closely resembles<br />
contemporary Western class structures, although economic status does not currently<br />
seem to depend strictly on earnings in the way Weber envisioned.<br />
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Weber derives many of his key concepts on social stratification by examining the social<br />
structure of Germany. He notes that, contrary to Marx's theories, stratification is based<br />
on more than simple ownership of capital. Weber examines how many members of the<br />
aristocracy lacked economic wealth yet had strong political power. Many wealthy<br />
families lacked prestige and power, for example, because they were Jewish. Weber<br />
introduced three independent factors that form his theory of stratification hierarchy,<br />
which are; class, status, and power:<br />
• Class: A person's economic position in a society, based on birth and individual<br />
achievement. Weber differs from Marx in that he does not see this as the supreme<br />
factor in stratification. Weber notes how corporate executives control firms they<br />
typically do not own; Marx would have placed these people in the proletariat despite<br />
their high incomes by virtue of the fact they sell their labor instead of owning capital.<br />
• Status: A person's prestige, social honor, or popularity in a society. Weber notes<br />
that political power is not rooted in capital value solely, but also in one's individual<br />
status. Poets or saints, for example, can have extensive influence on society<br />
despite few material resources.<br />
• Power: A person's ability to get their way despite the resistance of others,<br />
particularly in their ability to engage social change. For example, individuals in<br />
government jobs, such as an employee of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, or a<br />
member of the United States Congress, may hold little property or status but still<br />
wield considerable social power.<br />
C. Wright Mills<br />
C. Wright Mills, drawing from the theories of Vilfredo Pareto and Gaetano Mosca,<br />
contends that the imbalance of power in society derives from the complete absence of<br />
countervailing powers against corporate leaders of the Power elite. Mills both<br />
incorporated and revised Marxist ideas. While he shared Marx's recognition of a<br />
dominant wealthy and powerful class, Mills believed that the source for that power lay<br />
not only in the economic realm but also in the political and military arenas. During the<br />
1950s, Mills stated that hardly anyone knew about the power elite's existence, some<br />
individuals (including the elite themselves) denied the idea of such a group, and other<br />
people vaguely believed that a small formation of a powerful elite existed. "Some<br />
prominent individuals knew that Congress had permitted a handful of political leaders to<br />
make critical decisions about peace and war; and that two atomic bombs had been<br />
dropped on Japan in the name of the United States, but neither they nor anyone they<br />
knew had been consulted."<br />
Mills explains that the power elite embody a privileged class whose members are able<br />
to recognize their high position within society. In order to maintain their highly exalted<br />
position within society, members of the power elite tend to marry one another,<br />
understand and accept one another, and also work together. The most crucial aspect of<br />
the power elite's existence lays within the core of education. "Youthful upper-class<br />
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members attend prominent preparatory schools, which not only open doors to such elite<br />
universities as Harvard, Yale, and Princeton but also to the universities' highly exclusive<br />
clubs. These memberships in turn pave the way to the prominent social clubs located in<br />
all major cities and serving as sites for important business contacts." Examples of elite<br />
members who attended prestigious universities and were members of highly exclusive<br />
clubs can be seen in George W. Bush and John Kerry. Both Bush and Kerry were<br />
members of the Skull and Bones club while attending Yale University. This club includes<br />
members of some of the most powerful men of the twentieth century, all of which are<br />
forbidden to tell others about the secrets of their exclusive club. Throughout the years,<br />
the Skull and Bones club has included presidents, cabinet officers, Supreme Court<br />
justices, spies, captains of industry, and often their sons and daughters join the<br />
exclusive club, creating a social and political network like none ever seen before.<br />
The upper class individuals who receive elite educations typically have the essential<br />
background and contacts to enter into the three branches of the power elite: The<br />
political leadership, the military circle, and the corporate elite.<br />
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The Political Leadership: Mills held that, prior to the end of World War II, leaders of<br />
corporations became more prominent within the political sphere along with a decline in<br />
central decision-making among professional politicians.<br />
The Military Circle: During the 1950s-1960s, increasing concerns about warfare resulted<br />
in top military leaders and issues involving defense funding and military personnel<br />
training becoming a top priority within the United States. Most of the prominent<br />
politicians and corporate leaders have been strong proponents of military spending.<br />
The Corporate Elite: Mills explains that during the 1950s, when the military emphasis<br />
was recognized, corporate leaders worked with prominent military officers who<br />
dominated the development of policies. Corporate leaders and high-ranking military<br />
officers were mutually supportive of each other.<br />
Mills shows that the power elite has an "inner-core" made up of individuals who are able<br />
to move from one position of institutional power to another; for example, a prominent<br />
military officer who becomes a political adviser or a powerful politician who becomes a<br />
corporate executive. "These people have more knowledge and a greater breadth of<br />
interests than their colleagues. Prominent bankers and financiers, who Mills considered<br />
'almost professional go-betweens of economic, political, and military affairs,' are also<br />
members of the elite's inner core.<br />
Anthropological Theories<br />
Part of a series on the<br />
Anthropology of kinship<br />
Basic concepts[show]<br />
Terminology[show]<br />
Case studies[show]<br />
Major theorists[show]<br />
Related articles[show]<br />
Social anthropology<br />
Cultural anthropology<br />
Some anthropologists dispute the "universal" nature of social stratification, holding that<br />
it is not the standard among all societies. John Gowdy (2006) writes, "Assumptions<br />
about human behaviour that members of market societies believe to be universal, that<br />
humans are naturally competitive and acquisitive, and that social stratification is natural,<br />
do not apply to many hunter-gatherer peoples.<br />
Non-stratified egalitarian or acephalous ("headless") societies exist which have little or<br />
no concept of social hierarchy, political or economic status, class, or even permanent<br />
leadership.<br />
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Kinship-Orientation<br />
Anthropologists identify egalitarian cultures as "kinship-oriented," because they appear<br />
to value social harmony more than wealth or status. These cultures are contrasted with<br />
economically oriented cultures (including states) in which status and material wealth are<br />
prized, and stratification, competition, and conflict are common. Kinship-oriented<br />
cultures actively work to prevent social hierarchies from developing because they<br />
believe that such stratification could lead to conflict and instability. Reciprocal altruism is<br />
one process by which this is accomplished.<br />
A good example is given by Richard Borshay Lee in his account of the Khoisan, who<br />
practice "insulting the meat." Whenever a hunter makes a kill, he is ceaselessly teased<br />
and ridiculed (in a friendly, joking fashion) to prevent him from becoming too proud or<br />
egotistical. The meat itself is then distributed evenly among the entire social group,<br />
rather than kept by the hunter. The level of teasing is proportional to the size of the kill.<br />
Lee found this out when he purchased an entire cow as a gift for the group he was living<br />
with, and was teased for weeks afterward about it (since obtaining that much meat<br />
could be interpreted as showing off).<br />
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Another example is the Indigenous Australians of Groote Eylandt and Bickerton Island,<br />
off the coast of Arnhem Land, who have arranged their entire society—spiritually and<br />
economically—around a kind of gift economy called renunciation. According to David H.<br />
Turner, in this arrangement, every person is expected to give everything of any<br />
resource they have to any other person who needs or lacks it at the time. This has the<br />
benefit of largely eliminating social problems like theft and relative poverty. However,<br />
misunderstandings obviously arise when attempting to reconcile Aboriginal renunciative<br />
economics with the competition/scarcity-oriented economics introduced to Australia by<br />
Anglo-European colonists.<br />
Variables in theory and Research<br />
The social status variables underlying social stratification are based in social<br />
perceptions and attitudes about various characteristics of persons and peoples. While<br />
many such variables cut across time and place, the relative weight placed on each<br />
variable and specific combinations of these variables will differ from place to place over<br />
time. One task of research is to identify accurate mathematical models that explain how<br />
these many variables combine to produce stratification in a given society. Grusky (2011)<br />
provides a good overview of the historical development of sociological theories of social<br />
stratification and a summary of contemporary theories and research in this field. While<br />
many of the variables that contribute to an understanding of social stratification have<br />
long been identified, models of these variables and their role in constituting social<br />
stratification are still an active topic of theory and research. In general, sociologists<br />
recognize that there are no "pure" economic variables, as social factors are integral to<br />
economic value. However, the variables posited to affect social stratification can be<br />
loosely divided into economic and other social factors.<br />
Economic<br />
Strictly quantitative economic variables are more useful to describing social stratification<br />
than explaining how social stratification is constituted or maintained. Income is the most<br />
common variable used to describe stratification and associated economic inequality in a<br />
society. However, the distribution of individual or household accumulation<br />
of surplus and wealth tells us more about variation in individual well-being than does<br />
income, alone. Wealth variables can also more vividly illustrate salient variations in the<br />
well-being of groups in stratified societies. Gross Domestic Product (GDP),<br />
especially per capita GDP, is sometimes used to describe economic inequality and<br />
stratification at the international or global level.<br />
Social<br />
Social variables, both quantitative and qualitative, typically provide the most explanatory<br />
power in causal research regarding social stratification, either as independent variables<br />
or as intervening variables. Three important social variables include gender, race,<br />
and ethnicity, which, at the least, have an intervening effect on social status and<br />
stratification in most places throughout the world. Additional variables include those that<br />
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describe other ascribed and achieved characteristics such<br />
as occupation and skill levels, age, educationlevel, education level of parents,<br />
and geographic area. Some of these variables may have both causal and intervening<br />
effects on social status and stratification. For example, absolute age may cause a low<br />
income if one is too young or too old to perform productive work. The social perception<br />
of age and its role in the workplace, which may lead to ageism, typically has an<br />
intervening effect on employment and income.<br />
Social scientists are sometimes interested in quantifying the degree of economic<br />
stratification between different social categories, such as men and women, or workers<br />
with different levels of education. An index of stratification has been recently proposed<br />
by Zhou for this purpose.<br />
Gender<br />
Gender is one of the most pervasive and prevalent social characteristics which people<br />
use to make social distinctions between individuals. Gender distinctions are found in<br />
economic-, kinship- and caste-based stratification systems. Social role expectations<br />
often form along sex and gender lines. Entire societies may be classified by social<br />
scientists according to the rights and privileges afforded to men or women, especially<br />
those associated with ownership and inheritance of property. In patriarchal societies,<br />
such rights and privileges are normatively granted to men over women;<br />
in matriarchal societies, the opposite holds true. Sex- and gender-based division of<br />
labor is historically found in the annals of most societies and such divisions increased<br />
with the advent of industrialization. Sex-based wage discrimination exists in some<br />
societies such that men, typically, receive higher wages than women for the same type<br />
of work. Other differences in employment between men and women lead to an overall<br />
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gender-based pay-gap in many societies, where women as a category earn less than<br />
men due to the types of jobs which women are offered and take, as well as to<br />
differences in the number of hours worked by women. These and other gender-related<br />
values affect the distribution of income, wealth, and property in a given social order.<br />
Race<br />
<strong>Racism</strong> consists of both prejudice and discrimination based in social perceptions of<br />
observable biological differences between peoples. It often takes the form of social<br />
actions, practices or beliefs, or political systems in which different races are perceived<br />
to be ranked as inherently superior or inferior to each other, based on presumed shared<br />
inheritable traits, abilities, or qualities. In a given society, those who share racial<br />
characteristics socially perceived as undesirable are typically under-represented in<br />
positions of social power, i.e., they become a minority category in that society. Minority<br />
members in such a society are often subjected to discriminatory actions resulting from<br />
majority policies, including assimilation, exclusion, oppression, expulsion,<br />
and extermination.<br />
Overt racism usually feeds directly into a stratification system through its effect on social<br />
status. For example, members associated with a particular race may be assigned<br />
a slave status, a form of oppression in which the majority refuses to grant basic rights to<br />
a minority that are granted to other members of the society. More covert racism, such<br />
as that which many scholars posit is practiced in more contemporary societies, is<br />
socially hidden and less easily detectable. Covert racism often feeds into stratification<br />
systems as an intervening variable affecting income, educational opportunities, and<br />
housing. Both overt and covert racism can take the form of structural inequality in a<br />
society in which racism has become institutionalized.<br />
Ethnicity<br />
Ethnic prejudice and discrimination operate much the same as do racial prejudice and<br />
discrimination in society. In fact, only recently have scholars begun to differentiate race<br />
and ethnicity; historically, the two were considered to be identical or closely related.<br />
With the scientific development of genetics and the human genome as fields of study,<br />
most scholars now recognize that race is socially defined on the basis of biologically<br />
determined characteristics that can be observed within a society while ethnicity is<br />
defined on the basis of culturally learned behavior.<br />
Ethnic identification can include shared cultural heritage such<br />
as language and dialect, symbolic systems, religion, mythology and cuisine. As with<br />
race, ethnic categories of persons may be socially defined as minority categories whose<br />
members are under-represented in positions of social power. As such, ethnic categories<br />
of persons can be subject to the same types of majority policies. Whether ethnicity<br />
feeds into a stratification system as a direct, causal factor or as an intervening variable<br />
may depend on the level of ethnocentrism within each of the various ethnic populations<br />
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in a society, the amount of conflict over scarce resources, and the relative social power<br />
held within each ethnic category.<br />
Global Stratification<br />
The world and the pace of social change today are very different than in the time of Karl<br />
Marx, Max Weber, or even C. Wright Mills. Globalizing forces lead to rapid international<br />
integration arising from the interchange of world views, products, ideas, and other<br />
aspects of culture. Advances in transportation and telecommunications infrastructure,<br />
including the rise of the telegraph and its posterity the Internet, are major factors in<br />
globalization, generating further interdependence of economic and cultural activities.<br />
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Like a stratified class system within a nation, looking at the world economy one can see<br />
class positions in the unequal distribution of capital and other resources between<br />
nations. Rather than having separate national economies, nations are considered as<br />
participating in this world economy. The world economy manifests a global division of<br />
labor with three overarching classes: core countries, semi-periphery<br />
countries and periphery countries, according to World-systems and Dependency<br />
theories. Core nations primarily own and control the major means of production in the<br />
world and perform the higher-level production tasks and provide international financial<br />
services. Periphery nations own very little of the world's means of production (even<br />
when factories are located in periphery nations) and provide low to non-skilled labor.<br />
Semi-peripheral nations are midway between the core and periphery. They tend to be<br />
countries moving towards industrialization and more diversified economies. Core<br />
nations receive the greatest share of surplus production, and periphery nations receive<br />
the least. Furthermore, core nations are usually able to purchase raw materials and<br />
other goods from non-core nations at low prices, while demanding higher prices for their<br />
exports to non-core nations. A global workforce employed through a system of global<br />
labor arbitrage ensures that companies in core countries can utilize the cheapest semiand<br />
non-skilled labor for production.<br />
Today we have the means to gather and analyze data from economies across the<br />
globe. Although many societies worldwide have made great strides toward more<br />
equality between differing geographic regions, in terms of the standard of living and life<br />
chances afforded to their peoples, we still find large gaps between the wealthiest and<br />
the poorest within a nation and between the wealthiest and poorest nations of the<br />
world. A January 2014 Oxfam report indicates that the 85 wealthiest individuals in the<br />
world have a combined wealth equal to that of the bottom 50% of the world's population,<br />
or about 3.5 billion people. By contrast, for 2012, the World Bank reports that 21 percent<br />
of people worldwide, around 1.5 billion, live in extreme poverty, at or below $1.25 a<br />
day. Zygmunt Bauman has provocatively observed that the rise of the rich is linked to<br />
their capacity to lead highly mobile lives: "Mobility climbs to the rank of the uppermost<br />
among coveted values -and the freedom to move, perpetually a scarce and unequally<br />
distributed commodity, fast becomes the main stratifying factor of our late modern or<br />
postmodern time."<br />
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VII. Residential Segregation<br />
in The U.S.<br />
Residential Segregation in the United States is the physical separation of two or more<br />
groups into different neighborhoods, or a form of segregation that "sorts population<br />
groups into various neighborhood contexts and shapes the living environment at the<br />
neighborhood level". While it has traditionally been associated with racial segregation, it<br />
generally refers to any kind of sorting based on some criteria populations (e.g. race,<br />
ethnicity, income).<br />
While overt segregation is illegal in the United States, housing patterns show significant<br />
and persistent segregation for certain races and income groups. The history of<br />
American social and public policies, like Jim Crow laws and Federal Housing<br />
Administration's early redlining policies, set the tone for segregation in housing. Trends<br />
in residential segregation are attributed to sub-urbanization, discrimination, and<br />
personal preferences. Residential segregation produces negative socioeconomic<br />
outcomes for minority groups. Public policies for housing attempt to promote integration<br />
and mitigate these negative effects.<br />
History<br />
Race based residential segregation in American cities dates from the rapid urbanization<br />
which occurred in the last years of the 19th and the first years of the 20th century. Prior<br />
to that time, the African-Americans who lived in cities lived in scattered locations.<br />
Development of segregated residential neighborhoods was associated with massive<br />
influxes of European immigrants and African-Americans. These groups had limited<br />
funds and job opportunities and ended up clustered in neighborhoods with poor<br />
housing. These neighborhoods were characterized by social unrest and diseases such<br />
as typhoid and tuberculosis. Progressive social reformers attempted to ameliorate these<br />
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conditions, but were unsuccessful, particularly with respect to African-<br />
Americans. Around 1910 they turned to efforts to contain the problems in segregated<br />
neighborhoods. The first ordinance establishing segregated neighborhoods was passed<br />
in Baltimore in 1910. Overt ordinances were struck down in Buchanan v. Warley, 245<br />
U.S. 60 (1917) but the practice continued and became deeply ingrained in urban<br />
culture, resulting in limited housing for an expanding population and development of<br />
the African-American ghetto with poor overcrowded housing and numerous social ills. In<br />
large part, residential discrimination was driven by school segregation which was legal<br />
until Brown v. Board of Education was decided in 1954 but has persisted due to<br />
continuing segregated residential patterns in most American cities to the present.<br />
Recent Trends<br />
The Index of dissimilarity allows measurement of residential segregation using census<br />
data. It uses United States census data to analyze housing patterns based on five<br />
dimensions of segregation: evenness (how evenly the population is dispersed across an<br />
area), isolation (within an area), concentration (in densely packed neighborhoods),<br />
centralization (near metropolitan centers), and clustering (into<br />
contiguous ghettos). Hypersegregation is high segregation across all dimensions.<br />
Another tool used to measure residential segregation is the neighborhood sorting<br />
indices, showing income segregation between different levels of the income distribution.<br />
Racial<br />
An analysis of historical U.S. Census data by Harvard and Duke scholars indicates that<br />
racial separation has diminished significantly since the 1960s. Published by<br />
the Manhattan Institute for Policy Research, the report indicates that the dissimilarity<br />
index has declined in all 85 of the nation's largest cities. In all but one of the nation's<br />
658 housing markets, the separation of black residents from other races is now lower<br />
than the national average in 1970. Segregation continued to drop in the last decade,<br />
with 522 out of 658 housing markets recording a decline.<br />
Despite recent trends, blacks remain the most segregated racial group. The<br />
dissimilarity-index indices in 1980, 1990 and 2000 are 72.7, 67.8, and 64.0,<br />
respectively. Blacks are hyper-segregated in most of the largest metropolitan areas<br />
across the U.S., including Atlanta, Baltimore, Chicago, Cleveland, Detroit, Houston, Los<br />
Angeles, New Orleans, New York, Philadelphia and Washington, DC. For Hispanics, the<br />
second most segregated racial group, the indices from 1980, 1990 and 2000 are 50.2,<br />
50.0, and 50.9, respectively.<br />
Hispanics are highly segregated in a number of cities, primarily in northern metropolitan<br />
areas. Segregation for Asians and Pacific Islanders has been consistently low and<br />
stable on the Index of Dissimilarity over the decades. The indices from 1980, 1990 and<br />
2000 are 40.5, 41.2 and 41.1, respectively. Segregation for Native Americans and<br />
Alaska Natives has also been consistently the lowest of all groups and has seen<br />
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declines over the decades. The indices from 1980, 1990 and 2000 are 37.3, 36.8 and<br />
33.3, respectively.<br />
Income<br />
Analysis of patterns for income segregation come from the National Survey of America's<br />
Families, the Census and Home Mortgage Disclosure Act data. Both the index of<br />
dissimilarity and the neighborhood sorting indices show that income segregation grew<br />
between 1970 and 1990. In this period, the Index of Dissimilarity between the affluent<br />
and the poor increased from .29 to .43.<br />
Poor families are becoming more isolated. Whereas in 1970 only 14 percent of poor<br />
families lived in predominantly poor areas, this number increased to 28 percent in 1990<br />
and continues to rise. Most low-income people live in the suburbs or central cities.<br />
When looking at areas classified as "high-poverty" or "low-poverty" in 2000, about 14%<br />
of low-income families live in high-poverty areas and 35% live in low-poverty areas.<br />
Combined<br />
More than half of all low-income working families are racial minorities. Over 60% of all<br />
low-income families lived in majority white neighborhoods in 2000. However, this<br />
statistic describes the settlement patterns mainly of white low-income people. Black and<br />
Hispanic low-income families, the two most racially segregated groups, rarely live in<br />
predominantly white or majority-white neighborhoods. A very small portion of lowincome<br />
white families lives in high-poverty areas. One in three black low-income<br />
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families live in high-poverty areas while one of every five Hispanic low-income families<br />
lives in high-poverty areas.<br />
Home Ownership<br />
Segregation by Tenure<br />
National trends for homeownership show a general upward trend since the 1980s, with<br />
a 2010 rate of 66.9%. As of 2010, 71% of whites were homeowners. The rates for black,<br />
Hispanics, and all other races remain consistently and significantly below the national<br />
average. In 2010, the rates for blacks, Hispanics, and all other races were 45%, 48%,<br />
and 57% respectively. Looking at all homeowners in 2007, about 87% are white. Lowincome<br />
individuals are less likely to be homeowners than other income groups and pay<br />
a greater portion of their income on housing. Individuals living in poverty represent a<br />
very small portion of homeowners.<br />
Rental<br />
Census information on renters shows significant disparity between the races for renters.<br />
Of all renters, about 71% are white, 21% are black, 18% are Hispanic and 7% are<br />
Asian. Renters are generally less affluent that homeowners. From 1991 to 2005, the<br />
percentage of low-income renters increased significantly.<br />
Influences on Segregation<br />
Current trends in racial and income based residential segregation in the United States<br />
are attributed to several factors, including:<br />
• Exclusionary zoning practices<br />
• Location of Public Housing<br />
• Discriminatory homeownership practices<br />
• Attitudes and preferences towards housing location<br />
• Gentrification<br />
These factors impact both racial and income segregation differently.<br />
Exclusionary Zoning<br />
Exclusionary zoning influences both racial and income-based segregation.<br />
Racial Zoning<br />
Incidences of exclusionary zoning separating households by race appeared as early as<br />
the 1870s and 1880s when municipalities in California adopted anti-Chinese policies.<br />
For example, an 1884 San Francisco ordinance regulated the operation of laundries,<br />
which were a source of employment and gathering places for Chinese immigrants. The<br />
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ordinance withstood several legal challenges before the U.S. Supreme Court eventually<br />
struck it down because of its anti-Chinese motivations.<br />
The prominent real estate developer J.C. Nichols was famous for creating masterplanned<br />
communities with covenants that prohibited African Americans, Jews, and other<br />
races from owning his properties.<br />
A decade later, the Supreme Court passage of Plessy v. Ferguson established<br />
"separate but equal" zoning ordinances that specified exclusively black, white and<br />
mixed districts and legally established segregation in housing opportunities. Many large<br />
and mid-sized cities in the South and mid-South adopted racial zonings between 1910<br />
and 1915. In Buchanan v. Warley (1917) the Supreme Court ruled that racial zoning<br />
was illegal but many local governments continued to enforce racial segregation with<br />
alternative land use designations.<br />
Many of these deeds and covenants remain active, and continue to influence settlement<br />
patterns.<br />
Land-Use Zoning<br />
Local jurisdictions that adopt land-use zoning regulations such as large-lot zoning,<br />
minimum house size requirements, and bans on secondary units make housing more<br />
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expensive. As a result, this excludes lower income racial and ethnic minorities from<br />
certain neighborhoods.<br />
Location of Public Housing<br />
The location of public housing developments influences both racial and income<br />
segregation patterns. Racial segregation in public housing programs occurs when high<br />
concentrations of a certain minority group occupy one specific public housing<br />
development. Income segregation occurs when high concentrations of public housing<br />
are located in one specific income area.<br />
Racial Segregation in Public Housing<br />
Federal and local policies have historically racially segregated public housing.<br />
Local jurisdictions determined whether to incorporate public housing into their locality<br />
and most had control over where low income housing sites were built. In many areas,<br />
the white majority would not allow public housing to be built in "their" neighborhoods<br />
unless it was reserved for poor whites. Black elected officials recognized the need for<br />
housing for their constituents, but felt that it would be politically unpopular to advocate<br />
for inclusionary housing.<br />
Of the 49 public housing units constructed before World War II, 43 projects supported<br />
by the Public Works Administration and 236 of 261 projects supported by the U.S.<br />
Housing Authority were segregated by race.<br />
Anti-discrimination laws passed after World War II led to a reduction in racial<br />
segregation for a short period of time, but as income-ineligible tenants were removed<br />
from public housing, the proportion of black residents increased. The remaining lowincome<br />
white tenants were often elderly and moved to projects reserved specifically for<br />
seniors. Family public housing units then became dominated by racial minorities.<br />
Three of the more infamous minority concentrated public housing projects in America<br />
were Pruitt-Igoe in St. Louis and Cabrini-Green and Robert Taylor Homes in Chicago.<br />
Income Segregation in Public Housing<br />
Determining if a disproportionate level of public housing exists in low-income<br />
neighborhoods is hard because defining low, moderate and high income geographic<br />
locations, and locating projects in these locations is difficult. Assumptions affirming the<br />
density of public housing in low-income areas are supported by the fact that public<br />
housing units built between 1932 and 1963 were primarily located in slum areas and<br />
vacant industrial sites. This trend continued between 1964 and 1992, when a high<br />
density of projects were located in old core cities of metropolitan areas that were<br />
considered low income.<br />
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Homeownership<br />
Redlining<br />
In 1933 the federally created Home Owners' Loan Corporation (HOLC) created maps<br />
that coded areas as credit-worthy based on the race of their occupants and the age of<br />
the housing stock. These maps, adopted by the Federal Housing Administration (FHA)<br />
in 1944, established and sanctioned "redlining". Residents in predominately minority<br />
neighborhoods were unable to obtain long-term mortgages on their homes because<br />
banks would not authorize loans for the redlined areas. Unlike their white counterparts,<br />
many minorities were not able to receive financing to purchase the homes they lived in<br />
and did not have the means to move to more affluent areas where banks would<br />
authorize home loans.<br />
Due to the early discriminatory practices of mortgage lending, the black population<br />
remains less suburbanized than whites. Blacks, and to a lesser extent, other ethnic<br />
minorities remain isolated in urban environments with lesser access to transportation,<br />
jobs, health care and many of the amenities that are available to suburban residents.<br />
Thirty-nine percent of blacks live in the suburbs, compared to 58 percent of Asians, 49<br />
percent of Hispanics and 71 percent of non-Hispanic whites. Further, post-World War II<br />
home-building in the suburbs benefitted whites, as housing prices tripled in the 1970s,<br />
enabling white homeowners to increase the equity of their homes. Because of this,<br />
blacks face higher costs of entry to the housing market, and those that are able to seek<br />
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housing in the suburbs tend to live in lower-income, less desirable areas just outside the<br />
city limits.<br />
Steering<br />
"The United States Supreme Court defines steering as a 'practice by which real estate<br />
brokers and agents preserve and encourage patterns of racial segregation in available<br />
housing by steering members of racial and ethnic groups to buildings occupied primarily<br />
by members of such racial and ethnic groups and away from buildings and<br />
neighborhoods inhabited primarily by members of other races or groups.'" The theory<br />
supporting steering asserts that real estate agents steer people of color toward<br />
neighborhoods that are disproportionately black and/or Hispanic, while white homebuyers<br />
are directed to primarily white neighborhoods, continually reinforcing<br />
segregation. In some studies, real estate agents present fewer and more inferior options<br />
to black home-seekers than they do to whites with the same socioeconomic<br />
characteristics.<br />
Even though the Fair Housing Act made discrimination in housing illegal, there is a<br />
belief that steering is still common. For example, real estate agents will assume white<br />
home-buyer's initial requests are an accurate reflection of their preferences, while they<br />
second guess a minority home-buyer's request, and adjust it to their personal<br />
perceptions. Moreover, some real estate agents will acknowledge that their actions are<br />
prohibited by saying such things as:<br />
"'This area has a questionable ethnic mix, I could lose my license for saying<br />
this!'" "'[The area] is different from here; its multicultural. ... I'm not allowed to<br />
steer you, but there are areas you wouldn't want to live in.'"<br />
A recent study of housing discrimination using matched pairs of home seekers who<br />
differed only in race to inquire about housing show that for those seeking rental units,<br />
blacks received unfavorable treatment 21.6 percent of the time, Hispanics 25.7 percent<br />
of the time, and Asians 21.5 percent of the time. Moreover, blacks interested in<br />
purchasing a home experienced discrimination 17 percent of the time, Hispanics 19.7<br />
percent of the time and Asians 20.4 percent of the time.<br />
These conclusions are challenged because it is not clear what level of discrimination is<br />
necessary to make an impact of the housing market. There is also criticism of the<br />
methods used to determine discrimination and it is not clear if paired testing accurately<br />
reflects the conditions in which people are actually searching for housing.<br />
Attitudes and Preferences<br />
Theorists suggest that people make choices about the location of their residence based<br />
on the racial make-up of a specific neighborhood and that racial segregation occurs as<br />
a result of these preferences.<br />
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"White flight" is one theory supporting the idea that racial concentrations influence<br />
residential choice. The premise of this belief is that an increase in the population of<br />
blacks in a specific locality will cause whites to leave once the concentration of<br />
blacks reaches a certain level. The support for this hypothesis is largely anecdotal but<br />
analyses of surveys of white and black attitudes toward the racial make-up of<br />
neighborhoods confirm that some whites are uncomfortable with even a small number<br />
of black neighbors.<br />
Whites also have the highest degree of preference for completely homogeneous (100%<br />
white resident) racial makeup. Additionally, among whites, Latinos, and Asians, blacks<br />
are universally the least-preferred group of neighbors. This reaction may stem from the<br />
fact that statistically speaking, black neighborhoods have higher percentages of high<br />
school dropouts, single-parent families, and the unemployed, and these neighborhoods<br />
are likely to experience significantly higher rates of property crime, violent crime, and<br />
decreased home equity appreciation. In addition, schools populated by all-black or<br />
majority black students were found to have dramatically lower scores on standardized<br />
tests. The phenomenon of white flight may apply to all non-black races fleeing from<br />
neighborhoods with too many black residents.<br />
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In spite of these statistics over the last half century white Americans have expressed a<br />
greater willingness to live in neighborhoods with minorities. "From 1958 to 1997 Gallup<br />
polls found that the proportion of a national sample of whites who said they would move<br />
if a black moved next door fell from 44 to just 1 percent. Additionally, the proportion of<br />
white respondents who would move in the face of 'great numbers' of black (sic) dropped<br />
from 80 to 18 percent."<br />
Concepts like white flight misrepresent the issue of housing preference by suggesting<br />
that a specific population enters an area and another decides to leave it. "Empirical<br />
evidence shows that white flight does not cause racial transition in neighborhoods.<br />
Several preference studies and data from the American Housing Survey in 1980 and<br />
1990 found both black and white households were less concerned about a<br />
neighborhood's racial mix - as long as a neighborhood remained stable, black and<br />
whites were willing to remain." Therefore, white flight might be fueled by economic<br />
reasons.<br />
Residential preferences of blacks are categorized by social-psychological and<br />
socioeconomic demographic characteristics. The theory behind social psychological<br />
residential preference is that segregation is a result of blacks choosing to live around<br />
other blacks because of cultural similarities, maintaining a sense of racial pride, or a<br />
desire to avoid living near another group because of fear of racial hostility. Other<br />
theories suggest demographic and socioeconomic factors such as age, gender and<br />
social class background influence residential choice. Empirical evidence to explain<br />
these assumptions is generally limited.<br />
One empirical study completed in 2002 analyzed survey data from a random sample of<br />
blacks from Atlanta, Boston, Detroit and Los Angeles. The results of this study found<br />
that the housing preferences of blacks are largely attributed to discrimination and white<br />
hostility, not a desire to live with a similar racial group. In other words, the study found<br />
that blacks choose specific residences because they are afraid of hostility from whites.<br />
Critics of these theories suggest that the survey questions used in the research design<br />
for these studies imply that race is a greater factor in residential choice than access to<br />
schools, transportation, and jobs. They also suggest that surveys fail to consider the<br />
market influences on housing including availability and demand.<br />
Existing data on the role of immigration on residential segregation trends in the US<br />
suggest that foreign-born Hispanics, Asians and blacks often have higher rates of<br />
segregation than do native-born individuals from these groups. Segregation of<br />
immigrants is associated with their low-income status, language barriers, and support<br />
networks in these enclaves. Research on assimilation shows that while new immigrants<br />
settle in homogenous ethnic communities, segregation of immigrants declines as they<br />
gain socioeconomic status and move away from these communities, integrating with the<br />
native-born.<br />
Gentrification<br />
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Although it is not always connected to race and can sometimes be generalized by<br />
class, gentrification or urban renewal is another form of residential segregation.<br />
Gentrification is defined as higher income newcomers displacing lower income residents<br />
from up-and-coming urban neighborhoods. Critical race theory is used to examine race<br />
as an implicit assumption that merits investigation as demographic changes in the U.S.<br />
challenge these class-based definitions.<br />
Consequences<br />
Location of housing is a determinant of a person's access to the job market,<br />
transportation, education, healthcare, and safety. People residing in neighborhoods with<br />
high concentrations of low-income and minority households experience higher mortality<br />
risks, poor health services, high rates of teenage pregnancy, and high crime<br />
rates. These neighborhoods also experience higher rates of unemployment, and lack of<br />
access to job networks and transportation, which prevents households from fully gaining<br />
and accessing employment opportunities. The result of isolation and segregation of<br />
minority and the economically disadvantaged is increased racial and income inequality,<br />
which in turn reinforces segregation.<br />
A 2015 Measure of America report on disconnected youth found that black youth in<br />
highly segregated metro areas are more likely to be disconnected from work and<br />
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school. In 2014, the Child Opportunity Index measures very high to very low opportunity<br />
comparing race and ethnicity in the 100 largest US metropolitan areas in the US to<br />
compare inequalities and residential segregation.<br />
Social Policies and Initiatives<br />
In 1948, the Supreme Court outlawed the enforcement of racial covenants with Shelley<br />
v. Kraemer, and two decades later the Fair Housing Act of 1968 incorporated legislation<br />
that prohibited discrimination in private and publicly assisted housing. The 1975 Home<br />
Mortgage Disclosure Act and the 1977 Community Reinvestment Act limited mortgage<br />
lenders' ability to provide discretion in issuing loans and requiring that lenders provide<br />
full disclosure of where and to whom they were providing housing loans, in addition to<br />
requiring that they provide loans for all areas where they do business. The passage of<br />
fair housing laws provided an opportunity for legal recourse against local and federal<br />
agencies that segregated residents and prohibited integrated communities.<br />
Despite these laws, residential segregation still persists. More strict enforcement of<br />
these laws could prevent discriminatory lending practices and racial steering. Moreover,<br />
educating property owners, real estate agents, and minorities about the Fair Housing<br />
Act and housing discrimination could help reduce segregation.<br />
The class action lawsuit Hills v. Dorothy Gautreaux alleged that the development<br />
of Chicago Housing Authority's (CHA) public housing units in areas of high<br />
concentration of poor minorities violated federal Department of Housing and Urban<br />
Development (HUD) policies and the Fair Housing Act. The 1976 court decision resulted<br />
in HUD and CHA agreeing to mediate segregation imposed on Chicago public housing<br />
residents by providing Section 8 voucher assistance to more than 7,000 black families.<br />
The Section 8 assistance provided blacks the opportunity to move out of racially<br />
segregated areas and into mixed neighborhoods. Policymakers theorized that housing<br />
mobility would provide residents with access to "social capital", including ties to informal<br />
job networks. About seventy-five percent of the Gautreaux households were required to<br />
move to predominately white suburban neighborhoods while the remaining 25% were<br />
allowed to move to urban areas with 30% or more black residents.<br />
Social scientists researched the impacts of mobility on Gautreaux participants and<br />
found that children with access to better performing neighborhoods experienced<br />
improvements in educational performance, were less likely to drop out of school and<br />
more likely to take college preparation classes than their peers who had moved to more<br />
segregated areas of Chicago.<br />
Congress authorized the Moving to Opportunity for Fair Housing Demonstration (MTO)<br />
in 1993. MTO shares a similar design to Gautreaux. However, the program focuses on<br />
economic desegregation instead of racial desegregation. As of 2005, MTO has<br />
allocated nearly $80 million in federal and philanthropic funding to disperse and deconcentrate<br />
low-income neighborhoods, track the short and long-term effects of MTO<br />
program participants, and determine if small low-income de-concentration programs can<br />
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e expanded to a national scale. An early randomized, controlled study on differential<br />
mental health effects indicates the pairing of portability housing vouchers to promote<br />
quality housing and lives with other programs, such as tobacco use of youth.<br />
In addition to the MTO program, the federal government provided funding to demolish<br />
100,000 of the nation's worst public housing units and rebuild the projects with mixed<br />
income communities. This program, known as HOPE VI, has received mixed results.<br />
Some of the rebuilt projects continue to struggle with gangs, crime, and drugs. Some<br />
tenants choose not to return to the locations after redevelopment. While it may be too<br />
soon to determine the overall effect of the HOPE VI program, the Bush administration<br />
recommended termination of the program in 2004.<br />
Inclusionary zoning practices refer to local planning ordinances that can increase the<br />
supply of affordable housing, reduce the cost of creating housing, and enforce<br />
regulations that improve the health, safety and quality of life for low income and minority<br />
households.<br />
Residential Segregation in Atlanta, GA<br />
Within the Atlanta Metropolitan Area, residential segregation is highest<br />
among DeKalb and Fulton Counties, the two most urbanized counties in the Atlanta<br />
Metropolitan Area.<br />
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These counties consist of 70% of the black residents in Atlanta, meaning that a strong<br />
majority of Atlanta's black citizens are living in the city's most urbanized areas.<br />
In addition, white families have been steadily moving to suburban areas around Atlanta<br />
since the 1980s, leaving counties such as DeKalb and Fulton to consist of majority or<br />
nearly majority black residents, with 55.3% of residents in DeKalb County being<br />
black and 44.5% of residents in Fulton County being black. Furthermore, the suburban<br />
areas outside of Atlanta and Fulton and DeKalb county tend to be less racially<br />
segregated, yet black residents in these suburbs, as well as in more urban areas, are<br />
still the most segregated of any race of residents in Atlanta.<br />
According to the Annie E. Casey Foundation, the current state of residential<br />
segregation, largely by race, occurred due to housing development practices and city<br />
infrastructure changes during the 20th century. In order to implement new housing<br />
programs and interstates throughout the 20th century, the City of Atlanta chose to<br />
remove many poor or low income neighborhoods.<br />
The removal of these neighborhoods disproportionately affected black Atlanta citizens,<br />
and made housing more expensive and poverty more concentrated on the southern<br />
side of Atlanta, in counties such as DeKalb and Fulton.<br />
A picture of Georgia by counties, with the counties in red<br />
representing the Atlanta Metropolitan Area.<br />
Effects of Residential Segregation<br />
on Poverty In Atlanta<br />
As more white residents moved to the suburbs<br />
throughout the 1980s, black residents remained in<br />
many of the same urban areas. The migration of much<br />
of the middle class to the suburbs of Atlanta<br />
decreased poverty levels for black residents in Atlanta<br />
as a whole, but it left residents at or near poverty<br />
exposed to much higher levels of poverty as<br />
the middle class migrated out and took resources with<br />
them.Furthermore, moves made by black residents at<br />
or below the poverty level to escape impoverished neighborhoods within Atlanta were<br />
overshadowed by the same moves made by white residents, leaving mainly black<br />
residents exposed to poverty within metropolitan Atlanta after movements made by the<br />
middle class. This shift in residence has disproportionately left black citizens in Atlanta<br />
exposed to poverty, with 80% of black children living in Atlanta being exposed to<br />
poverty.Within these areas, which are largely in southern Atlanta in areas of DeKalb and<br />
Fulton County, residents are having to spend 30% of their annual income on housing.<br />
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Effects of Residential Segregation and Consequential Poverty on Education<br />
Research gathered from the Georgia Budget and Policy Institute (GBPI) shows that in<br />
Georgia, schools with higher numbers of students living in poverty perform more poorly<br />
on standardized state exams and are given poorer scores from the Georgia Governor's<br />
Office of Student Achievement, with 99% of schools in extreme poverty and 79% of<br />
schools in high-poverty receiving grades of D or F from the Office of Student<br />
Achievement. In addition, the GBPI found that in most of these struggling schools,<br />
students are primarily of racial minorities: In 98% of public schools in Georgia<br />
considered to be extremely impoverished, 75% or more of the students are black or<br />
Hispanic. In Atlanta, students from northern counties are enrolled in pre-school in higher<br />
rates than in the southern counties (such as Fulton and DeKalb), and 11 of the top 14<br />
performing schools within the Atlanta Public School District were in Atlanta's northern<br />
counties.<br />
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VIII. Media Manipulation, Propaganda<br />
& Disinformation<br />
Media Manipulation is a series of related techniques in which partisans create an<br />
image or argument that favors their particular interests. Such tactics may include the<br />
use of logical fallacies, psychological manipulations, outright deception, rhetorical<br />
and propaganda techniques, and often involve the suppression of information or points<br />
of view by crowding them out, by inducing other people or groups of people to stop<br />
listening to certain arguments, or by simply diverting attention elsewhere.<br />
In Propaganda:<br />
The Formation of Men's Attitudes, Jacques Ellul writes that public opinion can only<br />
express itself through channels which are provided by the mass media of<br />
communication – without which there could be no propaganda. It is used within public<br />
relations, propaganda, marketing, etc. While the objective for each context is quite<br />
different, the broad techniques are often similar.<br />
As illustrated below, many of the more modern mass media manipulation methods are<br />
types of distraction, on the assumption that the public has a limited attention span.<br />
Activism<br />
Contexts<br />
Activism is the practice or doctrine that has an emphasis on direct vigorous action<br />
especially supporting or opposing one side of a controversial matter. It is quite simply<br />
starting a movement to effect or change social views. It is frequently started by<br />
influential individuals but is done collectively through social movements with large<br />
masses.[4] These social movements can be done through public rallies, strikes, street<br />
marches and even rants on social media.<br />
A large social movement that has changed public opinion through time would be the<br />
'Civil Rights March on Washington', where Martin Luther King Jr. performed his 'I Have<br />
a Dream' speech attempting to change social views on Non-White Americans in the<br />
United States of America, 28 August 1963.<br />
Most of King's movements were done through non-violent rallies and public speeches to<br />
show the white American population that they were peaceful but also wanted change in<br />
their community. In 1964, the 'Civil Rights Acts' commenced giving Non-White<br />
Americans equality with all races.<br />
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Advertising<br />
"Daisy", a TV commercial for the reelection<br />
of U.S. President Lyndon B.<br />
Johnson. It aired only once, in<br />
September 1964, and is considered<br />
both one of the most controversial<br />
and one of the most effective<br />
political ads in U.S. history.<br />
Advertising is the action of attracting<br />
public attention to something,<br />
especially through paid<br />
announcements for products and<br />
services. This tends to be done by businesses who wish to sell their product by paying<br />
media outlets to show their products or services on television breaks, banners on<br />
websites and mobile applications.<br />
These advertisements are not only done by businesses but can also be done by certain<br />
groups. Non-commercial advertisers are those who spend money on advertising in a<br />
hope to raise awareness for a cause or promote specific ideas. These include groups<br />
such as interest groups, political parties, government organizations and religious<br />
movements. Most of these organizations intend to spread a message or sway public<br />
opinion instead of trying to sell products or services. Advertising can not only be found<br />
on social media, it is also evident on billboards, newspapers, magazines and even word<br />
of mouth.<br />
Hoaxing<br />
A hoax is something intended to deceive or defraud. When a newspaper or the news<br />
reports a fake story, it is known as a hoax. Misleading public stunts, scientific frauds,<br />
false bomb threats and business scams as hoaxes. A common aspect that hoaxes have<br />
is that they are all meant to deceive or lie. For something to become a hoax, the lie<br />
must have something more to offer. It must be outrageous, dramatic but also has to be<br />
believable and ingenious. Above all, it must be able to attract attention from the public.<br />
Once it has done that then a hoax is in full effect.<br />
The word hoax became popular in the middle to late eighteenth century. It is thought to<br />
have come from the saying 'hocus pocus'. Hocus pocus means meaningless talk which<br />
is typically designed to trick others or conceal the truth about a situation. It is thought to<br />
be derived from a conjuror in the time of King James who called himself 'The Kings<br />
Majesties most excellent Hocus Pocus', where he would perform a trick and call out a<br />
phrase beginning with "hocus pocus".<br />
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The key word in something becoming a hoax is "public". A lie or a deception only<br />
becomes a hoax when it is acknowledged by the public. A popular hoax that is evident<br />
in today's times would be the 'Microwave your spoon' hoax. This hoax originated from a<br />
video which shows a metallic spoon being heated inside a microwave oven. It then<br />
further on suggests that it is easier to eat ice cream when the spoon is first microwaved.<br />
This hoax has fooled many people on social media into believing that the spoon could<br />
be microwaved, only to find that their microwave was damaged. The point of this hoax<br />
was to show how gullible people can be on social media and to prove that not<br />
everything you read or see on the internet is true.<br />
An example of a hoax was a fake viral video is one that happened in<br />
2012. Greenpeace paid to have a video made by Yes Men and that Occupy<br />
Seattle posted on their website. The video then took off and a lot of companies and<br />
people shared it. The video was of a drink fountain that looked like an oil platform at a<br />
party for Shell malfunctioning, and getting all over the party. The video then shows the<br />
a man telling the person holding the phone camera to stop filming while they are rushed<br />
out the door. There were also fake legal messages sent out to make it look like Shell<br />
was threatening the people reporting the story. It was very widespread and believed by<br />
many.<br />
Propagandising<br />
Propagandising is a form of communication that is aimed at influencing the attitude of a<br />
community toward some cause or position by presenting only one side of an argument.<br />
Propaganda is commonly created by governments, but some forms of mass<br />
communication created by other powerful organizations can be considered propaganda<br />
as well. As opposed to impartially providing information, propaganda, in its most basic<br />
sense, presents information primarily to influence an audience. Propaganda is usually<br />
repeated and dispersed over a wide variety of media in order to create the chosen result<br />
in audience attitudes. While the term propaganda has justifiably acquired a strongly<br />
negative connotation by association with its most manipulative and jingoistic examples<br />
(e.g. Nazi propaganda used to justify the Holocaust), propaganda in its original sense<br />
was neutral, and could refer to uses that were generally benign or innocuous, such as<br />
public health recommendations, signs encouraging citizens to participate in a census or<br />
election, or messages encouraging persons to report crimes to the police, among<br />
others.<br />
Propaganda uses societal norms and myths that people hear and believe. Because<br />
people respond to, understand and remember more simple ideas this is what is used to<br />
influence people's beliefs, attitudes and values.<br />
Psychological Warfare<br />
Psychological warfare is sometimes considered synonymous with propaganda. The<br />
principal distinction being that propaganda normally occurs within a nation, whereas<br />
psychological warfare normally takes place between nations, often during war or cold<br />
war. Various techniques are used to influence a<br />
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target's values, beliefs, emotions, motives, reasoning, or behavior. Target audiences<br />
can be governments, organizations, groups, and individuals.<br />
This tactic has been used in multiple wars throughout history. During World War II,<br />
the western Allies, expect for the Soviet Union would drop leaflets on<br />
the US and England. During the conflict with Iraq, American and English forces dropped<br />
leaflets, with many of the leaflets telling the people how to surrender. In the Korean<br />
War both sides would use loud speakers from the front lines. In 2009 people in Israel in<br />
the Gaza war received text messages on their cell phones threatening them<br />
with rocket attacks.<br />
The Palestinian people were getting phone calls and leaflets warning them that they<br />
were going to drop rockets on them. These phone calls and leaflets were not always<br />
accurate.<br />
Public Relations<br />
Public relations (PR) is the management of the flow of information between an individual<br />
or an organization and the public. Public relations may include an organization<br />
or individualgaining exposure to their audiences using topics of public interest and news<br />
items that do not require direct payment. PR is generally created by specialized<br />
individuals or firms at the behest of already public individuals or organizations, as a way<br />
of managing their public profile.<br />
Astroturfing<br />
Techniques<br />
Internet Manipulation<br />
Astroturfing is when there is an intent and attempt to create the illusion of support for a<br />
particular cause, person, or stance. While this is mainly connected to and seen on the<br />
internet, it has also happened in newspapers during times of political<br />
elections. Corporations and political parties try to imitate grassroots movements in order<br />
to sway the public to believing something that isn't true.<br />
Clickbait<br />
Clickbait refers to headlines of online news articles that are sensationalized or<br />
sometimes completely fake. It uses people's natural curiosity to get people to click. In<br />
some cases clickbait is simply used to generate income, more clicks means more<br />
money made with advertisers. But these headlines and articles can also be used to<br />
influence a group of people on social media. They are constructed to appeal to the<br />
interest group's pre-existing biases and thus to be shared within filter bubbles.<br />
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Propaganda Laundering<br />
Propaganda Laundering is a method of using a less trusted or less popular platform to<br />
publish a story of dubious origin or veracity for the purposes of reporting on that report,<br />
rather than the story itself. This technique serves to insulate the secondary more<br />
established media from having to issue a retraction if the report is false. Generally<br />
secondary reports will report that the original report is reporting without verifying or<br />
making the report themselves. The news and entertainment site Buzzfeed.com has<br />
been used to originate several via their BuzzFeed News section. This term was coined<br />
by a Reddit user HexezWork regarding a discussion related to the investigation by<br />
Robert Mueller into Russian Collusion.<br />
Search Engine Marketing<br />
In search engine marketing websites use market research, from past searches and<br />
other sources, to increase their visibility in search engine results pages. This allows<br />
them to guide search results along the lines they desire, and thereby influence<br />
searchers.<br />
Business have many tactics to lure customers into their websites and to generate<br />
revenue such as banner ads, search engine optimization and pay-per-click marketing<br />
tools. They all serve a different purpose and use different tools that appeal to multiple<br />
types of users. Banner ads appear on sites that then redirect to other sites that are<br />
similar. Search engine optimization is changing a page to seem more reliable or<br />
applicable than other similar pages. Pay-per-click involves certain words being<br />
highlighted because they were bought by advertisers to then redirect to a page<br />
containing information or selling whatever that word pertained to. By using the internet,<br />
users are susceptible to these type of advertisements without a clear advertising<br />
campaign being viewed.<br />
Distraction By Major Events<br />
Distraction<br />
Commonly known as "smoke screen", this technique consists of making the public focus<br />
its attention on a topic that is more convenient for the propagandist. This particular type<br />
of media manipulation has been referenced many times in popular culture. Some<br />
examples are:<br />
The movie Wag the Dog (1997), which illustrates the public being deceitfully distracted<br />
from an important topic by presenting another that whose only quality is that of being<br />
more attractive.<br />
In the U.S. TV series House of Cards, when protagonist Frank Underwood finds himself<br />
trapped in a media rampage, he addresses the viewer and says: "From the lion's den or<br />
a pack of wolves. When you're fresh meat, kill and throw them something fresher".<br />
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Politicians distract the public by showing them "shiny object" issues through the use of<br />
TV and other media. Sometimes they can be as simple as a politician with a reality<br />
show, like Sarah Palin had for a short time back in 2009, which aired on TLC.<br />
Distracting the Public<br />
This a mere variation of the traditional arguments known, in logic, as ad<br />
hominem and ad populum but applied to countries instead of individuals. This technique<br />
consists on refuting arguments by appealing to nationalism or by inspiring fear and hate<br />
towards a foreign country or to all the foreigners. It has the potential of being important<br />
since it gives the propagandists the power to discredit any information coming from<br />
other countries.<br />
Some examples are:<br />
• Q: "What do you think about Khokara's politic on X matter?" A: "I think they've been<br />
wrong about everything for the last 20 years or so..."<br />
• Q: "Your idea is quite similar to the one proposed in Falala." A: "Are you suggesting<br />
Falala is a better country than ours?"<br />
Straw Man Fallacy<br />
An informal fallacy. The "straw man" consists on appearing to refute the opponent's<br />
argument while actually attacking another topic. For it to work properly the topic that<br />
was actually refuted and the one that should have been refuted need to be similar.<br />
Distraction by Scapegoat<br />
This is a combination of the straw man fallacy and the ad hominem argument. It is often<br />
used to incriminate someone in order to argument the innocence of someone else.<br />
This is a very important tactic for governments and politicians, and it even made its way<br />
to the famous book The 48 Laws of Power by Robert Greene, in the Law #26 titled:<br />
"Keep you hands clean".<br />
Photo Manipulation<br />
Visual media can be transformed through photo manipulation, commonly called<br />
"photoshopping." This can make a product, person, or idea seem more appealing. This<br />
is done by highlighting certain features on the product and using certain editing tools to<br />
enlarge the photo, to attract and persuade the public.<br />
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Video Manipulation<br />
Compliance Professionals<br />
A compliance professional is an expert that utilizes and perfects means of gaining<br />
media influence. Though the means of gaining influence are common, their aims vary<br />
from political, economic, to personal. Thus the label of compliance professional applies<br />
to diverse groups of people,<br />
including propagandists, marketers, pollsters, salespeople and political advocates.<br />
Techniques<br />
Means of influence include, but are not limited to, the methods outlined in Influence:<br />
Science and Practice:<br />
• Reciprocation<br />
• Commitment and consistency<br />
• Social proof<br />
• Liking<br />
• Authority<br />
• Scarcity<br />
Additionally, techniques like framing and less formal means of effective obfuscation,<br />
such as the use of logical fallacies, are used to gain compliance.<br />
________<br />
Propoganda<br />
Propaganda is information that is not objective and is used primarily to influence an<br />
audience and further an agenda, often by presenting facts selectively to encourage a<br />
particular synthesis or perception, or using loaded language to produce an emotional<br />
rather than a rational response to the information that is presented. Propaganda is often<br />
associated with material prepared by governments, but activist groups, companies,<br />
religious organizations and the media can also produce propaganda.<br />
In the twentieth century, the term propaganda has often been associated with<br />
a manipulative approach, but propaganda historically was a neutral descriptive term.<br />
A wide range of materials and media are used for conveying propaganda messages,<br />
which changed as new technologies were invented, including paintings, cartoons,<br />
posters, pamphlets, films, radio shows, TV shows, and websites. More recently, the<br />
digital age has given rise to new ways of disseminating propaganda, for example,<br />
through the use of bots and algorithms to create computational propaganda and spread<br />
fake or biased news using social media.<br />
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In a 1929 literary debate with Edward Bernays, Everett Dean Martin argues that,<br />
"Propaganda is making puppets of us. We are moved by hidden strings which the<br />
propagandist manipulates."<br />
Etymology<br />
Propaganda is a modern Latin word, the gerundive form of propagare, meaning to<br />
spread or to propagate, thus propaganda means that which is to be<br />
propagated. Originally this word derived from a new administrative body of<br />
the Catholic church (congregation) created in 1622 as part of the Counter-reformation,<br />
called the Congregatio de Propaganda Fide(Congregation for Propagating the Faith), or<br />
informally simply Propaganda. Its activity was aimed at "propagating" the Catholic faith<br />
in non-Catholic countries.<br />
From the 1790s, the term began being used also to refer to propaganda in secular<br />
activities. The term began taking a pejorative or negative connotation in the mid-19th<br />
century, when it was used in the political sphere.<br />
History<br />
Primitive forms of propaganda have been a human activity as far back as reliable<br />
recorded evidence exists. The Behistun Inscription (c. 515 BC) detailing the rise<br />
of Darius I to the Persian throne is viewed by most historians as an early example of<br />
propaganda. Another striking example of propaganda during Ancient History is the last<br />
Roman civil wars (44-30 BC) during which Octavian and Mark Antony blame each other<br />
for obscure and degrading origins, cruelty, cowardice, oratorical and literary<br />
incompetence, debaucheries, luxury, drunkenness and other slanders. This defamation<br />
took the form of uituperatio (Roman rhetorical genre of the invective) which was<br />
decisive for shaping the Roman public opinion at this time.<br />
Propaganda during the Reformation, helped by the spread of the printing<br />
press throughout Europe, and in particular within Germany, caused new ideas,<br />
thoughts, and doctrine to be made available to the public in ways that had never been<br />
seen before the 16th century. During the era of the American Revolution, the American<br />
colonies had a flourishing network of newspapers and printers who specialized in the<br />
topic on behalf of the Patriots (and to a lesser extent on behalf of the Loyalists).<br />
A propaganda newspaper clipping that refers to the Bataan Death March in 1942<br />
The first large-scale and organized propagation of government propaganda was<br />
occasioned by the outbreak of war in 1914. After the defeat of Germany in the First<br />
World War, military officials such as Erich Ludendorff suggested that British propaganda<br />
had been instrumental in their defeat. Adolf Hitler came to echo this view, believing that<br />
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it had been a primary cause of the collapse of morale and the revolts in the German<br />
home front and Navy in 1918 (see also: Dolchstoßlegende). In Mein Kampf (1925) Hitler<br />
expounded his theory of propaganda, which provided a powerful base for his rise to<br />
power in 1933. Historian Robert Ensor explains that "Hitler...puts no limit on what can<br />
be done by propaganda; people will believe anything, provided they are told it often<br />
enough and emphatically enough, and that contradicters are either silenced or<br />
smothered in calumny."[10] Most propaganda in Nazi Germany was produced by<br />
the Ministry of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda under Joseph Goebbels. World<br />
War II saw continued use of propaganda as a weapon of war, building on the<br />
experience of WWI, by Goebbels and the British Political Warfare Executive, as well as<br />
the United States Office of War Information.<br />
Anti-religious Soviet propaganda poster,<br />
the Russian text reads "Ban Religious Holidays!"<br />
In the early 20th century, the invention of motion pictures<br />
gave propaganda-creators a powerful tool for advancing<br />
political and military interests when it came to reaching a<br />
broad segment of the population and creating consent or<br />
encouraging rejection of the real or imagined enemy. In<br />
the years following the October Revolution of 1917, the<br />
Soviet government sponsored the Russian film industry<br />
with the purpose of making propaganda films (e.g. the<br />
1925 film The Battleship<br />
Potemkin glorifies Communist ideals.) In WWII, Nazi<br />
filmmakers produced highly emotional films to create<br />
popular support for occupying the Sudetenland and<br />
attacking Poland. The 1930s and 1940s, which saw the<br />
rise of totalitarian states and the Second World War, are<br />
arguably the "Golden Age of Propaganda". Leni Riefenstahl, a filmmaker working<br />
in Nazi Germany, created one of the best-known propaganda movies, Triumph of the<br />
Will. In the US, animation became popular, especially for winning over youthful<br />
audiences and aiding the U.S. war effort, e.g.,Der Fuehrer's Face (1942), which<br />
ridicules Hitler and advocates the value of freedom. US war films in the early 1940s<br />
were designed to create a patriotic mindset and convince viewers that sacrifices needed<br />
to be made to defeat the Axis Powers. Polish filmmakers in Great Britain created antinazi<br />
color film Calling mr. Smith (1943) about current nazi crimes in occupied Europe<br />
and about lies of nazi propaganda.<br />
The West and the Soviet Union both used propaganda extensively during the Cold War.<br />
Both sides used film, television, and radio programming to influence their own citizens,<br />
each other, and Third World nations. George Orwell's novels Animal Farm and Nineteen<br />
Eighty-Four are virtual textbooks on the use of propaganda. During the Cuban<br />
Revolution, Fidel Castro stressed the importance of propaganda.[16][better source<br />
needed] Propaganda was used extensively by Communist forces in the Vietnam War as<br />
means of controlling people's opinions.<br />
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During the Yugoslav wars, propaganda was used as a military strategy by governments<br />
of Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and Croatia. Propaganda was used to create fear<br />
and hatred, and particularly incite the Serb population against the other ethnicities<br />
(Bosniaks, Croats, Albanians and other non-Serbs). Serb media made a great effort in<br />
justifying, revising or denying mass war crimes committed by Serb forces during these<br />
wars.<br />
Public Perceptions<br />
In the early 20th century the term propaganda was used by the founders of the<br />
nascent public relations industry to refer to their people. Literally translated from<br />
the Latin gerundiveas "things that must be disseminated", in some cultures the term is<br />
neutral or even positive, while in others the term has acquired a strong negative<br />
connotation. The connotations of the term "propaganda" can also vary over time. For<br />
example, in Portuguese and some Spanish language speaking countries, particularly in<br />
the Southern Cone, the word "propaganda" usually refers to the most common<br />
manipulative media – "advertising".<br />
Poster of the 19th-century<br />
Scandinavist movement<br />
In English, propaganda was originally a neutral term for the<br />
dissemination of information in favor of any given cause.<br />
During the 20th century, however, the term acquired a<br />
thoroughly negative meaning in western countries,<br />
representing the intentional dissemination of often false, but<br />
certainly "compelling" claims to support or justify political<br />
actions or ideologies. According to Harold Lasswell, the term<br />
began to fall out of favor due to growing public suspicion of<br />
propaganda in the wake of its use during World War I by<br />
the Creel Committee in the United States and the Ministry of<br />
Information in Britain: Writing in 1928, Lasswell observed, "In democratic countries the<br />
official propaganda bureau was looked upon with genuine alarm, for fear that it might be<br />
suborned to party and personal ends.<br />
The outcry in the United States against Mr. Creel's famous Bureau of Public Information<br />
(or 'Inflammation') helped to din into the public mind the fact that propaganda existed. …<br />
The public's discovery of propaganda has led to a great of lamentation over it.<br />
Propaganda has become an epithet of contempt and hate, and the propagandists have<br />
sought protective coloration in such names as 'public relations council,' 'specialist in<br />
public education,' 'public relations adviser.' "[19] In 1949, political science professor<br />
Dayton David McKean wrote, "After World War I the word came to be applied to 'what<br />
you don’t like of the other fellow’s publicity,' as Edward L. Bernays said...."<br />
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The term is essentially contested and some have argued for a neutral definition, arguing<br />
that ethics depend on intent and context, while others define it as necessarily unethical<br />
and negative. Dr Emma Briant defines it as "the deliberate manipulation of<br />
representations (including text, pictures, video, speech etc.) with the intention of<br />
producing any effect in the audience (e.g. action or inaction; reinforcement or<br />
transformation of feelings, ideas, attitudes or behaviours) that is desired by the<br />
propagandist."<br />
Types<br />
Identifying propaganda has always been a problem. The main difficulties have involved<br />
differentiating propaganda from other types of persuasion, and avoiding<br />
a biasedapproach. Richard Alan Nelson provides a definition of the term: "Propaganda<br />
is neutrally defined as a systematic form of purposeful persuasion that attempts to<br />
influence the emotions, attitudes, opinions, and actions of specified target audiences<br />
for ideological, political or commercial purposes through the controlled transmission of<br />
one-sided messages (which may or may not be factual) via mass and direct media<br />
channels."[26] The definition focuses on the communicative process involved – or more<br />
precisely, on the purpose of the process, and allow "propaganda" to be considered<br />
objectively and then interpreted as positive or negative behavior depending on the<br />
perspective of the viewer or listener.<br />
Propaganda poster in North Korean<br />
primary school<br />
According to historian Zbyněk Zeman, propaganda is<br />
defined as either white, grey or black. White<br />
propaganda openly discloses its source and intent.<br />
Grey propaganda has an ambiguous or non-disclosed<br />
source or intent.<br />
Black propaganda purports to be published by the enemy or some organization besides<br />
its actual origins (compare with black operation, a type of clandestine operation in which<br />
the identity of the sponsoring government is hidden). In scale, these different types of<br />
propaganda can also be defined by the potential of true and correct information to<br />
compete with the propaganda.<br />
For example, opposition to white propaganda is often readily found and may slightly<br />
discredit the propaganda source. Opposition to grey propaganda, when revealed (often<br />
by an inside source), may create some level of public outcry.<br />
Opposition to black propaganda is often unavailable and may be dangerous to reveal,<br />
because public cognizance of black propaganda tactics and sources would undermine<br />
or backfire the very campaign the black propagandist supported.<br />
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Propaganda poster in North Korea<br />
The propagandist seeks to change the way people<br />
understand an issue or situation for the purpose of<br />
changing their actions and expectations in ways that<br />
are desirable to the interest group.<br />
Propaganda, in this sense, serves as a corollary to<br />
censorship in which the same purpose is achieved, not by filling people's minds with<br />
approved information, but by preventing people from being confronted with opposing<br />
points of view. What sets propaganda apart from other forms of advocacy is the<br />
willingness of the propagandist to change people's understanding through deception<br />
and confusion rather than persuasion and understanding.<br />
The leaders of an organization know the information to be one sided or untrue, but this<br />
may not be true for the rank and file members who help to disseminate the propaganda.<br />
From a series of woodcuts (1545) usually referred to as<br />
the Papstspotbilder or Papstspottbilder in German or Depictions of<br />
the Papacy in English,[28] by Lucas Cranach, commissioned<br />
by Martin Luther.[29]Title: Kissing the Pope's Feet.[30]German<br />
peasants respond to a papal bull of Pope Paul III. Caption reads:<br />
"Don't frighten us Pope, with your ban, and don't be such a furious<br />
man. Otherwise we shall turn around and show you our rears."<br />
Religious<br />
Propaganda was often used to influence opinions and<br />
beliefs on religious issues, particularly during the split<br />
between the Roman Catholic Church and<br />
the Protestant churches.<br />
More in line with the religious roots of the term,<br />
propaganda is also used widely in the debates about new religious movements (NRMs),<br />
both by people who defend them and by people who oppose them.<br />
The latter pejoratively call these NRMs cults. Anti-cult activists and Christian countercult<br />
activists accuse the leaders of what they consider cults of using propaganda extensively<br />
to recruit followers and keep them.<br />
Some social scientists, such as the late Jeffrey Hadden, and CESNUR affiliated<br />
scholars accuse ex-members of "cults" and the anti-cult movement of making these<br />
unusual religious movements look bad without sufficient reasons.<br />
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Wartime<br />
A US Office for War Information poster uses stereotyped imagery to<br />
encourage Americans to work hard to contribute to the war effort<br />
Post–World War II usage of the word "propaganda" more<br />
typically refers to political or nationalist uses of these<br />
techniques or to the promotion of a set of ideas.<br />
Propaganda is a powerful weapon in war; it is used to<br />
dehumanize and create hatred toward a supposed enemy,<br />
either internal or external, by creating a false image in the<br />
mind of soldiers and citizens. This can be done by using<br />
derogatory or racist terms (e.g., the racist terms "Jap" and<br />
"gook" used during World War II and the Vietnam War, respectively), avoiding some<br />
words or language or by making allegations of enemy atrocities. Most propaganda<br />
efforts in wartime require the home population to feel the enemy has inflicted an<br />
injustice, which may be fictitious or may be based on facts (e.g., the sinking of the<br />
passenger ship RMS Lusitania by the German Navy in World War I).<br />
The home population must also believe that the cause of their nation in the war is just.<br />
In NATO doctrine, propaganda is defined as "Any information, ideas, doctrines, or<br />
special appeals disseminated to influence the opinion, emotions, attitudes, or behaviour<br />
of any specified group in order to benefit the sponsor either directly or indirectly." Within<br />
this perspective, information provided does not need to be necessarily false, but must<br />
be instead relevant to specific goals of the "actor" or "system" that performs it.<br />
Propaganda is also one of the methods used in psychological warfare, which may also<br />
involve false flag operations in which the identity of the operatives is depicted as those<br />
of an enemy nation (e.g., The Bay of Pigs invasion used CIA planes painted in Cuban<br />
Air Force markings). The term propaganda may also refer to false information meant to<br />
reinforce the mindsets of people who already believe as the propagandist wishes (e.g.,<br />
During the First World War, the main purpose of British propaganda was to encourage<br />
men join the army, and women to work in the country's industry.<br />
The propaganda posters were used, because radios and TVs were not very common at<br />
that time.). The assumption is that, if people believe something false, they will<br />
constantly be assailed by doubts. Since these doubts are unpleasant (see cognitive<br />
dissonance), people will be eager to have them extinguished, and are therefore<br />
receptive to the reassurances of those in power. For this reason propaganda is often<br />
addressed to people who are already sympathetic to the agenda or views being<br />
presented. This process of reinforcement uses an individual's predisposition to selfselect<br />
"agreeable" information sources as a mechanism for maintaining control over<br />
populations.<br />
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Britannia arm-in-arm with Uncle Sam symbolizes the British-<br />
American alliance in World War I.<br />
Propaganda may be administered in insidious ways.<br />
For instance, disparaging disinformation about the<br />
history of certain groups or foreign countries may be<br />
encouraged or tolerated in the educational system.<br />
Since few people actually double-check what they<br />
learn at school, such disinformation will be repeated by<br />
journalists as well as parents, thus reinforcing the idea<br />
that the disinformation item is really a "well-known<br />
fact", even though no one repeating the myth is able to<br />
point to an authoritative source. The disinformation is<br />
then recycled in the media and in the educational<br />
system, without the need for direct governmental<br />
intervention on the media. Such permeating<br />
propaganda may be used for political goals: by giving<br />
citizens a false impression of the quality or policies of their country, they may be incited<br />
to reject certain proposals or certain remarks or ignore the experience of others.<br />
In the Soviet Union during the Second World War, the propaganda designed to<br />
encourage civilians was controlled by Stalin, who insisted on a heavy-handed style that<br />
educated audiences easily saw was inauthentic. On the other hand, the unofficial<br />
rumours about German atrocities were well founded and convincing. Stalin was a<br />
Georgian who spoke Russian with a heavy accent. That would not do for a national hero<br />
so starting in the 1930s all new visual portraits of Stalin were retouched to erase his<br />
Georgian facial characteristics and make him a more generalized Soviet hero. Only his<br />
eyes and famous mustache remained unaltered. Zhores Medvedev and Roy Medvedev<br />
say his "majestic new image was devised appropriately to depict the leader of all times<br />
and of all peoples."<br />
Article 20 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights prohibits any<br />
propaganda for war as well as any advocacy of national or religious hatred that<br />
constitutes incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence by law.<br />
Naturally, the common people don't want war; neither in Russia nor in England nor in<br />
America, nor for that matter in Germany. That is understood. But, after all, it is the<br />
leaders of the country who determine the policy and it is always a simple matter to drag<br />
the people along, whether it is a democracy or a fascist dictatorship or a Parliament or a<br />
Communist dictatorship. The people can always be brought to the bidding of the<br />
leaders. That is easy. All you have to do is tell them they are being attacked and<br />
denounce the pacifists for lack of patriotism and exposing the country to danger. It<br />
works the same way in any country.<br />
— Hermann Göring[40]<br />
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Advertising<br />
Propaganda shares techniques with advertising and public relations, each of which can<br />
be thought of as propaganda that promotes a commercial product or shapes the<br />
perception of an organization, person, or brand.<br />
World War I propaganda poster for enlistment<br />
in the U.S. Army<br />
Journalistic theory generally holds that news items should be<br />
objective, giving the reader an accurate background and<br />
analysis of the subject at hand. On the other hand,<br />
advertisements evolved from the traditional commercial<br />
advertisements to include also a new type in the form of paid<br />
articles or broadcasts disguised as news. These generally<br />
present an issue in a very subjective and often misleading<br />
light, primarily meant to persuade rather than inform. Normally<br />
they use only subtle propaganda techniques and not the more<br />
obvious ones used in traditional commercial advertisements. If<br />
the reader believes that a paid advertisement is in fact a news<br />
item, the message the advertiser is trying to communicate will be more easily "believed"<br />
or "internalized". Such advertisements are considered obvious examples of "covert"<br />
propaganda because they take on the appearance of objective information rather than<br />
the appearance of propaganda, which is misleading. Federal law specifically mandates<br />
that any advertisement appearing in the format of a news item must state that the item<br />
is in fact a paid advertisement.<br />
Politics<br />
Propaganda has become more common in political contexts, in particular to refer to<br />
certain efforts sponsored by governments, political groups, but also often covert<br />
interests. In the early 20th century, propaganda was exemplified in the form of party<br />
slogans. Propaganda also has much in common with public information campaigns by<br />
governments, which are intended to encourage or discourage certain forms of behavior<br />
(such as wearing seat belts, not smoking, not littering and so forth). Again, the<br />
emphasis is more political in propaganda. Propaganda can take the form of leaflets,<br />
posters, TV and radio broadcasts and can also extend to any other medium. In the case<br />
of the United States, there is also an important legal (imposed by law) distinction<br />
between advertising (a type of overt propaganda) and what the Government<br />
Accountability Office (GAO), an arm of the United States Congress, refers to as "covert<br />
propaganda".<br />
Roderick Hindery argues[41] that propaganda exists on the political left, and right, and<br />
in mainstream centrist parties. Hindery further argues that debates about most social<br />
issues can be productively revisited in the context of asking "what is or is not<br />
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propaganda?" Not to be overlooked is the link between propaganda, indoctrination, and<br />
terrorism/counter-terrorism. He argues that threats to destroy are often as socially<br />
disruptive as physical devastation itself.<br />
Anti-communistpropaganda in a 1947 comic book published by the<br />
Catechetical Guild Educational Society warning of "the dangers of a<br />
Communist takeover"<br />
Since 9/11 and the appearance of greater media fluidity,<br />
propaganda institutions, practices and legal frameworks have<br />
been evolving in the US and Britain. Dr Emma Louise<br />
Briant shows how this included expansion and integration of<br />
the apparatus cross-government and details attempts to<br />
coordinate the forms of propaganda for foreign and domestic<br />
audiences, with new efforts in strategic communication. These<br />
were subject to contestation within the US Government,<br />
resisted by Pentagon Public Affairs and critiqued by some<br />
scholars.<br />
The National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2013 (section 1078 (a))<br />
amended the US Information and Educational Exchange Act of 1948 (popularly referred<br />
to as the Smith-Mundt Act) and the Foreign Relations Authorization Act of 1987,<br />
allowing for materials produced by the State Department and the Broadcasting Board of<br />
Governors (BBG) to be released within U.S. borders for the Archivist of the United<br />
States. The Smith-Mundt Act, as amended, provided that "the Secretary and the<br />
Broadcasting Board of Governors shall make available to the Archivist of the United<br />
States, for domestic distribution, motion pictures, films, videotapes, and other material<br />
12 years after the initial dissemination of the material abroad (...)<br />
Nothing in this section shall be construed to prohibit the Department of State or the<br />
Broadcasting Board of Governors from engaging in any medium or form of<br />
communication, either directly or indirectly, because a United States domestic audience<br />
is or may be thereby exposed to program material, or based on a presumption of such<br />
exposure." Public concerns were raised upon passage due to the relaxation of<br />
prohibitions of domestic propaganda in the United States.<br />
Techniques<br />
Common media for transmitting propaganda messages include news reports,<br />
government reports, historical revision, junk science, books, leaflets, movies, radio,<br />
television, and posters. Some propaganda campaigns follow a strategic transmission<br />
pattern to indoctrinate the target group. This may begin with a simple transmission, such<br />
as a leaflet or advertisement dropped from a plane or an advertisement. Generally<br />
these messages will contain directions on how to obtain more information, via a web<br />
site, hot line, radio program, etc. (as it is seen also for selling purposes among other<br />
goals). The strategy intends to initiate the individual from information recipient to<br />
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information seeker through reinforcement, and then from information seeker to opinion<br />
leader through indoctrination.<br />
A number of techniques based in social psychological research are used to generate<br />
propaganda. Many of these same techniques can be found under logical fallacies, since<br />
propagandists use arguments that, while sometimes convincing, are not necessarily<br />
valid.<br />
Some time has been spent analyzing the means by which the propaganda messages<br />
are transmitted. That work is important but it is clear that information dissemination<br />
strategies become propaganda strategies only when coupled with propagandistic<br />
messages. Identifying these messages is a necessary prerequisite to study the methods<br />
by which those messages are spread.<br />
Social Psychology<br />
Models<br />
The field of social psychology includes the study of persuasion. Social psychologists<br />
can be sociologists or psychologists. The field includes many theories and approaches<br />
to understanding persuasion. For example, communication theory points out that people<br />
can be persuaded by the communicator's credibility, expertise, trustworthiness, and<br />
attractiveness. The elaboration likelihood model as well as heuristic models of<br />
persuasion suggest that a number of factors (e.g., the degree of interest of the recipient<br />
of the communication), influence the degree to which people allow superficial factors to<br />
persuade them. Nobel Prize–winning psychologist Herbert A. Simon won the Nobel<br />
prize for his theory that people are cognitive misers. That is, in a society of mass<br />
information, people are forced to make decisions quickly and often superficially, as<br />
opposed to logically.<br />
According to William W. Biddle's 1931 article "A psychological definition of propaganda",<br />
"[t]he four principles followed in propaganda are: (1) rely on emotions, never argue; (2)<br />
cast propaganda into the pattern of "we" versus an "enemy"; (3) reach groups as well as<br />
individuals; (4) hide the propagandist as much as possible."<br />
Herman and Chomsky<br />
The propaganda model is a theory advanced by Edward S. Herman and Noam<br />
Chomsky which argues systemic biases in the mass media and seeks to explain them<br />
in terms of structural economic causes:<br />
The 20th century has been characterized by three developments of great political<br />
importance: the growth of democracy, the growth of corporate power, and the growth of<br />
corporate propaganda as a means of protecting corporate power against democracy.<br />
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First presented in their 1988 book Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the<br />
Mass Media, the propaganda model views the private media as businesses selling a<br />
product – readers and audiences (rather than news) – to other businesses (advertisers)<br />
and relying primarily on government and corporate information and propaganda. The<br />
theory postulates five general classes of "filters" that determine the type of news that is<br />
presented in news media: Ownership of the medium, the medium's Funding, Sourcing<br />
of the news, Flak, and anti-communist ideology.<br />
The first three (ownership, funding, and sourcing) are generally regarded by the authors<br />
as being the most important. Although the model was based mainly on the<br />
characterization of United States media, Chomsky and Herman believe the theory is<br />
equally applicable to any country that shares the basic economic structure and<br />
organizing principles the model postulates as the cause of media bias.<br />
Children<br />
A 1938 propaganda of the New State depicting Brazilian President Getúlio<br />
Vargasflanked by children. The text on the bottom right of this poster<br />
translates as: "Children! Learning, at home and in school, the cult of the<br />
Fatherland, you will bring all chances of success to life. Only love builds<br />
and, strongly loving Brazil, you will lead it to the greatest of destinies<br />
among Nations, fulfilling the desires of exaltation nestled in every Brazilian<br />
heart."<br />
Of all the potential targets for propaganda, children are the<br />
most vulnerable because they are the least prepared with the<br />
critical reasoning and contextual comprehension they need to<br />
determine whether a message is propaganda or not. The<br />
attention children give their environment during development,<br />
due to the process of developing their understanding of the<br />
world, causes them to absorb propaganda indiscriminately.<br />
Also, children are highly imitative: studies by Albert Bandura, Dorothea Ross and Sheila<br />
A. Ross in the 1960s indicated that, to a degree, socialization, formal education and<br />
standardized television programming can be seen as using propaganda for the purpose<br />
of indoctrination. The use of propaganda in schools was highly prevalent during the<br />
1930s and 1940s in Germany in the form of the Hitler Youth.<br />
John Taylor Gatto asserts that modern schooling in the USA is designed to "dumb us<br />
down" in order to turn children into material suitable to work in factories. This ties into<br />
the Herman & Chomsky thesis of rise of Corporate Power, and its use in creating<br />
educational systems which serve its purposes against those of democracy.<br />
In Nazi Germany, the education system was thoroughly co-opted to indoctrinate the<br />
German youth with anti-Semiticideology. This was accomplished through the National<br />
Socialist Teachers League, of which 97% of all German teachers were members in<br />
1937. The League encouraged the teaching of racial theory. Picture books for children<br />
such as Don't Trust A Fox in A Green Meadow or The Word of A Jew, Der<br />
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Giftpilz (translated into English as The Poisonous Mushroom) and The Poodle-Pug-<br />
Dachshund-Pincher were widely circulated (over 100,000 copies of Don't Trust A<br />
Fox... were circulated during the late 1930s) and contained depictions of Jews as devils,<br />
child molesters and other morally charged figures. Slogans such as "Judas the Jew<br />
betrayed Jesus the German to the Jews" were recited in class.The following is an<br />
example of a propagandistic math problem recommended by the National Socialist<br />
Essence of Education: "The Jews are aliens in Germany—in 1933 there were<br />
66,606,000 inhabitants in the German Reich, of whom 499,682 (.75%) were Jews."<br />
________<br />
Disinformation<br />
Disinformation is false information spread deliberately to deceive.<br />
The English word disinformation is a loan translation of the<br />
Russian dezinformatsiya, derived from the title of a KGBblack<br />
propaganda department. Joseph Stalin coined the term, giving it a French-sounding<br />
name to claim it had a Western origin. Russian use began with a "special disinformation<br />
office" in 1923. Disinformation was defined in Great Soviet Encyclopedia (1952) as<br />
"false information with the intention to deceive public opinion". Operation<br />
INFEKTION was a Soviet disinformation campaign to influence opinion that the U.S.<br />
invented AIDS. The U.S. did not actively counter disinformation until 1980, when a fake<br />
document reported that the U.S. supported apartheid.<br />
The word disinformation did not appear in English dictionaries until the late-<br />
1980s. English use increased in 1986, after revelations that the Reagan<br />
Administration engaged in disinformation against Libyan leader Muammar<br />
Gaddafi.[9] By 1990 it was pervasive in U.S. politics;[10] and by 2001 referred generally<br />
to lying and propaganda.<br />
Etymology and Early Usage<br />
The English word disinformation, which did not appear in dictionaries until the late-<br />
1980s, is a translation of the<br />
Russian дезинформация, transliterated as dezinformatsiya.[2][6][1]Where misinformati<br />
on refers to inaccuracies that stem from error, disinformation is deliberate falsehood<br />
promulgated by design.[4] Misinformation can be used to define disinformation—when<br />
known misinformation is purposefully and intentionally disseminated. Front groups are a<br />
form of disinformation, as they fraudulently mislead as to their actual<br />
controllers. Disinformation tactics can lead to blowback, unintended negative problems<br />
due to the strategy, for example defamation lawsuits or damage to<br />
reputation.[14]Disinformation is primarily prepared by government intelligence agencies.<br />
Usage of the term related to a Russian tactical weapon started in 1923, when the<br />
Deputy Chairman of the KGB-precursor the State Political Directorate (GPU), Józef<br />
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Unszlicht, called for the foundation of "a special disinformation office to conduct active<br />
intelligence operations". The GPU was the first organization in the Soviet Union to utilize<br />
the term disinformation for their intelligence tactics. William Safire wrote in his 1993<br />
book Quoth the Maven that disinformation was used by the KGB predecessor to<br />
indicate: "manipulation of a nation's intelligence system through the injection of credible,<br />
but misleading data". From this point on, disinformation became a tactic used in the<br />
Soviet political warfare called active measures. Active measures were a crucial part of<br />
Soviet intelligence strategy involving forgery as covert operation, subversion, and media<br />
manipulation. The 2003 encyclopedia Propaganda and Mass Persuasion states<br />
that disinformation came from dezinformatsia, a term used by the Russian black<br />
propaganda unit known as Service A which referred to active measures. The term was<br />
used in 1939, related to a "German Disinformation Service". The 1991 edition of The<br />
Merriam-Webster New Book of Word Histories defines disinformation as a probable<br />
translation of the Russian dezinformatsiya. This dictionary notes that it was possible the<br />
English version of the word and the Russian language version developed independently<br />
in parallel to each other—out of ongoing frustration related to the spread of propaganda<br />
before World War II.<br />
Former Romanian secret policesenior official Ion Mihai<br />
Pacepaexposed disinformation history in his<br />
book Disinformation (2013).<br />
Ion Mihai Pacepa, former senior official from<br />
the Romanian secret police, said the word was coined<br />
by Joseph Stalin and used during World War<br />
II. The Stalinist government then utilized disinformation<br />
tactics in both World War II and the Cold War. Soviet<br />
intelligence used the term maskirovka (Russian military<br />
deception) to refer to a combination of tactics including<br />
disinformation, simulation, camouflage, and<br />
concealment. Pacepa and Ronald J. Rychlak authored<br />
a book titled Disinformation, in which Pacepa wrote that Stalin gave the tactic a Frenchsounding<br />
title in order to put forth the ruse that it was actually a technique used by<br />
the Western world. Pacepa recounted reading Soviet instruction manuals while working<br />
as an intelligence officer, that characterized disinformation as a strategy utilized by<br />
the Russian government that had early origins in Russian history. Pacepa recalled that<br />
the Soviet manuals said the origins of disinformation stemmed from phony towns<br />
constructed by Grigory Potyomkin in Crimea to wow Catherine the Great during her<br />
1783 journey to the region—subsequently referred to as Potemkin villages.<br />
In their book Propaganda and Persuasion, authors Garth Jowett and Victoria O'Donnell<br />
characterized disinformation as a cognate from dezinformatsia, and was developed<br />
from the same name given to a KGB black propaganda department. The black<br />
propaganda division was reported to have formed in 1955 and was referred to as the<br />
Dezinformatsiya agency. Former Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) director William<br />
Colby explained how the Dezinformatsiya agency operated, saying that it would place a<br />
false article in a left-leaning newspaper. The fraudulent tale would make its way to a<br />
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Communist periodical, before eventually being published by a Soviet newspaper, which<br />
would say its sources were undisclosed individuals. By this process a falsehood was<br />
globally proliferated as a legitimate piece of reporting.<br />
According to Oxford Dictionaries the English word disinformation, as translated from the<br />
Russian disinformatsiya, began to see use in the 1950s. The term disinformation began<br />
to see wider use as a form of Soviet tradecraft, defined in the 1952 official Great Soviet<br />
Encyclopedia as "the dissemination (in the press, radio, etc.) of false information with<br />
the intention to deceive public opinion." During the most-active period of the Cold War,<br />
from 1945 to 1989, the tactic was used by multiple intelligence agencies including the<br />
Soviet KGB, British Secret Intelligence Service, and the American CIA. The<br />
word disinformation saw increased usage in the 1960s and wider purveyance by the<br />
1980s. Former Soviet bloc intelligence officer Ladislav Bittman, the first disinformation<br />
practitioner to publicly defect to the West, described the official definition as different<br />
from the practice: "The interpretation is slightly distorted because public opinion is only<br />
one of the potential targets. Many disinformation games are designed only to<br />
manipulate the decision-making elite, and receive no publicity." Bittman was deputy<br />
chief of the Disinformation Department of the Czechoslovak Intelligence Service, and<br />
testified before the United States Congress on his knowledge of disinformation in 1980.<br />
Disinformation may include distribution of forged documents, manuscripts, and<br />
photographs, or spreading dangerous rumours and fabricated intelligence. A major<br />
disinformation effort in 1964, Operation Neptune, was designed by<br />
the Czechoslovak secret service, the StB, to defame West European politicians as<br />
former Nazi collaborators.<br />
Defections Reveal Covert Operations<br />
The extent of Soviet disinformation covert operation campaigns, came to light through<br />
the defections of KGB officers and officers of allied Soviet bloc services from the late<br />
1960s through the 1980s. Disorder during the fall of the Soviet Union revealed archival<br />
and other documentary information to confirm what the defectors had<br />
revealed. Stanislav Levchenko and Ilya Dzerkvilov defected from the Soviet Union and<br />
by 1990 each had written books recounting their work in the KGB on disinformation<br />
operations.<br />
In 1961, a pamphlet was published in the United Kingdom titled: A Study of a Master<br />
Spy (Allen Dulles), which was highly critical of then-Director of Central Intelligence Allen<br />
Dulles. The purported authors were given as Independent Labour Party Member of<br />
Parliament Bob Edwards and reporter Kenneth Dunne—when in actual fact the author<br />
was senior disinformation officer KGB Colonel Vassily Sitnikov.<br />
An example of successful Soviet disinformation was the publication in 1968 of Who's<br />
Who in the CIA which was quoted as authoritative in the West until the early 1990s.<br />
According to senior SVR officer Sergei Tretyakov, the KGB was responsible for creating<br />
the entire nuclear winter story to stop the deployment of Pershing II missiles. Tretyakov<br />
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says that from 1979 the KGB wanted to prevent the United States from deploying the<br />
missiles in Western Europe and that, directed by Yuri Andropov, they distributed<br />
disinformation, based on a faked "doomsday report" by the Soviet Academy of<br />
Sciences about the effect of nuclear war on climate, to peace groups, the environmental<br />
movement and the journal AMBIO: A Journal of the Human Environment.<br />
Deception, Disinformation, and Strategic Communications, cover<br />
illustrating propaganda from Operation INFEKTION<br />
During the 1970s, the U.S. intelligence apparatus paid<br />
little attention to try to counter Soviet disinformation<br />
campaigns. This posture changed in September 1980<br />
during the Carter Administration, when the White<br />
House was subjected to a propaganda operation by<br />
Soviet intelligence regarding international relations<br />
between the U.S. and South Africa. On 17 September<br />
1980, White House Press Secretary Jody<br />
Powellacknowledged a falsified Presidential Review<br />
Memorandum on Africa reportedly stated the U.S.<br />
endorsed the apartheid government in South Africa<br />
and was actively committed to discrimination against<br />
African Americans. Prior to this revelation by Powell,<br />
an advance copy of the 18 September 1980 issue of San Francisco-based publication<br />
the Sun Reporter was disseminated, which carried the fake claims.Sun Reporter was<br />
published by Carlton Benjamin Goodlett, Presidential Committee member of the<br />
Soviet front group the World Peace Council.[8] U.S. President Jimmy Carter was<br />
appalled at these lies and subsequently the Carter Administration displayed increased<br />
interest in CIA efforts to counter Soviet disinformation.<br />
In 1982, the CIA issued a report on active measures used by Soviet intelligence. The<br />
report documented numerous instances of disinformation campaigns against the U.S.,<br />
including planting a notion that the U.S. had organized the 1979 Grand Mosque seizure,<br />
and forgery of documents purporting to show the U.S. would utilize nuclear bombs on<br />
its NATO allies.<br />
Operation INFEKTION was an elaborate disinformation campaign which began in 1985,<br />
to influence world opinion to believe that the United States had invented AIDS. This<br />
included the allegation that the purpose was the creation of an 'ethnic bomb' to destroy<br />
non-whites. In 1992, the head of Russian foreign intelligence, Yevgeny Primakov,<br />
admitted the existence of the Operation INFEKTION disinformation campaign.<br />
In 1985, Aldrich Ames gave the KGB a significant amount of information on CIA agents,<br />
and the Soviet government swiftly moved to arrest these individuals. Soviet intelligence<br />
feared this rapid action would alert the CIA that Ames was a spy. In order to reduce the<br />
chances the CIA would discover Ames's duplicity, the KGB manufactured disinformation<br />
as to the reasoning behind the arrests of U.S. intelligence agents. During summer 1985,<br />
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a KGB officer who was a double agent working for the CIA on a mission in Africa<br />
traveled to a dead drop in Moscow on his way home but never reported in.<br />
The CIA heard from a European KGB source that their agent was<br />
arrested. Simultaneously the FBI and CIA learned from a second KGB source of their<br />
agent's arrest. Only after Ames had been outed as a spy for the KGB did it become<br />
apparent that the KGB had known all along that both of these agents were double<br />
agents for the U.S. government, and had played them as pawns to send disinformation<br />
to the CIA in order to protect Ames.<br />
Post Soviet-Era Russian Disinformation<br />
In the post-Soviet era, disinformation evolved to become a key tactic in the military<br />
doctrine of Russia.<br />
The European Union and NATO saw Russian disinformation in the early 21st century as<br />
such a problem that they both set up special units to analyze and debunk fabricated<br />
falsehoods.<br />
NATO founded a modest facility in Latvia to respond to disinformation and, following<br />
agreement by heads of state and governments in March 2015 the EU created<br />
the European External Action Service East Stratcom Task Force, which publishes<br />
weekly reports in its website "EU vs Disinfo".<br />
The website and its partners identified and debunked over 3,500 pro-Kremlin<br />
disinformation cases between September 2015 and November 2017.<br />
Methods used by Russia during this period included its Kremlin-controlled mouthpieces:<br />
news agency Sputnik News and television outlet Russia Today (RT). When explaining<br />
the 2016 annual report of the Swedish Security Service on disinformation,<br />
representative Wilhelm Unge stated: "We mean everything from Internet trolls to<br />
propaganda and misinformation spread by media companies like RT and Sputnik."<br />
Later in the 21st century, as social media gained prominence, Russia began to use<br />
popular platforms such as Facebook and Twitter to spread disinformation. Facebook<br />
believes that as many as 126 million users have seen content from Russian<br />
disinformation campaigns on its platform.<br />
Twitter has said that it has found 36,000 Russian bots spreading tweets related to the<br />
2016 American election. Elsewhere, Russia has used social media to destabilize former<br />
soviet states such as Ukraine and other western nations such as France and Spain.<br />
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English Language Spread<br />
How Disinformation Can Be Spread, explanation<br />
by U.S. Defense Department (2001)<br />
The United States Intelligence<br />
Community appropriated usage of the<br />
term disinformation in the 1950s from the<br />
Russian dezinformatsiya, and began to utilize<br />
similar strategies during the Cold War and in<br />
conflict with other nations. The New York<br />
Times reported in 2000 that during the CIA's effort<br />
to substitute Mohammed Reza Pahlavi for then-Prime Minister of Iran Mohammad<br />
Mossadegh, the CIA placed fictitious stories in the local<br />
newspaper. Reuters documented how, subsequent to the 1979 Soviet Union invasion of<br />
Afghanistan during the Soviet–Afghan War, the CIA put false articles in newspapers of<br />
Islamic-majority countries, inaccurately stating that Soviet embassies had "invasion day<br />
celebrations".[6] Reuters noted a former U.S. intelligence officer said they would attempt<br />
to gain the confidence of reporters and use them as secret agents, to impact a nation's<br />
politics by way of their local media.<br />
In October 1986, the term gained increased currency in the U.S. when it was revealed<br />
that two months previously, the Reagan Administration had engaged in a disinformation<br />
campaign against then-leader of Libya, Muammar Gaddafi. White<br />
Houserepresentative Larry Speakes said reports of a planned attack on Libya as first<br />
broken by The Wall Street Journal on August 25, 1986 were "authoritative", and other<br />
newspapers including The Washington Post then wrote articles saying this was<br />
factual. United States Department of State representative Bernard Kalb resigned from<br />
his position in protest over the disinformation campaign, and said: "Faith in the word of<br />
America is the pulse beat of our democracy."<br />
The executive branch of the Reagan Administration kept watch on disinformation<br />
campaigns through three yearly publications by the Department of State: Active<br />
Measures: A Report on the Substance and Process of Anti-U.S. Disinformation and<br />
Propaganda Campaigns (1986); Report on Active Measures and Propaganda, 1986–<br />
87 (1987); and Report on Active Measures and Propaganda, 1987–88 (1989).<br />
Disinformation first made an appearance in dictionaries in 1985, specifically Webster's<br />
New College Dictionary and the American Heritage Dictionary in 1985. In 1986, the<br />
term disinformation was not defined in Webster's New World Thesaurus or New<br />
Encyclopædia Britannica. After the Soviet term became widely known in the 1980s,<br />
native speakers of English broadened the term as "any government communication<br />
(either overt or covert) containing intentionally false and misleading material, often<br />
combined selectively with true information, which seeks to mislead<br />
and manipulate either elites or a mass audience."<br />
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By 1990, use of the term disinformation had fully established itself in the English<br />
language within the lexicon of politics. By 2001, the term disinformation had come to be<br />
known as simply a more civil phrase for saying someone was spouting lies. Stanley B.<br />
Cunningham wrote in his 2002 book The Idea of Propaganda that disinformation had<br />
become pervasively utilized as a synonym for propaganda.<br />
Analysis<br />
The authors of a 2006 book about psychopathy in the workplace, Snakes in<br />
Suits describe a five-phase model of how a typical workplace psychopath climbs to and<br />
maintains power. In phase three, manipulation, the psychopath will create a scenario of<br />
"psychopathic fiction"—where positive information about themselves and negative<br />
disinformation about others will be created, casting others in roles as a part of a network<br />
of pawns or patrons to be utilized and groomed into accepting the psychopath's agenda.<br />
In a contribution to the 2014 book Military Ethics and Emerging Technologies, writers<br />
David Danks and Joseph H. Danks discuss the ethical implications in using<br />
disinformation as a tactic during information warfare. They note there has been a<br />
significant degree of philosophical debate over the issue as related to the ethics of<br />
war and use of the technique. The writers describe a position whereby use of<br />
disinformation is occasionally allowed, but not in all situations. Typically the ethical test<br />
to consider is whether the disinformation was performed out of a motivation of good<br />
faith and acceptable according to the rules of war. By this test, the tactic during World<br />
War II of putting fake inflatable tanks in visible locations on the Pacific Islands in order<br />
to falsely present the impression that there were larger military forces present would be<br />
considered as ethically permissible. Conversely, disguising a munitions plant as a<br />
healthcare facility in order to avoid attack would be outside the bounds of acceptable<br />
use of disinformation during war.<br />
Pope Francis criticized disinformation in a 2016 interview, after being made the subject<br />
of a fake news website—during the 2016 U.S. election cycle he was falsely said to<br />
support Donald Trump. He said the worst thing the news media could do was spread<br />
disinformation, that it was a sin, comparing those who spread disinformation to<br />
individuals who engage in coprophilia.<br />
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IX. Manufacturing Consent<br />
and Media Bias<br />
Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media is a 1988 book<br />
by Edward S. Herman (1925-2017) and Noam Chomsky, in which the authors propose<br />
that the mass communication media of the U.S. "are effective and powerful ideological<br />
institutions that carry out a system-supportive propaganda function, by reliance on<br />
market forces, internalized assumptions, and self-censorship, and without overt<br />
coercion", by means of the propaganda model of communication. The title derives from<br />
the phrase "the manufacture of consent," employed in the book Public Opinion (1922),<br />
by Walter Lippmann (1889–1974).<br />
The book was revised 20 years after its first publication to take account of<br />
developments such as the fall of the Soviet Union. There has been debate about how<br />
the Internet has changed the public’s access to information since 1988.<br />
Origins of The Book<br />
Chomsky credits the origin of the book to the impetus of Alex Carey, the<br />
Australian social psychologist, to whom he and co-author E. S. Herman dedicated the<br />
book.<br />
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Five Filters of Editorial Bias<br />
Propaganda Model of Communication<br />
The propaganda model for the manufacture of public consent describes five editorially<br />
distorting filters, which are applied to the reporting of news in mass communications<br />
media:<br />
Size, Ownership, and Profit Orientation: The dominant mass-media outlets are large<br />
companies operated for profit, and therefore they must cater to the financial interests of<br />
the owners, who are usually corporations and controlling investors. The size of a media<br />
company is a consequence of the investment capital required for the masscommunications<br />
technology required to reach a mass audience of viewers, listeners,<br />
and readers.<br />
The Advertising License to Do Business: Since the majority of the revenue of major<br />
media outlets derives from advertising(not from sales or subscriptions), advertisers have<br />
acquired a "de facto licensing authority". Media outlets are not commercially viable<br />
without the support of advertisers. News media must therefore cater to the political<br />
prejudices and economic desires of their advertisers. This has weakened the working<br />
class press, for example, and also helps explain the attrition in the number of<br />
newspapers.<br />
Sourcing Mass Media News: Herman and Chomsky argue that “the large bureaucracies<br />
of the powerful subsidize the mass media, and gain special access [to the news], by<br />
their contribution to reducing the media’s costs of acquiring and producing, news. The<br />
large entities that provide this subsidy become 'routine' news sources and have<br />
privileged access to the gates. Non-routine sources must struggle for access, and may<br />
be ignored by the arbitrary decision of the gatekeepers.” Editorial distortion is<br />
aggravated by the news media’s dependence upon private and governmental news<br />
sources. If a given newspaper, television station, magazine, etc., incurs disfavor from<br />
the sources, it is subtly excluded from access to information. Consequently, it loses<br />
readers or viewers, and ultimately, advertisers. To minimize such financial danger, news<br />
media businesses editorially distort their reporting to favor government and corporate<br />
policies in order to stay in business.<br />
Flak and the Enforcers: "Flak" refers to negative responses to a media statement or<br />
program (e.g. letters, complaints, lawsuits, or legislative actions). Flak can be expensive<br />
to the media, either due to loss of advertising revenue, or due to the costs of legal<br />
defense or defense of the media outlet's public image. Flak can be organized by<br />
powerful, private influence groups (e.g. think tanks). The prospect of eliciting flak can be<br />
a deterrent to the reporting of certain kinds of facts or opinions.<br />
Anti-Communism: This was included as a filter in the original 1988 edition of the book,<br />
but Chomsky argues that since the end of the Cold War (1945–91) anticommunismwas<br />
replaced by the "War on Terror" as the major social control mechanism.<br />
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Authorship<br />
According to Chomsky, "most of the book" was Herman's work. Herman describes a<br />
rough division of labor in preparing the book whereby he was responsible for the<br />
preface and chapters 1-4 while Chomsky was responsible for chapters 5-7. According to<br />
Herman, the propaganda model described in the book was originally his idea, tracing it<br />
back to his 1981 book Corporate Control, Corporate Power. The main elements of the<br />
propaganda model (though not so called at the time) were discussed briefly in volume 1<br />
chapter 2 of Herman and Chomksy's 1979 book The Political Economy of Human<br />
Rights, where they argued, "Especially where the issues involve substantial U.S.<br />
economic and political interests and relationships with friendly or hostile states, the<br />
mass media usually function much in the manner of state propaganda agencies."<br />
Further Developments<br />
In 1993, the documentary film Manufacturing Consent: Noam Chomsky and the<br />
Media (1992), directed by Mark Achbar and Peter Wintonick, partly based upon the<br />
book, presents the propaganda model and its arguments, and a biography of Chomsky.<br />
In 2006, the Turkish government prosecuted Fatih Tas, owner of the Aram editorial<br />
house, two editors and the translator of the revised (2001) edition of Manufacturing<br />
Consent for "stirring hatred among the public" (per Article 216 of the Turkish Penal<br />
Code) and for "denigrating the national identity" of Turkey (per Article 301), because<br />
that edition’s introduction addresses the Turkish news media’s reportage of<br />
governmental suppression of the Kurdish populace in the 1990s; they were acquitted.<br />
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In 2007, at the 20 Years of Propaganda?: Critical Discussions & Evidence on the<br />
Ongoing Relevance of the Herman & Chomsky Propaganda Model (15–17 May 2007)<br />
conference at the University of Windsor, Ontario, Herman and Chomsky summarized<br />
developments to the propaganda model on the occasion of the twentieth anniversary of<br />
publication of Manufacturing Consent.<br />
In 2008, Chomsky replied to questions concerning the ways Internet blogs and selfgenerated<br />
news reportage conform to and differ from the propaganda model. He also<br />
explained how access to information is not enough, because a framework of<br />
understanding is required.<br />
Film Adaptation<br />
Four years after publication, Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass<br />
Media was adapted to the cinema as Manufacturing Consent: Noam Chomsky and the<br />
Media (1992), a documentary presentation of the propaganda-model of communication,<br />
the politics of the mass-communications business, and a biography of Chomsky.<br />
________<br />
Media Bias<br />
Media bias is the bias or perceived bias of journalists and news producers within<br />
the mass media in the selection of events and stories that are reported and how they<br />
are covered. The term "media bias" implies a pervasive or widespread bias<br />
contravening the standards of journalism, rather than the perspective of an individual<br />
journalist or article. The direction and degree of media bias in various countries is widely<br />
disputed.<br />
Practical limitations to media neutrality include the inability of journalists to report all<br />
available stories and facts, and the requirement that selected facts be linked into a<br />
coherent narrative. Government influence, including overt and covert censorship, biases<br />
the media in some countries, for example China, North Korea and Myanmar. Market<br />
forces that result in a biased presentation include the ownership of the news<br />
source, concentration of media ownership, the selection of staff, the preferences of an<br />
intended audience, and pressure from advertisers.<br />
There are a number of national and international watchdog groups that report on bias in<br />
the media.<br />
Types<br />
The most commonly discussed forms of bias occur when the (allegedly partisan) media<br />
support or attack a particular political party,candidate, or ideology.<br />
D'Alessio and Allen list three forms of media bias as the most widely studied:<br />
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• Coverage Bias (also known as visibility bias), when actors or issues are more or<br />
less visible in the news.<br />
• Gatekeeping Bias (also known as selectivity or selection bias), when stories are<br />
selected or deselected, sometimes on ideological grounds (see spike). It is<br />
sometimes also referred to as agenda bias, when the focus is on political actors and<br />
whether they are covered based on their preferred policy issues.<br />
• Statement Bias (also known as tonality bias or presentation bias), when media<br />
coverage is slanted towards or against particular actors or issues.<br />
Other common forms of political and non-political media bias include:<br />
• Advertising Bias, when stories are selected or slanted to please advertisers.<br />
• Concision Bias, a tendency to report views that can be summarized succinctly,<br />
crowding out more unconventional views that take time to explain.<br />
• Corporate Bias, when stories are selected or slanted to please corporate owners of<br />
media.<br />
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• Mainstream Bias, a tendency to report what everyone else is reporting, and to<br />
avoid stories that will offend anyone.<br />
• Political Party Bias, a tendency to report to serve particular political party leaning.<br />
• Sensationalism, bias in favor of the exceptional over the ordinary, giving the<br />
impression that rare events, such as airplane crashes, are more common than<br />
common events, such as automobile crashes.<br />
• Structural Bias, when an actor or issue receives more or less favorable coverage<br />
as a result of newsworthiness and media routines, not as the result of ideological<br />
decisions[10](e.g., incumbency bonus).<br />
• False Balance, when an issue is presented as even sided, despite disproportionate<br />
amounts of evidence.<br />
• Undue Weight, when a story is given much greater significance or portent than a<br />
neutral journalist or editor would give.<br />
• Speculative Content, when stories focus not on what has occurred, but primarily<br />
on what might occur, using words like "could," "might," or "what if," without labeling<br />
the article as analysis or opinion.<br />
• False Timeliness, implying that an event is a new event, and thus deriving<br />
notability, without addressing past events of the same kind.<br />
• Ventriloquism, when experts or witnesses are quoted in a way that intentionally<br />
voices the author's own opinion.<br />
Other forms of bias include reporting that favors or attacks a particular race, religion,<br />
gender, age, sexual orientation, ethnic group, or even person.<br />
United States Political Bias<br />
Media bias in the United States occurs when the media in the United<br />
States systematically emphasizes one particular point of view in a manner that<br />
contravenes the standards of professional journalism. Claims of media bias in<br />
the United States include claims of liberal bias, conservative bias, mainstream bias,<br />
and corporate bias and activist/cause bias. To combat this, a variety of watchdog<br />
groups that attempt to find the facts behind both biased reporting and unfounded claims<br />
of bias have been founded. These include:<br />
• Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting (FAIR), which has been described as<br />
both progressive and leaning left.<br />
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• Media Research Center (MRC), a conservative group, with the stated mission of<br />
which is to "prove—through sound scientific research—that liberal bias in the media<br />
does exist and undermines traditional American values."<br />
• Research about media bias is now a subject of systematic scholarship in a variety of<br />
disciplines.<br />
Scholarly Treatment In The United States And United Kingdom<br />
Media bias is studied at schools of journalism, university departments (including Media<br />
studies, Cultural studies and Peace studies) and by independent watchdog groups from<br />
various parts of the political spectrum. In the United States, many of these studies focus<br />
on issues of a conservative/liberal balance in the media. Other focuses include<br />
international differences in reporting, as well as bias in reporting of particular issues<br />
such as economic class or environmental interests. Currently, most of these analyses<br />
are performed manually, requiring exacting and time-consuming effort. However, an<br />
interdisciplinary literature review from 2018 found that automated methods, mostly from<br />
computer science and computational linguistics, are available or could with comparably<br />
low effort be adapted for the analysis of the various forms of media bias. Employing or<br />
adapting such techniques would help to further automate the analyses in the social<br />
sciences, such as content analysis and frame analysis.<br />
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Martin Harrison's TV News: Whose Bias? (1985) criticized the methodology of the<br />
Glasgow Media Group, arguing that the GMG identified bias selectively, via their own<br />
preconceptions about what phrases qualify as biased descriptions. For example, the<br />
GMG sees the word "idle" to describe striking workers as pejorative, despite the word<br />
being used by strikers themselves.<br />
Herman and Chomsky (1988) proposed a propaganda model hypothesizing systematic<br />
biases of U.S. media from structural economic causes. They hypothesize media<br />
ownership by corporations, funding from advertising, the use of official sources, efforts<br />
to discredit independent media ("flak"), and "anti-communist" ideology as the filters that<br />
bias news in favor of U.S. corporate interests.<br />
Many of the positions in the preceding study are supported by a 2002 study by Jim A.<br />
Kuypers: Press Bias and Politics: How the Media Frame Controversial Issues. In this<br />
study of 116 mainstream US papers (including The New York Times, the Washington<br />
Post, Los Angeles Times, and the San Francisco Chronicle), Kuypers found that the<br />
mainstream print press in America operate within a narrow range of liberal beliefs.<br />
Those who expressed points of view further to the left were generally ignored, whereas<br />
those who expressed moderate or conservative points of view were often actively<br />
denigrated or labeled as holding a minority point of view. In short, if a political leader,<br />
regardless of party, spoke within the press-supported range of acceptable discourse, he<br />
or she would receive positive press coverage. If a politician, again regardless of party,<br />
were to speak outside of this range, he or she would receive negative press or be<br />
ignored. Kuypers also found that the liberal points of view expressed in editorial and<br />
opinion pages were found in hard news coverage of the same issues. Although focusing<br />
primarily on the issues of race and homosexuality, Kuypers found that the press injected<br />
opinion into its news coverage of other issues such as welfare reform, environmental<br />
protection, and gun control; in all cases favoring a liberal point of view.<br />
Studies reporting perceptions of bias in the media are not limited to studies of print<br />
media. A joint study by the Joan Shorenstein Center on Press, Politics and Public Policy<br />
at Harvard University and the Project for Excellence in Journalism found that people see<br />
media bias in television news media such as CNN. Although both CNN and Fox were<br />
perceived in the study as not being centrist, CNN was perceived as being more liberal<br />
than Fox. Moreover, the study's findings concerning CNN's perceived bias are echoed<br />
in other studies. There is also a growing economics literature on mass media bias, both<br />
on the theoretical and the empirical side. On the theoretical side the focus is on<br />
understanding to what extent the political positioning of mass media outlets is mainly<br />
driven by demand or supply factors. This literature is surveyed by Andrea Prat of<br />
Columbia University and David Stromberg of Stockholm University.<br />
According to Dan Sutter of the University of Oklahoma, a systematic liberal bias in the<br />
U.S. media could depend on the fact that owners and/or journalists typically lean to the<br />
left.<br />
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Along the same lines, David Baron of Stanford GSB presents a game-theoretic model of<br />
mass media behaviour in which, given that the pool of journalists systematically leans<br />
towards the left or the right, mass media outlets maximize their profits by providing<br />
content that is biased in the same direction. They can do so, because it is cheaper to<br />
hire journalists who write stories that are consistent with their political position. A<br />
concurrent theory would be that supply and demand would cause media to attain a<br />
neutral balance because consumers would of course gravitate towards the media they<br />
agreed with. This argument fails in considering the imbalance in self-reported political<br />
allegiances by journalists themselves, that distort any market analogy as regards offer:<br />
(..) Indeed, in 1982, 85 percent of Columbia Graduate School of Journalism students<br />
identified themselves as liberal, versus 11 percent conservative" (Lichter, Rothman, and<br />
Lichter 1986: 48), quoted in Sutter, 2001.<br />
This same argument would have news outlets in equal numbers increasing profits of a<br />
more balanced media far more than the slight increase in costs to hire unbiased<br />
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journalists, notwithstanding the extreme rarity of self-reported conservative journalists<br />
(Sutton, 2001).<br />
As mentioned above, Tim Groseclose of UCLA and Jeff Milyo of the University of<br />
Missouri at Columbia use think tank quotes, in order to estimate the relative position of<br />
mass media outlets in the political spectrum. The idea is to trace out which think tanks<br />
are quoted by various mass media outlets within news stories, and to match these think<br />
tanks with the political position of members of the U.S. Congress who quote them in a<br />
non-negative way. Using this procedure, Groseclose and Milyo obtain the stark result<br />
that all sampled news providers -except Fox News' Special Report and the Washington<br />
Times- are located to the left of the average Congress member, i.e. there are signs of a<br />
liberal bias in the US news media. However, the news media also show a remarkable<br />
degree of centrism, just because all outlets but one are located –from an ideological<br />
point of view- between the average Democrat and average Republican in Congress.<br />
The methods Groseclose and Milyo used to calculate this bias have been criticized<br />
by Mark Liberman, a professor of Linguistics at the University of<br />
Pennsylvania. Liberman concludes by saying he thinks "that many if not most of the<br />
complaints directed against G&M are motivated in part by ideological disagreement –<br />
just as much of the praise for their work is motivated by ideological agreement. It would<br />
be nice if there were a less politically fraught body of data on which such modeling<br />
exercises could be explored."<br />
Sendhil Mullainathan and Andrei Shleifer of Harvard University construct a behavioural<br />
model, which is built around the assumption that readers and viewers hold beliefs that<br />
they would like to see confirmed by news providers. When news customers share<br />
common beliefs, profit-maximizing media outlets find it optimal to select and/or frame<br />
stories in order to pander to those beliefs. On the other hand, when beliefs are<br />
heterogeneous, news providers differentiate their offer and segment the market, by<br />
providing news stories that are slanted towards the two extreme positions in the<br />
spectrum of beliefs.<br />
Matthew Gentzkow and Jesse Shapiro of Chicago GSB present another demand-driven<br />
theory of mass media bias. If readers and viewers have a priori views on the current<br />
state of affairs and are uncertain about the quality of the information about it being<br />
provided by media outlets, then the latter have an incentive to slant stories towards their<br />
customers' prior beliefs, in order to build and keep a reputation for high-quality<br />
journalism. The reason for this is that rational agents would tend to believe that pieces<br />
of information that go against their prior beliefs in fact originate from low-quality news<br />
providers.<br />
Given that different groups in society have different beliefs, priorities, and interests, to<br />
which group would the media tailor its bias? David Stromberg constructs a demanddriven<br />
model where media bias arises because different audiences have different<br />
effects on media profits. Advertisers pay more for affluent audiences and media may<br />
tailor content to attract this audience, perhaps producing a right-wing bias. On the other<br />
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hand, urban audiences are more profitable to newspapers because of lower delivery<br />
costs. Newspapers may for this reason tailor their content to attract the profitable<br />
predominantly liberal urban audiences. Finally, because of the increasing returns to<br />
scale in news production, small groups such as minorities are less profitable. This<br />
biases media content against the interest of minorities.<br />
Jimmy Chan of Shanghai University and Wing Suen of the University of Hong<br />
Kong develop a model where media bias arises because the media cannot tell "the<br />
whole truth" but are restricted to simple messages, such as political endorsements. In<br />
this setting, media bias arises because biased media are more informative; people with<br />
a certain political bias prefer media with a similar bias because they can more trust their<br />
advice on what actions to take.<br />
The economics empirical literature on mass media bias mainly focuses on the United<br />
States.<br />
Steve Ansolabehere, Rebecca Lessem and Jim Snyder of the Massachusetts Institute<br />
of Technology analyze the political orientation of endorsements by U.S.<br />
newspapers. They find an upward trend in the average propensity to endorse a<br />
candidate, and in particular an incumbent one. There are also some changes in the<br />
average ideological slant of endorsements: while in the 1940s and in the 1950s there<br />
was a clear advantage to Republican candidates, this advantage continuously eroded in<br />
subsequent decades, to the extent that in the 1990s the authors find a slight Democratic<br />
lead in the average endorsement choice.<br />
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John Lott and Kevin Hassett of the American Enterprise Institute study the coverage of<br />
economic news by looking at a panel of 389 U.S. newspapers from 1991 to 2004, and<br />
from 1985 to 2004 for a subsample comprising the top 10 newspapers and the<br />
Associated Press. For each release of official data about a set of economic indicators,<br />
the authors analyze how newspapers decide to report on them, as reflected by the tone<br />
of the related headlines. The idea is to check whether newspapers display some kind of<br />
partisan bias, by giving more positive or negative coverage to the same economic<br />
figure, as a function of the political affiliation of the incumbent president. Controlling for<br />
the economic data being released, the authors find that there are between 9.6 and 14.7<br />
percent fewer positive stories when the incumbent president is a Republican.<br />
Riccardo Puglisi of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology looks at the editorial<br />
choices of the New York Times from 1946 to 1997. He finds that the Times displays<br />
Democratic partisanship, with some watchdog aspects. This is the case, because during<br />
presidential campaigns the Times systematically gives more coverage to Democratic<br />
topics of civil rights, health care, labor and social welfare, but only when<br />
the incumbent president is a Republican. These topics are classified as Democratic<br />
ones, because Gallup polls show that on average U.S. citizens think that Democratic<br />
candidates would be better at handling problems related to them. According to Puglisi,<br />
in the post-1960 period the Times displays a more symmetric type of watchdog<br />
behaviour, just because during presidential campaigns it also gives more coverage to<br />
the typically Republican issue of Defense when the incumbent president is a Democrat,<br />
and less so when the incumbent is a Republican.<br />
Alan Gerber and Dean Karlan of Yale University use an experimental approach to<br />
examine not whether the media are biased, but whether the media influence political<br />
decisions and attitudes. They conduct a randomized control trial just prior to the<br />
November 2005 gubernatorial election in Virginia and randomly assign individuals in<br />
Northern Virginia to (a) a treatment group that receives a free subscription to<br />
the Washington Post, (b) a treatment group that receives a free subscription to<br />
the Washington Times, or (c) a control group. They find that those who are assigned to<br />
the Washington Post treatment group are eight percentage points more likely to vote for<br />
the Democrat in the elections. The report also found that "exposure to either newspaper<br />
was weakly linked to a movement away from the Bush administration and Republicans."<br />
Another unaffiliated group, Media Study Group, established seven categories of poor<br />
journalistic practice: for example, the journalist stating personal opinion in a report,<br />
asserting incorrect facts, applying unequal space or treatment to two sides of a<br />
controversial issue; then analyzed The Age Newspaper (Melbourne Australia) for the<br />
frequency of infraction of this code of practice. The resultant instances were then<br />
analyzed statistically with respect to the frequency they supported one or other side of<br />
the two-sided controversial issue under consideration. The goal of this group was to<br />
establish a quantitative methodology for the study of bias.<br />
A self-described "progressive" media watchdog group, Fairness and Accuracy in<br />
Reporting (FAIR), in consultation with the Survey and Evaluation Research Laboratory<br />
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at Virginia Commonwealth University, sponsored a 1998 survey in which 141<br />
Washington bureau chiefs and Washington-based journalists were asked a range of<br />
questions about how they did their work and about how they viewed the quality of media<br />
coverage in the broad area of politics and economic policy. "They were asked for their<br />
opinions and views about a range of recent policy issues and debates. Finally, they<br />
were asked for demographic and identifying information, including their political<br />
orientation". They then compared to the same or similar questions posed with "the<br />
public" based on Gallup, and Pew Trust polls. Their study concluded that a majority of<br />
journalists, although relatively liberal on social policies, were significantly to the right of<br />
the public on economic, labor, health care and foreign policy issues.<br />
This study continues: "we learn much more about the political orientation of news<br />
content by looking at sourcing patterns rather than journalists' personal views. As this<br />
survey shows, it is government officials and business representatives to whom<br />
journalists "nearly always" turn when covering economic policy. Labor representatives<br />
and consumer advocates were at the bottom of the list. This is consistent with earlier<br />
research on sources. For example, analysts from the non-partisan Brookings<br />
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Institution and from conservative think tanks such as the Heritage Foundation and the<br />
American Enterprise Institute are those most quoted in mainstream news accounts.<br />
In direct contrast to the FAIR survey, in 2014, media communication researcher Jim A.<br />
Kuypers published a 40-year longitudinal, aggregate study of the political beliefs and<br />
actions of American journalists. In every single category (for instance, social, economic,<br />
unions, health care, and foreign policy) he found that nationwide, print and broadcast<br />
journalists and editors as a group were "considerably" to the political left of the majority<br />
of Americans, and that these political beliefs found their way into news stories. Kuypers<br />
concluded, "Do the political proclivities of journalists influence their interpretation of the<br />
news? I answer that with a resounding, yes. As part of my evidence, I consider<br />
testimony from journalists themselves. ... [A] solid majority of journalists do allow their<br />
political ideology to influence their reporting."<br />
Jonathan M. Ladd, who has conducted intensive studies of media trust and media bias,<br />
concluded that the primary cause of belief in media bias is media telling their audience<br />
that particular media are biased. People who are told that a medium is biased tend to<br />
believe that it is biased, and this belief is unrelated to whether that medium is actually<br />
biased or not. The only other factor with as strong an influence on belief that media is<br />
biased is extensive coverage of celebrities. A majority of people see such media as<br />
biased, while at the same time preferring media with extensive coverage of celebrities.<br />
Confirmation Bias<br />
A major problem in studies is confirmation bias. Research into studies of media bias in<br />
the United States shows that liberal experimenters tend to get results that say the media<br />
has a conservative bias, while conservatives experimenters tend to get results that say<br />
the media has a liberal bias, and those who do not identify themselves as either liberal<br />
or conservative get results indicating little bias, or mixed bias.<br />
The study "A Measure of Media Bias" by political scientist Timothy J. Groseclose of<br />
UCLA and economist Jeffrey D. Milyo of the University of Missouri-Columbia, purports<br />
to rank news organizations in terms of identifying with liberal or conservative values<br />
relative to each other. They used the Americans for Democratic Action (ADA) scores as<br />
a quantitative proxy for political leanings of the referential organizations. Thus their<br />
definition of "liberal" includes the RAND Corporation, a nonprofit research organization<br />
with strong ties to the Defense Department. Their work claims to detect a bias towards<br />
liberalism in the American media.<br />
Efforts to Correct Bias<br />
A technique used to avoid bias is the "point/counterpoint" or "round table",<br />
an adversarial format in which representatives of opposing views comment on an issue.<br />
This approach theoretically allows diverse views to appear in the media. However, the<br />
person organizing the report still has the responsibility to choose people who really<br />
represent the breadth of opinion, to ask them non-prejudicial questions, and to edit or<br />
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arbitrate their comments fairly. When done carelessly, a point/counterpoint can be as<br />
unfair as a simple biased report, by suggesting that the "losing" side lost on its merits.<br />
Using this format can also lead to accusations that the reporter has created a<br />
misleading appearance that viewpoints have equal validity (sometimes called "false<br />
balance"). This may happen when a taboo exists around one of the viewpoints, or when<br />
one of the representatives habitually makes claims that are easily shown to be<br />
inaccurate.<br />
One such allegation of misleading balance came from Mark Halperin, political director<br />
of ABC News. He stated in an internal e-mail message that reporters should not<br />
"artificially hold George W. Bush and John Kerry 'equally' accountable" to the public<br />
interest, and that complaints from Bush supporters were an attempt to "get away with ...<br />
renewed efforts to win the election by destroying Senator Kerry." When the<br />
conservative web site the Drudge Report published this message, many Bush<br />
supporters[who?] viewed it as "smoking gun" evidence that Halperin was using ABC to<br />
propagandize against Bush to Kerry's benefit, by interfering with reporters' attempts to<br />
avoid bias. An academic content analysis of election news later found that coverage at<br />
ABC, CBS, and NBC was more favorable toward Kerry than Bush, while coverage<br />
at Fox News Channel was more favorable toward Bush.<br />
Scott Norvell, the London bureau chief for Fox News, stated in a May 20, 2005 interview<br />
with the Wall Street Journal that:<br />
"Even we at Fox News manage to get some lefties on the air occasionally, and often let<br />
them finish their sentences before we club them to death and feed the scraps to Karl<br />
Rove and Bill O'Reilly. And those who hate us can take solace in the fact that they<br />
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aren't subsidizing Bill's bombast; we payers of the BBC license fee don't enjoy that<br />
peace of mind.<br />
Fox News is, after all, a private channel and our presenters are quite open about where<br />
they stand on particular stories. That's our appeal. People watch us because they know<br />
what they are getting. The Beeb's (British Broadcasting Corporation) (BBC)<br />
institutionalized leftism would be easier to tolerate if the corporation was a little more<br />
honest about it".<br />
Another technique used to avoid bias is disclosure of affiliations that may be considered<br />
a possible conflict of interest. This is especially apparent when a news organization is<br />
reporting a story with some relevancy to the news organization itself or to its ownership<br />
individuals or conglomerate. Often this disclosure is mandated by the laws or<br />
regulations pertaining to stocks and securities. Commentators on news stories involving<br />
stocks are often required to disclose any ownership interest in those corporations or in<br />
its competitors.<br />
In rare cases, a news organization may dismiss or reassign staff members who appear<br />
biased. This approach was used in the Killian documents affair and after Peter Arnett's<br />
interview with the Iraqi press. This approach is presumed to have been employed in the<br />
case of Dan Rather over a story that he ran on 60 Minutes in the month prior to the<br />
2004 election that attempted to impugn the military record of George W. Bush by relying<br />
on allegedly fake documents that were provided by Bill Burkett, a retired Lieutenant<br />
Colonel in the Texas Army National Guard.<br />
Finally, some countries have laws enforcing balance in state-owned media. Since 1991,<br />
the CBC and Radio Canada, its French language counterpart, are governed by the<br />
Broadcasting Act. This act states, among other things:<br />
the programming provided by the Canadian broadcasting system should<br />
• (i) be varied and comprehensive, providing a balance of information, enlightenment<br />
and entertainment for men, women and children of all ages, interests and tastes,<br />
(...)<br />
• (iv) provide a reasonable opportunity for the public to be exposed to the<br />
expression of differing views on matters of public concern<br />
Besides these manual approaches, several (semi-)automated approaches have been<br />
developed by social scientists and computer scientists. These approaches identify<br />
differences in news coverage, which potentially resulted from media bias, by analyzing<br />
the text and meta data, such as author and publishing date. For instance, NewsCube is<br />
a news aggregator that extracts key phrases that describe a topic differently. Other<br />
approaches make use of text- and meta-data, e.g., matrix-based news aggregation<br />
spans a matrix over two dimensions, such as publisher countries (in which articles have<br />
been published) and mentioned countries (on which country an article reports).<br />
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As a result, each cell contains only articles that have been published in one country and<br />
that report on another country. Particularly in international news topics, matrix-based<br />
news aggregation helps to reveal differences in media coverage between the involved<br />
countries.<br />
History<br />
Political bias has been a feature of the mass media since its birth with the invention of<br />
the printing press. The expense of early printing equipment restricted media production<br />
to a limited number of people. Historians have found that publishers often served the<br />
interests of powerful social groups.<br />
John Milton's pamphlet Areopagitica, a Speech for the Liberty of Unlicensed Printing,<br />
published in 1644, was one of the first publications advocating freedom of the press.<br />
In the 19th century,<br />
journalists began to<br />
recognize the concept of<br />
unbiased reporting as an<br />
integral part of journalistic<br />
ethics. This coincided with<br />
the rise of journalism as a<br />
powerful social force. Even<br />
today, though, the most<br />
conscientiously<br />
objective journalists cannot<br />
avoid accusations of bias.<br />
Like newspapers, the<br />
broadcast media (radio and<br />
television) have been used as<br />
a<br />
mechanism<br />
for propaganda from their<br />
earliest days, a tendency<br />
made more pronounced by<br />
the initial ownership<br />
of broadcast spectrum by<br />
national governments. Although a process of media deregulation has placed the<br />
majority of the western broadcast media in private hands, there still exists a strong<br />
government presence, or even monopoly, in the broadcast media of many countries<br />
across the globe. At the same time, the concentration of media ownership in private<br />
hands, and frequently amongst a comparatively small number of individuals, has also<br />
led to accusations of media bias.<br />
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There are many examples of accusations of bias being used as a political tool,<br />
sometimes resulting in government censorship.<br />
In the United States, in 1798, Congress passed the Alien and Sedition Acts, which<br />
prohibited newspapers from publishing "false, scandalous, or malicious writing" against<br />
the government, including any public opposition to any law or presidential act. This act<br />
was in effect until 1801.<br />
During the American Civil War, President Abraham Lincoln accused newspapers in<br />
the border states of bias in favor of the Southern cause, and ordered many newspapers<br />
closed.<br />
Anti-Semitic politicians who favored the United States entering World War II on the Nazi<br />
side asserted that the international media were controlled by Jews, and that reports of<br />
German mistreatment of Jews were biased and without foundation. Hollywood was<br />
accused of Jewish bias, and films such as Charlie Chaplin’s The Great Dictator were<br />
offered as alleged proof.<br />
In the 1980s, the South African government accused newspapers of liberal bias and<br />
instituted government censorship. In 1989, the newspaper New Nation was closed by<br />
the government for three months for publishing anti-apartheid propaganda. Other<br />
newspapers were not closed, but were extensively censored.<br />
In the US during the labor union movement and the civil rights movement, newspapers<br />
supporting liberal social reform were accused by conservative newspapers of<br />
communist bias. Film and television media were accused of bias in favor of mixing of<br />
the races, and many television programs with racially mixed casts, such as I<br />
Spy and Star Trek, were not aired on Southern stations.<br />
During the war between the United States and North Vietnam, Vice President Spiro<br />
Agnew accused newspapers of anti-American bias, and in a famous speech delivered<br />
in San Diego in 1970, called anti-war protesters "the nattering nabobs of negativism."<br />
Not all accusations of bias are political. Science writer Martin Gardner has accused the<br />
entertainment media of anti-science bias. He claims that television programs such<br />
as The X-Files promote superstition. In contrast, the Competitive Enterprise Institute,<br />
which is funded by businesses, accuses the media of being biased in favor of science<br />
and against business interests, and of credulously reporting science that shows that<br />
greenhouse gasses cause global warming.<br />
Role of Language<br />
Mass media, despite its ability to project worldwide, is limited in its cross-ethnic<br />
compatibility by one simple attribute – language. Ethnicity, being largely developed by a<br />
divergence in geography, language, culture, genes and similarly, point of view, has the<br />
potential to be countered by a common source of information. Therefore, language, in<br />
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the absence of translation, comprises a barrier to a worldwide community of debate and<br />
opinion, although it is also true that media within any given society may be split along<br />
class, political or regional lines. Furthermore, if the language is translated, the translator<br />
has room to shift a bias by choosing weighed words for translation.<br />
Language may also be seen as a political factor in mass media, particularly in instances<br />
where a society is characterized by a large number of languages spoken by its<br />
populace. The choice of language of mass media may represent a bias towards the<br />
group most likely to speak that language, and can limit the public participation by those<br />
who do not speak the language. On the other hand, there have also been attempts to<br />
use a common-language mass media to reach out to a large, geographically dispersed<br />
population, such as in the use of Arabic language by news channel Al Jazeera.<br />
Many media theorists concerned with language and media bias point towards the media<br />
of the United States, a large country where English is spoken by the majority of the<br />
population. Some theorists argue that the common language is not homogenizing; and<br />
that there still remain strong differences expressed within the mass media. This<br />
viewpoint asserts that moderate views are bolstered by drawing influences from the<br />
extremes of the political spectrum.<br />
In the United States, the national news therefore contributes to a sense of cohesion<br />
within the society, proceeding from a similarly informed population. According to this<br />
model, most views within society are freely expressed, and the mass media are<br />
accountable to the people and tends to reflect the spectrum of opinion.<br />
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Language may also introduce a more subtle form of bias. The selection of metaphors<br />
and analogies, or the inclusion of personal information in one situation but not another<br />
can introduce bias, such as a gender bias. Use of a word with positive or negative<br />
connotations rather than a more neutral synonym can form a biased picture in the<br />
audience's mind. For example, it makes a difference whether the media calls a group<br />
"terrorists" or "freedom fighters" or "insurgents". A 2005 memo to the staff of<br />
the CBC states:<br />
Rather than calling assailants "terrorists," we can refer to them as bombers, hijackers,<br />
gunmen (if we're sure no women were in the group), militants, extremists, attackers or<br />
some other appropriate noun.<br />
In a widely criticized episode, initial online BBC reports of the 7 July 2005 London<br />
bombings identified the perpetrators as terrorists, in contradiction to the BBC's internal<br />
policy. But by the next day, journalist Tom Gross noted that the online articles had been<br />
edited, replacing "terrorists" by "bombers". In another case, March 28, 2007, the BBC<br />
paid almost $400,000 in legal fees in a London court to keep an internal memo dealing<br />
with alleged anti-Israeli bias from becoming public. The BBC has both been accused of<br />
having a pro-Palestinian bias, with many examples cited, including a documentary<br />
falsely accusing Israel of developing a nuclear weapon during the second Palestinian<br />
intifada in 2000, as well as of having a pro-Israel bias, which it has partially admitted to<br />
in a case in 2013.<br />
National and Ethnic Viewpoint<br />
Many news organizations reflect, or are perceived to reflect in some way, the viewpoint<br />
of the geographic, ethnic, and national population that they primarily serve. Media within<br />
countries are sometimes seen as being sycophantic or unquestioning about the<br />
country's government.<br />
Western media are often criticized in the rest of the world (including eastern<br />
Europe, Asia, Africa, and the Middle East) as being pro-Western with regard to a variety<br />
of political, cultural and economic issues. Al Jazeera is frequently criticized both in the<br />
West and in the Arab world.<br />
The Israeli–Palestinian conflict and wider Arab–Israeli issues are a particularly<br />
controversial area, and nearly all coverage of any kind generates accusation of bias<br />
from one or both sides. This topic is covered in a separate article.<br />
Anglophone Bias in The World Media<br />
It has been observed that the world's principal suppliers of news, the news agencies,<br />
and the main buyers of news are Anglophone corporations and this gives an<br />
Anglophone bias to the selection and depiction of events. Anglophone definitions of<br />
what constitutes news are paramount; the news provided originates in Anglophone<br />
capitals and responds first to their own rich domestic markets.<br />
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Despite the plethora of news services, most news printed and broadcast throughout the<br />
world each day comes from only a few major agencies, the three largest of which are<br />
the Associated Press, Reuters and Agence France-Presse. Although these agencies<br />
are 'global' in the sense of their activities, they each retain significant associations with<br />
particular nations, namely the United States (AP), the United Kingdom (Reuters)<br />
and France (AFP). Chambers and Tinckell suggest that the so-called global media are<br />
agents of Anglophone values which privilege norms of 'competitive<br />
individualism, laissez-faire capitalism, parliamentary democracy and consumerism.'<br />
They see the presentation of the English language as international as a further feature<br />
of Anglophone dominance.<br />
Religious Bias<br />
The media are often accused of bias favoring a particular religion or of bias against a<br />
particular religion. In some countries, only reporting approved by a state religion is<br />
permitted. In other countries, derogatory statements about any belief system are<br />
considered hate crimes and are illegal.<br />
According to the Encyclopedia of Social Work (19th edition), the news media play an<br />
influential role in the general public's perception of cults. As reported in several studies,<br />
the media have depicted cults as problematic, controversial, and threatening from the<br />
beginning, tending to favor sensationalistic stories over balanced public debates. It<br />
furthers the analysis that media reports on cults rely heavily on police officials and cult<br />
"experts" who portray cult activity as dangerous and destructive, and when divergent<br />
views are presented, they are often overshadowed by horrific stories of ritualistic torture,<br />
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sexual abuse, mind control, and other such practices. Furthermore, unfounded<br />
allegations, when proved untrue, receive little or no media attention.<br />
In 2012, Huffington Post, columnist Jacques Berlinerblau argued that secularism has<br />
often been misinterpreted in the media as another word for atheism, stating that:<br />
"Secularism must be the most misunderstood and mangled ism in the American political<br />
lexicon. Commentators on the right and the left routinely equate it with Stalinism,<br />
Nazism and Socialism, among other dreaded isms. In the United States, of late, another<br />
false equation has emerged. That would be the groundless association of secularism<br />
with atheism. The religious right has profitably promulgated this misconception at least<br />
since the 1970s."<br />
According to Stuart A. Wright, there are six factors that contribute to media bias against<br />
minority religions: first, the knowledge and familiarity of journalists with the subject<br />
matter; second, the degree of cultural accommodation of the targeted religious group;<br />
third, limited economic resources available to journalists; fourth, time constraints; fifth,<br />
sources of information used by journalists; and finally, the frond-end/back-end<br />
disproportionality of reporting. According to Yale Law professor Stephen Carter, "it has<br />
long been the American habit to be more suspicious of—and more repressive toward—<br />
religions that stand outside the mainline Protestant-Roman Catholic-Jewish troika that<br />
dominates America's spiritual life." As for front-end/back-end disproportionality, Wright<br />
says: "news stories on unpopular or marginal religions frequently are predicated on<br />
unsubstantiated allegations or government actions based on faulty or weak evidence<br />
occurring at the front-end of an event. As the charges weighed in against material<br />
evidence, these cases often disintegrate. Yet rarely is there equal space and attention<br />
in the mass media given to the resolution or outcome of the incident. If the accused are<br />
innocent, often the public is not made aware."<br />
Other Influences<br />
The apparent bias of media is not always specifically political in nature. The news media<br />
tend to appeal to a specific audience, which means that stories that affect a large<br />
number of people on a global scale often receive less coverage in some markets than<br />
local stories, such as a public school shooting, a celebrity wedding, a plane crash, a<br />
"missing white woman", or similarly glamorous or shocking stories. For example, the<br />
deaths of millions of people in an ethnic conflict in Africa might be afforded scant<br />
mention in American media, while the shooting of five people in a high school is<br />
analyzed in depth. Bias is also known to exist in sports broadcasting; in the United<br />
States, broadcasters tend to favor teams on the East Coast, teams in major markets,<br />
older and more established teams and leagues, teams based in their respective country<br />
(in international sport) and teams that include high-profile celebrity athletes. The reason<br />
for these types of bias is a function of what the public wants to watch and/or what<br />
producers and publishers believe the public wants to watch.<br />
Bias has also been claimed in instances referred to as conflict of interest, whereby the<br />
owners of media outlets have vested interests in other commercial enterprises or<br />
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political parties. In such cases in the United States, the media outlet is required to<br />
disclose the conflict of interest.<br />
However, the decisions of the editorial department of a newspaper and the corporate<br />
parent frequently are not connected, as the editorial staff retains freedom to decide what<br />
is covered as well as what is not. Biases, real or implied, frequently arise when it comes<br />
to deciding what stories will be covered and who will be called for those stories.<br />
Accusations that a source is biased, if accepted, may cause media consumers to<br />
distrust certain kinds of statements, and place added confidence on others.<br />
How People View The Media: In 1997, two-thirds (67%) said agreed with the statement:<br />
"In dealing with political and social issues, news organizations tend to favor one side."<br />
That was up 14 points from 53 percent who gave that answer in 1985. Those who<br />
believed the media "deal fairly with all sides" fell from 34 percent to 27 percent. "In one<br />
of the most telling complaints, a majority (54%) of Americans believe the news media<br />
gets in the way of society solving its problems," Pew reported. Republicans "are more<br />
likely to say news organizations favor one side than are Democrats or independents (77<br />
percent vs. 58 percent and 69 percent, respectively)." The percentage who felt "news<br />
organizations get the facts straight" fell from 55 percent to 37 percent.<br />
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Page 215 of 250
X. References<br />
1. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/<strong>Institutional</strong>_racism<br />
2. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/<strong>Institutional</strong>ized_discrimination<br />
3. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Harassment<br />
4. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Psychological_warfare<br />
5. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Racial_achievement_gap_in_the_United_States<br />
6. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Occupational_segregation<br />
7. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Social_stratification<br />
8. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Residential_segregation_in_the_United_States<br />
9. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Media_manipulation<br />
10. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Propaganda<br />
11. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Disinformation<br />
12. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Manufacturing_Consent<br />
13. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Media_bias<br />
13. https://www.racialequitytools.org/resourcefiles/race_power_policy_workbook.pdf<br />
14. https://dropoutprevention.org/wpcontent/uploads/2015/07/ACHIEVEMENT_GAP_REPORT_20090512.pdf<br />
15. https://www.usip.org/sites/default/files/sr110.pdf<br />
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Notes<br />
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Page 219 of 250
Attachment A<br />
Dismantling Structural <strong>Racism</strong><br />
Page 220 of 250
Race, Power and Policy:<br />
Dismantling Structural <strong>Racism</strong><br />
Education<br />
Criminal<br />
Justice<br />
Health<br />
Housing<br />
Social and<br />
Economic<br />
System<br />
Employment<br />
Community<br />
Racialization distorts all parts of the System<br />
Prepared for National People’s Action by the Grassroots Policy Project
Acknowledgements<br />
This workbook has been developed by Sandra Hinson, Richard Healey and Nathaniel<br />
Weisenberg at the Grassroots Policy Project. DeAngelo Bester, National People’s<br />
Action and Charlene Sinclair, Union Theological Seminary, also contributed to this<br />
workbook.<br />
We gratefully acknowledge that the Spanish translation of the workbook is by Arturo<br />
Clark at National People’s Action.<br />
In addition, we have included a worksheet developed by Connie Heller, a summary of<br />
targeted universalism, based on the work of john powell, the Kirwan Institute, and an<br />
exercise from Greg Pehrson.<br />
We wish we could more thoroughly acknowledge all the contributions to racial justice<br />
work that are taking place. Suffice it to say this workbook builds upon decades of work<br />
that has been done and that continues to be done by countless organizers and leaders<br />
in the struggles for racial justice. We hope our workshops and approaches will add to<br />
and enrich our collective practices for racial justice.<br />
Please send your questions, suggestions and feedback to<br />
shinson@grassrootspolicy.org.<br />
About the Cover Design<br />
The graphic on the front cover, “Racialization distorts all parts of the system,” illustrates<br />
two of the ideas that we are concerned with. Jobs, housing, education, and criminal<br />
justice are parts of an interconnected system. We often work on “housing” issues or<br />
“education” issues, but as we know, they are in reality all deeply interconnected. Each<br />
part of the system has been distorted and shaped by hundreds of years of racialization,<br />
and this continues to be true today.<br />
The twisted grid lying under the system elements represents the distorting effects of<br />
racialization. It is taken from a work by MC Escher.<br />
Grassroots Policy Project Race, Power and Policy Page 2
Table of Contents<br />
Introduction ................................................................................................... Page 4<br />
Section 1. Racialization Throughout U.S. History ......................................... Page 6<br />
Highlights<br />
History of Resistance<br />
Section 2. Race and the Political Economy ................................................ Page 11<br />
Race and Markets<br />
Race and the Role of Government<br />
Controlling Community Assets<br />
Section 3. Forms of <strong>Racism</strong> ....................................................................... Page 15<br />
Four Forms of <strong>Racism</strong><br />
Structural racism and a systemic analysis<br />
Section 4. Framing and Communications ................................................... Page 18<br />
Getting Framed<br />
Worldview and Race<br />
Elements of a racial justice worldview<br />
Section 5. Developing Racial Justice Policies ............................................ Page 24<br />
Guide to Racial Justice Policy Development<br />
Worksheet for Policy Development<br />
Targeted Universalism<br />
Appendix ..................................................................................................... Page 32<br />
Sample stories from the history of racialization<br />
Racialization of Citizenship Examples<br />
Glossary of Terms<br />
History of Racialization Timeline ................................................................ Page 38<br />
Grassroots Policy Project Race, Power and Policy Page 3
Introduction<br />
Consider these two competing statements about racism in America:<br />
“We are living in a post-racial society.”<br />
— and —<br />
“<strong>Racism</strong> still occupies the throne of our nation.”<br />
Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.<br />
In this workshop, we will explore how and why the second statement is a more accurate<br />
depiction of the role that race plays in our society today. We will do this by emphasizing<br />
the role of race in shaping all of our economic and social institutions throughout US<br />
history as well as the cumulative effects of racialization, which include race-based<br />
inequities and disparities. In addition, we look for the linkages between systems of racial<br />
oppression and persistent economic oppression. We draw lessons from the rich history<br />
of struggles for racial and economic justice. Finally, we explore ways in which social<br />
change organizers can bring racial justice into all areas of our work, and how, in doing<br />
so, we can achieve more fundamental and systemic levels of change in society.<br />
The key points 1 we will emphasize in this workbook are:<br />
1. <strong>Racism</strong> is dynamic and ever-changing. The critical aspect of racism that we<br />
must address today is the accumulation and incorporation of long-standing<br />
racialized practices into all of our social and economic structures<br />
2. Structural racialization is a system of social structures that produces and<br />
reproduces cumulative, durable, race-based inequalities.<br />
3. Racialized outcomes do not require racist actors. Focusing on individual<br />
instances of racism can have the effect of diverting our attention from the<br />
structural changes that are required in order to achieve racial justice.<br />
4. Organizers need to explicitly and implicitly challenge all manifestations of<br />
racism and racialization in our work and in our organizations.<br />
Note for facilitators: This workbook was designed for a long weekend session, with the<br />
assumption that there will be follow-up with the participants to help them make use of<br />
the framing/communication tools and to work on racial justice policy development. Each<br />
section can be shortened and revised for shorter workshops. The activities will work for<br />
a group as small as 15 or as large as 50.<br />
1 Core concepts for this session include terms like racialization, structural racism and racial justice.<br />
Definitions for these and other terms are included in the Appendix.<br />
Grassroots Policy Project Race, Power and Policy Page 4
Suggested Introductory Activity:<br />
30 minutes<br />
Divide into small groups of no more than 5 people.<br />
Instructions for groups: Have each person introduce themselves to their other group<br />
members. Each person takes three minutes to name some specific examples of racism<br />
that they know of or have encountered. Make sure each person participates.<br />
Debrief: Ask 2 or 3 people to share something they heard in their group. Note the<br />
differences and similarities in these stories. We will come back to these examples later<br />
in the workshop.<br />
Racialization. The phrase ‘post-racial’ got tossed around a lot after Barack Obama was<br />
elected President of the United States. It was as if having a Black President meant all<br />
the injustices of the past would somehow melt away, or that they were no longer<br />
relevant in American politics. But, we’ve had Black elected officials holding key offices<br />
for decades: mayors, police chiefs, council presidents, and a few governors. This has<br />
hardly made a change in the economic conditions we find in low- and moderate–<br />
income communities of color. Race is deeply embedded in our society, and at the same<br />
time social understandings and the implications of race change over time, precisely<br />
because race in our society is a social construct that serves political ends. The mayors<br />
and the president operate within an economic and power system that constrains what<br />
they can do. So we need to understand both the system that we live in and structural<br />
racialization, which is part of the system.<br />
Racial differentiation has been created, and is constantly being re-created, to serve a<br />
social and or economic purpose. It is maintained through social, legal and political<br />
controls (from slavery to Jim Crow laws to ghettoization to uses of ‘law and order’ and<br />
the criminal justice system, restrictive immigration policies, etc.) It is reinforced by belief<br />
systems, such as the notion of white superiority, and/or associating “American” with<br />
whiteness, and asserting U.S. dominance over the Western Hemisphere.<br />
Racialization is the process by which racial understandings are formed, re-formed and<br />
assigned to groups of people and to social institutions and practices, and to the<br />
consequences of such understandings. For example, in the 17 th century, Africans from<br />
diverse nations were categorized under the label ‘Negro,’ which was a racialized<br />
category; in the space of one century, different forms of labor were racialized so that<br />
‘worker’ was white and ‘slave’ was Negro; and, over time, different groups of immigrants<br />
have been assigned to the broad categories of white (European immigrants) or ‘of color’<br />
(Latin American, African, Asian-Pacific Islander and more recently, Middle Eastern<br />
immigrants). This has huge consequences for today’s struggles over immigration policy.<br />
The effects of racialization accumulate over time. Some of the effects are altered, at<br />
times sharply, as in the case of the passage of civil rights legislation, but they are not<br />
erased, even with the election of the first Black President.<br />
Grassroots Policy Project Race, Power and Policy Page 5
Section 1: Racialization Throughout US History<br />
We are using a timeline that goes back to early colonial days to illustrate the ongoing<br />
processes of racialization. Examples from history help us make the process more visible<br />
and concrete. As we move through history, from the colonial era through today, we can<br />
highlight how institutional policies, interactions among institutions, and differences in<br />
resources or investment over time, produce and reproduce racially unequal outcomes.<br />
Highlights from the History of Racialization<br />
This section makes use of a comprehensive timeline located at the end of this<br />
workbook. The timeline divides U.S. history into five eras: 1) Colonial to Mexican-<br />
American War; 2) Civil War to Jim Crow; 3) New Deal to Civil Rights; 4) Civil Rights Era;<br />
5) Post-Civil Rights Era. In each era, we highlight social and economic practices that<br />
became mechanisms of domination and control (for example, slavery in the first era<br />
gives way to Jim Crow by the end of the second era). We also highlight inspiring<br />
examples of organized resistance to domination. Taken together, these histories<br />
provide a picture of the cumulative effects of racialization, and how we have inherited<br />
these effects in the form of structural racialization. It helps participants understand why<br />
significant racial disparities continue more than 45 years after Jim Crow.<br />
Note for facilitators: You can build a number of activities around the enclosed timeline.<br />
We suggest a few here. We recommend projecting and/or posting blown up copies of<br />
the eras so that people can take a gallery walk, have conversations about events and<br />
add things to the timeline. We also have images that illustrate different historical<br />
moments that can be posted and/or handed out. If you would like an electronic copy of<br />
the timeline, please contact us at NPA or GPP.<br />
Here are a few of the key moments in US history where race played a central role in<br />
shaping economic and social practices. Taken together, these give us a picture of the<br />
cumulative effects of racialization.<br />
! 1676. Bacon’s rebellion. Poor whites and Blacks joined together to gain more<br />
economic control. Colonial authorities responded to the rebellion by driving a<br />
wedge between Black and White servants. This was a step in the creation of<br />
“Black” slaves and “white” workers, and the association of working class with<br />
“white.”<br />
! 1789. the Constitution. The political economy of slavery was expressed in<br />
many aspects of the Constitution, not just the 3/5ths provision. Citizenship was<br />
racialized –– one had to be legally defined as white in order to be a citizen. In<br />
practice, at the time, one also had to own property to vote.<br />
! 1846-48. Annexation of Texas, the Southwest territories and California.<br />
Mexicans who remained in the annexed territories were granted US citizenship,<br />
but were not treated the same as the white settlers from the East and the South<br />
who flooded into the territories. Mexicans and other Latin Americans, Native<br />
Americans and Chinese immigrants posed a challenge to the Black/white color<br />
line to which the white settlers were accustomed. Over several decades,<br />
Grassroots Policy Project Race, Power and Policy Page 6
Mexican-Americans and other Latin Americans were lumped together as ‘brown’<br />
or ‘colored’ people. This set the stage for today’s immigration policies.<br />
! 1935-1955. New Deal through the GI Bill: Social Security, Labor Law, FHA and<br />
the GI Bill. Along with their progressive dimensions, these reforms were shaped<br />
and constrained by racialization. The Dixiecrats –– white Southern Democrats<br />
who promoted states’ rights and Jim Crow segregation –– constituted a powerful<br />
voting bloc in Congress. Sadly, other Democrats were willing to bargain away the<br />
rights of Black women and men in order to win the Dixiecrats’ support for these<br />
major reforms. As a result, people of color often were excluded from reforms that<br />
helped expand the middle class. These government programs constituted what<br />
many have called ‘Affirmative Action for white people.’<br />
! 1960s to the present. Law and order, the war on crime, three strikes and you’re<br />
out, tough sentencing for crack cocaine: each of these stemmed from the<br />
backlash against civil rights, the War on Poverty, and organized action in<br />
communities of color. Near the end of the civil rights era, the Right generated a<br />
“moral panic” around a racialized picture of crime. By the early 1980s, the “War<br />
on Drugs” targeted Black and Brown men and youth, even though drug use and<br />
trade among people of color was lower than it was among whites. The results<br />
have included grossly disproportionate incarceration rates, families and<br />
communities torn apart and the largest prison population of any other advanced<br />
industrialized nation. Recent anti-immigrant laws are setting up immigrants of<br />
color for similar treatment.<br />
Activity: Race and Mechanisms of Control<br />
2 hours<br />
Divide into at least small five groups. Assign each group a ‘story’ (sample stories are<br />
included in the Appendix; you can develop others, as well) or an image from one of the<br />
five historical eras. Have the groups answer the following questions:<br />
1. What is the role of race in this story/image?<br />
2. How is race related to the injustices we see in this story/image?<br />
3. Who benefits from the arrangements depicted in this story/image?<br />
Debrief. Bring the groups back together. Have each group share their story/image. Link<br />
each story to the shifts in mechanisms of racial control from one era to the next. Era 1:<br />
Slavery; Era 2: Jim Crow; Era 3: Ghettoization; Era 4: Criminalization; Era 5: the myth of<br />
the post-racial society, while disparities in health, housing, employment, etc. deepen.<br />
Parallel Experiences in Communities of Color. While the experiences of African<br />
Americans, Native Americans and immigrants of color have differed significantly, there<br />
are a number of parallels in experiences that stem from the racialization of citizenship,<br />
immigrant status, labor, and criminalization. The disparities and exploitative conditions<br />
we see today can be traced through these histories of racialization. One clear<br />
manifestation is today’s criminalization of people of color, both native-born and<br />
immigrant, as well as the criminalization of those who resist oppressive conditions.<br />
Citizenship. Starting with the Constitution and then the first naturalization act in 1790,<br />
“white” became the reference point for citizenship; a person’s relationship to ‘whiteness’<br />
determined her or his levels of privileges. It reinforced the use of race as a justification<br />
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for enslaving groups of people (African), marginalizing and enclosing groups (Native<br />
Nations), and dispossessing and deporting others (Mexican Americans, Asian-Pacific<br />
Islanders). It reinforces the uses of race to depress wages, segment the labor force and<br />
undermine worker solidarity.<br />
Immigration and the color line. In the 18 th Century, the color line in the U.S. was<br />
Black (enslaved) and white (free, eligible for citizenship). With successive waves of<br />
immigration, the color line was shuffled and re-shuffled, so that some immigrants<br />
(European) ended up on the white side of the line while others (Latinos, Asian Pacific<br />
Islanders, Africans and other non-Europeans) were moved to the expanded ‘colored’<br />
side. This was not automatic. At some point, European immigrants were faced with a<br />
choice: either to join forces with others who were similarly situated, economically and<br />
socially, and struggle together for justice and equality, or to strike a bargain with the<br />
white ruling class and accept the existing social and economic order. Meanwhile, many<br />
Mexican Americans who had found themselves on the wrong side of the border during<br />
the annexation of Mexican territories started out as ‘white’ and eligible for citizenship,<br />
then, over time, became ‘brown,’ and subject to deportation. Asian and Pacific Islander<br />
immigrant groups never had the option of becoming white, nor did Native Americans.<br />
Race and the workplace. Despite decades of organizing, today, workers’ rights are<br />
under siege. A weak labor movement is the structural residue of the racialization<br />
of labor relations. It runs throughout history from slavery through Jim Crow restrictions<br />
and the use of chain gangs, to the exploitation migrant workers (Latino, Asian, etc.), and<br />
the exclusion of Black workers from many unions, and the scapegoating of workers of<br />
color as an excuse for suppressing wages and benefits.<br />
The following activity highlights the racialization of citizenship throughout history and<br />
what it suggests for today’s many practices that disenfranchise communities of color.<br />
Activity: Racialization of Citizenship<br />
30 minutes<br />
Note for Facilitators: For this activity, you can use the summaries of four points in<br />
history that is included in the Appendix.<br />
Set up the activity with this: Here are four examples of policies, decisions and practices<br />
that all have to with citizenship in the United States: 1) The Naturalization Act of 1790,<br />
2) the Dred Scott decision, 3) the Repatriation of Mexican Americans and 4) the<br />
Japanese Internment during World War II. As you listen to each example, think about<br />
the message it gives us about what it means to be a citizen.<br />
Divide into small groups. Hand out the summaries (along with an image, if available).<br />
Have one person read each aloud.<br />
Discussion:<br />
1) Each participant gives a one-word reaction to these examples.<br />
2) Which of these examples have you heard before?<br />
3) What do these examples tell us about the right to be a citizen?<br />
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Organized Resistance to <strong>Racism</strong>. Racial formations and processes of racialization<br />
keep changing, in large part because of struggle and resistance: African Americans,<br />
immigrants, Native Nations and others have struggled against racial oppression since<br />
the early colonial days. With each success (or failure), old control mechanisms were<br />
updated and new ones were created. We can trace these transitions on the timeline,<br />
too: slavery, Jim Crow, ghettoization in our cities, the racialization of law and order, and<br />
so on, interacting with and reacting to social movements.<br />
Note to Facilitators: To explore the history of struggle and resistance, you could<br />
highlight a few of these key moments and ask participants to suggest others:<br />
• 1676. Bacon’s Rebellion. Poor white workers joined together with Black and<br />
white indentured servants and slaves in protest against wealthy planters and<br />
their colonial lawmakers. The Colony moved quickly to drive a racial wedge<br />
between white and Black servants, making legal and social distinctions between<br />
‘servants’ (white) and ‘slaves’ (Black).<br />
• 1817. Seminole War of 1817. As the U.S. made its move to annex Florida,<br />
Seminoles resisted with force. The Seminoles also offered sanctuary to fugitive<br />
slaves.<br />
• 1830-1865. Underground Railroad. An extensive network of secret routes and<br />
safe houses used by slaves in 19 th century to escape to free states and Canada.<br />
• 1831-1864. National Negro Convention Movement. After decades of<br />
organizing in free states for abolition, African American leaders created the<br />
Negro Convention Movement as a vehicle for Black activism and advocacy. The<br />
Convention met for several years, taking on a wide range of issues affecting<br />
Black communities in states and nationally.<br />
• 1846-1848. U.S. - Mexican War. While called the Mexican War in the U.S.,<br />
Mexicans called it the Invasión estadounidense de México (U.S. invasion of<br />
Mexico). It can be seen as Mexican resistance to U.S. territorial expansion in the<br />
Southwest and Pacific regions.<br />
• 1866-1890s. African American Mutual Aid Societies, Black-run farm and<br />
business cooperatives, Black churches and church-sponsored programs, schools<br />
and colleges flourished during Reconstruction, and provided much of the<br />
infrastructure for Black civic engagement and civil rights organizing.<br />
• 1880-1896. The Populist Movement. This mass movement among small<br />
farmers and works in the Midwest and South for greater control over the<br />
economy provided a rare moment where we saw instances of cross-race<br />
solidarity, as well as corporate and conservative successes in exploiting racial<br />
tensions to undermine that solidarity.<br />
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• 1910-1965. The Great Migration. This refers to a trend that started just before<br />
World War I and lasted into the Civil Rights Era. In response to Jim Crow<br />
oppression and the loss of agricultural jobs, waves of African Americans left the<br />
South for industrial centers in the Northeast, Midwest and West Coast.<br />
• 1935-1955. The Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) was a more<br />
radical branch of the labor movement and very active during the Great<br />
Depression. Early on, the CIO was open to African American workers and Black<br />
trade union formations, much more explicitly so than the American Federation of<br />
Labor. Many CIO affiliates were active in the early civil rights struggles. But this<br />
does not mean that all affiliate unions were welcoming and/or interested in crossracial<br />
solidarity.<br />
• 1941. Proposed march on Washington. A Philip Randolph, Bayard Rustin and<br />
A.J. Muste proposed a march on Washington to protest racial discrimination in<br />
war industries and to propose the desegregation of the American Armed<br />
forces. The march was cancelled after President Roosevelt issued Executive<br />
Order 8802, or the Fair Employment Act.<br />
• 1963. March on Washington. This was a key moment in the civil rights<br />
movement of the 1960s. The Civil Rights Movement gave momentum and<br />
inspiration to many other liberation movements: women, Chicano, American<br />
Indian Movement, farmworkers, anti-war, environmental, and LGBT.<br />
• 1982-1988. South Africa, Central America solidarity, peace and justice<br />
movements.<br />
• 2006-today. Immigrant rights organizing. Immigration reform, including a<br />
pathway to citizenship for the 11 million undocumented immigrants living and<br />
working in the U.S., and the Dream Act.<br />
Activity: Putting ourselves onto the timeline.<br />
30 minutes<br />
Make sure everyone has a few post-it notes (or something they can write on and tape to<br />
the timeline). Ask people to reflect upon events in their own lives that taught them the<br />
value of standing up, joining together with others to right an injustice and fight for a<br />
better future.<br />
Note: For participants who have spent part of their lives in another country, encourage<br />
them to include formative events from their country, as well. Later, we can look at how<br />
these events relate to, or enlarge our understanding of, US history.<br />
Write your event(s) down, along with the key date(s), and add your name if you want to.<br />
Then go post it on the timeline. Once people have posted their notes, ask them to talk<br />
with a person standing near them to share and compare stories.<br />
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Section 2: Race and the Political Economy<br />
How the economy is racialized. Proponents of the ‘post-racial society’ argument<br />
suggest that the economy is ‘race-neutral’ terrain. For conservatives, especially, the<br />
economy is about markets, and markets are said to work best when they are left alone,<br />
which is to say, when government stays out of the way, or shields markets from outside<br />
pressures or social demands. Following this logic about the economy, we should not<br />
have laws protecting workers, demanding investments in our communities, or outlawing<br />
discrimination.<br />
In reality, the economy is about more than markets, because markets exist within, and<br />
reflect, social forces and power relations in society –– what we call a political economy.<br />
To understand the political economy, we have to look at the relationships between<br />
markets, social institutions, history and culture, and the ever-shifting role of government.<br />
Like all other aspects of society, racialization impacts economic arrangements. Its<br />
cumulative and structural effects, or structural racism, are manifest in ways that<br />
perpetuate race-based economic inequities. Racialization and the political economy<br />
continually interact, from who controls sources of wealth in society, such as land, labor<br />
and capital, to where people live, go to school, get access to transportation and<br />
healthcare, and so much more. From the timeline, we can see who has controlled<br />
resources and who has been marginalized and/or excluded. This history shapes the<br />
political economy much more so than notions of free markets and the invisible hand.<br />
Race and the role of government. Throughout US history, we have been engaged in a<br />
contest over the role of government in relation to the economy. And while there have<br />
always been conservatives who have argued that government should not hold<br />
economic institutions –– including corporations –– to any public purposes, it is only<br />
recently that the extreme conservative view has prevailed. You could say that the rules<br />
of the game changed in the early 1970s. Racialization was central to this gamechanger.<br />
Here’s how:<br />
1. Going back to the colonial period, the struggle for ‘states’ rights,’ which was<br />
intended to limit federal government powers, was shaped in large part to<br />
preserve slavery and the racial order of the time. During Reconstruction, states’<br />
rights were invoked to stop the federal government from protecting the economic<br />
and political rights of former slaves (it was called ‘preserving our traditions’ by<br />
white elites). When Reconstruction came to an end, states’ rights meant former<br />
slave-holding states could implement a new racial order in the form of Jim Crow.<br />
2. Big corporations don’t want government to regulate them or to restrict them or to<br />
support workers’ rights to organize and form unions. They don’t want government<br />
to compete with them in providing anything that they can make money from (such<br />
as housing, healthcare, retirement funds and, increasingly, education, prisons,<br />
even the Military).<br />
3. Conservative politicians have supported corporations for more than one hundred<br />
years. In the 1960s they took advantage of a familiar old tool — racism — using it<br />
to stigmatize government and anything “public.”<br />
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4. Think about how race and the role of government were linked in these and other<br />
policy arenas:<br />
a) Law and order<br />
b) Welfare<br />
c) Taxes: “my taxes are used to support government programs that benefit<br />
them.”<br />
5. Therefore, we can’t deal with the attacks on government, or question of taxes, or<br />
public employees, without talking about racialization.<br />
Activity: Role-Play<br />
1 hour<br />
You are the new Black mayor of a big city. You want to improve the lives of poor<br />
residents and people of color in your city. To do that, the city needs to shift spending<br />
priorities and raise additional revenues. How do you raise more revenues? If you raise<br />
taxes on the rich and the corporations, they say they will leave town. What do you do?<br />
Debrief: The mayor inherits a racialized city and a capitalist power system that is<br />
focused on making profits and is able to move its investments without any social control.<br />
There is no good solution to the mayor’s dilemma without changing the rules of the<br />
game and gaining some democratic control over capital.<br />
Alternative Role-Play Activity:<br />
1 hour<br />
You are a Latina woman who was recently elected to your state’s legislature. You<br />
represent an urban district that is majority immigrant and working class. You want to<br />
address issues affecting your constituents such as wage theft. During the election, a lot<br />
of conservatives from suburban and rural districts got elected. They ran on a “cut-taxesslash<br />
urban programs-scapegoat immigrants” platform. Their agenda is to slash funding<br />
for urban programs and divert revenue to their districts. You have a few liberal and<br />
progressive allies who are trying to preserve programs for urban communities. But your<br />
allies want you to hold off on proposing legislation to stop wage theft. They say it will<br />
trigger anti-immigrant sentiment and divert attention from the critical revenue battle in<br />
the state. But your constituents need this bill now. What do you do?<br />
Debrief: In this scenario, the new state representative faces many obstacles. How is<br />
this scenario related to the current economic crisis and the conservatives’ insistence<br />
that we have a revenue crisis? How is it related to the role of race in shaping our<br />
economic policies, from taxes to labor laws?<br />
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Racialization and community assets. We have noted that the racial order and political<br />
economy are deeply connected in our social system. One lens to examine this with is<br />
wealth, or access to capital. The power to invest capital is largely held by white<br />
economic elites. At the individual level, whites have on average 10-12 times as much<br />
personal wealth as African Americans.<br />
The following are times when communities of color gained opportunities to control<br />
economic resources:<br />
! Reconstruction, 1865-1877. As part of emancipation, freed slaves were<br />
promised 40 acres and a mule, in addition to freedom. During this time, African<br />
Americans built farms, small business and cooperatives, mutual aid societies and<br />
political associations. Massive resistance from southern whites brought a<br />
premature end to Reconstruction, which was replaced by Jim Crow. The post-<br />
Reconstruction racial order ensured that whites would continue to dominate land<br />
and capital. Today’s struggles of Black farmers are a continuation of this earlier<br />
struggle. And it still meets with resistance (witness Rep. Steve King’s recent rant<br />
on the House floor against ‘reparations’ to farmers who have proven cases of<br />
discrimination).<br />
! Community Action Programs (Office of Economic Opportunity) 1965. The<br />
Office of Economic Opportunity made millions of dollars available to low income<br />
communities in its first year. People who had little or no capital or business<br />
experience were able to create new businesses and community institutions,<br />
including job-training programs. The mayors and governors demanded more<br />
control over these federal programs after the first year, because as people in the<br />
communities got a taste of power and some economic independence, they<br />
started working toward political power.<br />
! Community Reinvestment Act, 1977. By having just a little power over banks,<br />
through government regulation, individuals in African American and Latino<br />
communities received billions of dollars in mortgages and small business loans<br />
they would not have received otherwise.<br />
Activity: Community-Based Economics<br />
45 minutes<br />
Imagine that our communities collectively controlled serious amounts of capital. What<br />
could we do with it? How would we make sure that our collective resources are being<br />
used to target and address long-standing racial disparities in our society, around<br />
housing, access to loans, quality education, neighborhood development, etc.? Now,<br />
think of a big headline that we would like to see in the news 10 years from now, one that<br />
reflects the kinds of changes we are fighting for. What will that headline say?<br />
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Alternative Activity: Public Purpose<br />
30 minutes<br />
The Community Reinvestment Act, passed in 1977, requires that banks that have<br />
deposits from a given community have a modest obligation to make loans to<br />
homeowners and small businesses in that community. Assume that in 2010 pressure<br />
from the people created a new law, the Community Control of Investment Act, which<br />
required any corporation of a minimum size to operate with a public purpose, that is, to<br />
benefit the public, not just operate for profit. What public purposes should corporations<br />
operating in your community be subject to?<br />
Follow-up question: How do we bring in more explicit goals for addressing racial<br />
disparities? Why is this important?<br />
Image from Jacob Lawrence’s series of paintings on the Great Migration<br />
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Section 3: Racialization and Forms of <strong>Racism</strong><br />
Racialization shapes an institution so that as part of its normal functioning, and without<br />
anyone having a consciously racist intention, it produces disparities in outcome by race.<br />
A prime example of this is the way in which our criminal justice system has evolved. In<br />
general, officials avoid saying or doing things that are overtly racist. As long as the<br />
system appears to be operating ‘normally,’ many people do not perceive racism in the<br />
system, and many will resist any arguments that point out racial bias in criminal justice<br />
practices. And yet, racial disparities abound, in policing, in sentencing, in attitudes about<br />
the criminality of youth of color, and in profiling.<br />
Different forms of racism<br />
• Interpersonal: This refers to prejudices and discriminatory behaviors where one group<br />
makes assumptions about the abilities, motives, and intents of other groups based on<br />
race. This set of prejudices leads to cruel intentional or unintentional actions towards<br />
other groups.<br />
• Internalized: In a society in which all aspects of identity and experience are racialized,<br />
and one group is politically, socially and economically dominant, members of<br />
stigmatized groups, who are bombarded with negative messages about their own<br />
abilities and intrinsic worth, may internalize those negative messages. It holds people<br />
back from achieving their fullest potential. It also obscures the structural and systemic<br />
nature of racial oppression, and reinforces those systems.<br />
• <strong>Institutional</strong>: Where assumptions about race are structured into the social and<br />
economic institutions in our society. <strong>Institutional</strong> racism occurs when organizations,<br />
businesses, or institutions like schools and police departments discriminate, either<br />
deliberately or indirectly, against certain groups of people to limit their rights. This type<br />
of racism reflects the cultural assumptions of the dominant group.<br />
• Structural: This refers to the accumulation over centuries of the effects of a racialized<br />
society. Think again about the creation of the white middle class and what it means<br />
today to have been left out of that process of wealth-creation, home ownership, college<br />
education, etc.<br />
The critical aspect of racism that we must address today is the accumulation and<br />
incorporation of long-standing racialized practices into all of our social and economic<br />
structures, or structural racism. Think again about that ‘post-racial society’ idea. If race<br />
no longer matters, how do we explain persistent disparities among groups, and<br />
disproportionate levels of poverty, incarceration, unemployment, etc. in communities of<br />
color. We can’t. Not without a structural racism analysis.<br />
Facilitators’ Note: The following two activities help illustrate the effects of structural<br />
racism. The activity “Step Up, Step Back” works best if you have a group of 20 or more<br />
people that is racially, ethnically, culturally and economically diverse: African American,<br />
immigrant, white, working class, middle class, etc.<br />
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Activity: Step Up, Step Back<br />
30 minutes<br />
• Ask participants to stand in a line next to each other in the middle of the room<br />
• Read the following statements to the group, but give people a second to think<br />
before they move<br />
• Ask participants to observe how other people are moving as the statements<br />
are read<br />
• Tell participants that if their parents or grandparents had different experiences,<br />
then they should do the exercise with one parent or grandparent in mind<br />
• After you have read the last statement, have people stay where they are<br />
standing, and look to see where others are standing, and where they are in<br />
relation to other people!<br />
Read the following statements:<br />
• If your parents, grandparents or ancestors were not allowed to attend a<br />
college or university because of their race, take one step back<br />
• If you expect to inherit some type of asset (property, cash, stocks, bonds, etc.)<br />
from a relative, take one step forward<br />
• If your grandparents or ancestors were ever enslaved, take one step back<br />
• If your grandparents’ first language is English, take one step forward<br />
• If you have a parent or grandparent that earned a graduate degree, take one<br />
step forward<br />
• If members of your race or ethnicity were legally prevented from voting, take<br />
one step back<br />
• If most of your teachers were from the same racial or ethnic background as<br />
you, take one step forward<br />
• If you routinely see people from your racial or ethnic group heading up<br />
companies and organizations, take one step forward<br />
• If you come from a racial group that has ever been considered by scientists as<br />
“inferior,” take one step back<br />
• If your parents, grandparents, or ancestors were forced to come to the U.S.,<br />
take one step back<br />
• If your parents or grandparents have inherited wealth, take one step forward<br />
• If you had a parent, grandparent, or family member that was ever beaten or<br />
lynched because of their race, take one step back<br />
• If you have a relative that earns more than $250,000 per year, take one step<br />
forward!<br />
Debrief: What patterns or themes did you notice about where people were standing<br />
in the end? Why did people end up standing in the positions they were in?<br />
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Activity: Unequal Opportunity Race:<br />
15-20 Minutes<br />
Note to Facilitators: If you have less time, or a less diverse group, you can use this short<br />
video from the African American Policy Forum about the structural disadvantages that<br />
people of color inherit: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eBb5TgOXgNY<br />
Here are some of additional discussions and activities that help illustrate the interactions<br />
of different forms of racism.<br />
Activity: Interpersonal and Structural <strong>Racism</strong><br />
20 minutes<br />
In groups of two, discuss examples of interpersonal racism you have encountered or<br />
heard of recently (or refer to the examples you shared in the opening activity). Then<br />
discuss how racialization may have set the stage or contribution to the incident. For<br />
example, cities are racialized spatially. Police officers, whether Black or white or Latino,<br />
are likely to focus on certain areas of a city, and to profile young people who fit certain<br />
stereotypes.<br />
Activity: Structural <strong>Racism</strong> and Education<br />
45 minutes<br />
Where does racialization show up in our kids’ lives? Where does it show up in their<br />
schools, their neighborhoods, their experiences, and the stories they hear about the<br />
police, about education and job opportunities, about what is possible for their lives?<br />
Debrief: the implication for education is that, yes, we have to fight for better education<br />
for our kids. But we also have to struggle around all the ways in which racialization<br />
shapes their lives — education, housing, health care, and jobs are all interconnected, all<br />
part of a larger system, each aspect of which is racialized.<br />
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Section 4: Framing, Narrative and Communications<br />
We turn now to the ways in which beliefs shape and reinforce racialized ideas and<br />
power.<br />
Getting Framed<br />
“What is power? It is the ability to tell people what the problem is, who is<br />
responsible and what should be done about it. That’s what power is.”<br />
– Kevin Phillips<br />
This definition of power recognizes the power of ideas, especially of using ideas to<br />
frame an issue for people.<br />
Take a look at the following cartoon. Let’s deconstruct the story that this cartoon tells us<br />
about immigration and citizenship.<br />
Activity:<br />
In small groups, discuss: What is the problem being presented in this cartoon?<br />
Are any solutions suggested by this cartoon?<br />
What is the role of race in this story?<br />
Where do we see similar ideas in U.S. history?<br />
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Here’s another example:<br />
Activity:<br />
In small groups, discuss the attached picture of a young man wearing low-hanging<br />
pants.<br />
1. What assumptions might be made about this young<br />
man? Why?<br />
2. In your experience, how valid are those<br />
assumptions?<br />
Debrief: draw out the assumptions and beliefs that are<br />
triggered by this image.<br />
!<br />
Each of these examples illustrates the power of ideas and images (or frames) to<br />
reinforce the marginalization and criminalization of groups of people based on race.<br />
You just did a ‘frame analysis. Framing refers to the ways that we use elements of<br />
worldview to give meaning to an issue or social problem. A frame brings ideas, themes,<br />
beliefs and assumptions together to tell a story. It may take the form of a literal story, or<br />
an image, or phrase or headline. Here’s an example of the power of a phrase to frame<br />
an issue: in debates about immigration, the term ‘illegal alien,’ or simply ‘illegal’ carries<br />
predefined social meanings and lots of negative associations, many of which are<br />
racialized. The term ‘undocumented worker’ carries a very different set of meanings and<br />
associations. Which one is most clearly anti-immigrant?<br />
Frames bring together certain themes to tell a story and to link that story to a larger set<br />
of beliefs and assumptions, along with a few facts, which hardly ever ‘speak for<br />
themselves.’ There are many ways to frame a set of facts. Consider how prevailing<br />
ideas explain the conditions of people of color in society. In particular, how do they<br />
explain why disproportionate numbers of people of color are concentrated at the bottom<br />
of the economic ladder? How are problems with public schools being framed today?<br />
How have conservatives framed the fact that borrowers of color were more likely to get<br />
subprime loans?<br />
Frames exist within a larger set of ideas, which we call ‘worldview.’<br />
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Worldview<br />
“The fish is the last creature to discover water.”<br />
There is a saying: If you teach a man to go always through the back door, if there isn’t a<br />
back door there then he will create it, rather than go through the front door. Worldview<br />
gets into all of us, we swim in an ocean of it. For example, the mayor of New York<br />
appoints a rich white woman to lead the NY Public Schools, because rich white people<br />
are right for the job, according to the dominant worldview, despite the fact that, in this<br />
case, she has no classroom experience whatsoever.<br />
We all have conceptions and images of our place in our family, our workplace and<br />
community, and in political and civic life. We have beliefs about responsibilities, rights<br />
and wrongs, and the role of institutions, including government, in our society. These<br />
beliefs are linked to assumptions about race, class and gender. And while we each<br />
have our own collection of such values and beliefs, which are reinforced by our own<br />
experiences, we unconsciously absorb ideas and meanings from our social world, which<br />
surround us like water. These socially generated beliefs are what we call worldview.<br />
The dominant worldview<br />
Generally at any given time there is a relatively coherent worldview that is dominant.<br />
Most people would probably agree about its overall descriptions of how society works,<br />
and the values that uphold it. Some communities may have alternative (if overlapping)<br />
worldviews that could challenge the dominant worldview, but they may not be visible (or<br />
credible) to most of the population. We can see something about how worldview is<br />
conveyed by looking at the common sense sayings that we hear almost every day.<br />
Activity: Common sense sayings and assumptions.<br />
25 minutes<br />
At your table, talk about common sense sayings that you have heard growing up, and<br />
that you may hear and use today.<br />
Note to facilitators: Be sure to tailor this activity for your group. If it is mostly an<br />
immigrant group, for example, encourage participants to share sayings they grew up<br />
with in their countries of origin, in their communities and families. Compare these with<br />
commonsense sayings that are most frequently mentioned in the US today.<br />
Once your group has listed a number of sayings, take a look at them. What do these<br />
sayings tell us about politics (and whether we can change anything through politics)?<br />
What do they tell us about winners and losers in society, about fairness and equality,<br />
about individualism, about immigrants, about race relations, etc?<br />
Discuss in the whole group. What kind of common sense does the dominant worldview<br />
rest on? Do we have any examples of an alternative worldview?<br />
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Often in exercises about commonsense sayings, we will hear some versions of the<br />
following:<br />
• The nail that sticks out gets hit the hardest.<br />
• Tigers don’t change their stripes.<br />
• Only the strong survive.<br />
• You can’t fight city hall.<br />
Here are a few that encourage us to act together for social justice:<br />
• Without struggle, there is no progress.<br />
• Do unto others as you would have them do unto you.<br />
• An injury to one is an injury to all.<br />
• United we stand, divided we fall.<br />
• Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere.<br />
! Individualism<br />
Key elements of the dominant worldview<br />
• hyper-individualism<br />
• limited government<br />
• the free market<br />
• race<br />
<strong>Racism</strong><br />
Anti-government<br />
Choice/competition/<br />
the market<br />
You’ll see these themes in most frames about the issues we work on.<br />
The Right and big business have been pushing these for at least 2 centuries, but for a<br />
long time, white working class folks were resistant to pro-business ideologies. After the<br />
civil rights movement, the right deliberately added racism to the first three, creating a<br />
much more culturally and politically potent combination. Some examples: public<br />
housing, welfare reform, and turning the public against public education using race.<br />
Internalized worldview and internalized racism<br />
We all internalize elements of the dominant worldview, Sometimes people refer to the<br />
ways in which people internalize ideas and assumptions about race as internalized<br />
racism. In the context of the dominant worldview, ideas about race and racism exist<br />
within a larger system of power and of oppressive relationships. In this way of thinking,<br />
racism is inseparable from power and domination. This analysis rejects the notion that<br />
there is such as thing as ‘reverse racism.’<br />
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Activity: Winners and Losers<br />
20 minutes<br />
The dominant worldview affirms competition: it sorts out high quality from low, the<br />
winners from the losers. In this worldview, winners deserve their rewards, and the losers<br />
don’t. In groups of three, discuss how this element of the dominant worldview has<br />
affected you. Are there implications about race in this?<br />
Elements of a racial justice worldview<br />
There are elements of other worldviews in working class traditions of solidarity, in<br />
African American communities, in immigrant communities, faith traditions, community<br />
organizations and many other groups. Native American communities are often<br />
particularly aware of their own worldviews and how different they are in relation to the<br />
dominant worldview.<br />
If we act within the terrain of the dominant worldview and we accept its assumptions, we<br />
implicitly accept many of the fundamental aspects of the status quo. The more we are<br />
able to develop an alternative worldview that represents our values and our experiences<br />
and wisdom, the more we will be able to win larger struggles.<br />
In developing an alternative worldview, we need to address the key elements of the<br />
dominant worldview. As a starting point, we could work from the following:<br />
! The individual develops as part of a community, and each person is the meeting<br />
point of their social relationships<br />
! The role of government is to develop the capacities of communities and<br />
individuals to govern themselves; and to promote greater equality and justice<br />
among all the participants in society.<br />
! Democracy, understood as the active participation of the people in a society,<br />
needs to stand master over the power of the government and the power of<br />
corporations and the market.<br />
! Racialization and the accumulation of our racialized history are a reality.<br />
Racialization has shaped our government, our economic institutions, our<br />
conceptions and practices of democracy and indeed, our identities. Hence the<br />
need to see and test any conceptions of an alternative worldview and<br />
corresponding institutions through the lens of racialization.<br />
Activity: Racial Justice Worldview<br />
20 minutes<br />
Where do we see elements of the dominant worldview in ourselves and in our work?<br />
Where do we see elements of an alternative worldview?<br />
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Activity: Post-Racial Society?<br />
1 hour<br />
Prepare for a Press conference: Is this a post-racial society? This is a current frame that<br />
takes race off the table.<br />
1. People talk at their table for five minutes about why we live in a racialized society,<br />
not a post-racial one.<br />
2. Four people volunteer to be the group that presents their findings: we live in a<br />
racialized society. They have five minutes to prepare their team presentation. The<br />
rest of the participants prepare together to be members of the press, who will be<br />
asking (perhaps hostile) questions to the presenters.<br />
Debrief in the whole group. How well does our panel present the alternative frame,<br />
“structural racism,” to the post-racial frame?<br />
Narrative, Worldview, and Framing<br />
The idea of framing has been used for many years to think about telling stories and<br />
using values to communicate more effectively with different groups. More recently, the<br />
idea of narrative has come into use. Social change movements need to consistently use<br />
a set of core values, beliefs and stories (frames) based on those values and beliefs to<br />
get their core ideas across, not one frame for one issue and completely different frame<br />
for a second issue.<br />
For a social change organization, a narrative is a bundle that includes:<br />
- the set of core ideas and beliefs that are the foundation for what we do and what we<br />
fight for.<br />
- an open-ended collection of stories that embody, illustrate, and expand upon the<br />
organization’s core ideas and beliefs.<br />
One component of the dominant narrative today is the<br />
framing of “illegal:” people coming into this country, looking<br />
for a better life, without the proper documents, are “illegal.”<br />
Since they have broken the law (by definition of the word),<br />
they have to be punished. This frame has been built up<br />
over 40 years, by the “war on drugs” and the campaigns<br />
around law and order – themselves completely racialized<br />
campaigns.<br />
Our work on framing and worldview carries across to narrative. Just as there is a<br />
dominant worldview, there is often a dominant narrative that we need to challenge and<br />
learn to debate. An issue campaign is an intervention on the terrain of current politics; a<br />
narrative is an intervention on the terrain of worldview. Our narrative needs to express<br />
our understanding of and commitment to racial justice.<br />
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Section 5: Developing Racial Justice Policies<br />
Racialization and systemic analysis<br />
We’ve seen that racialization runs through all of our social systems (it is systemic),<br />
through all aspects of our society. It is intertwined with economics and with political<br />
power. A vision of a better society, a racially just society, needs therefore to take these<br />
system questions into account.<br />
This graphic depicts racialization as<br />
something like an electric grid running through<br />
our society. It affects and distorts each aspect<br />
of society: education, health, housing, and so<br />
on. It affects our children. Housing and<br />
employment and criminal justice are<br />
interconnected; they are part of the larger<br />
system of society. We can’t expect to fix our<br />
children’s education while leaving everything<br />
else untouched — including racialization itself.<br />
Criminal<br />
Justice<br />
Housing<br />
Education<br />
Children<br />
Health<br />
Employment<br />
Community<br />
Understanding and resisting<br />
racialization/structural racism has to be an<br />
explicit part of our work. As we work to make<br />
race more explicit, here are two things to keep<br />
in mind:<br />
• Talking about racialization, analyzing how every issue we work on is shaped by it,<br />
how every organization we work with is shaped by it, is a crucial part of our work.<br />
• We have to learn how to do this analysis as part of our daily work. We have to<br />
practice putting these questions on the table, on using these issues to frame our<br />
issues, and to put them to work in different situations.<br />
Racialization distorts all parts of the System<br />
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From Race-Neutral to Race-explicit.<br />
Let’s recall how racism can be build-into supposedly “neutral” and “universal” reforms.<br />
Consider the consequences of the New Deal legislation: Social Security, labor laws, 30-<br />
year instead of 5-year mortgages, and in addition, the GI Bill. These government<br />
programs were critical to the creation of the white middle class. Two or three<br />
generations of white people were able to buy homes, be assured that their parents<br />
would not be dependent on them for support as they aged, and many were able go to<br />
college. All of this was less true for African Americans. Some programs, like Social<br />
Security, have become more racially inclusive over time, but the consequences of<br />
ignoring the different starting points for people of color, and the need to address<br />
discriminatory practices, means these programs have not leveled the racialized playing<br />
fields.<br />
This cartoon is an example of an attack on a government program. It tells us that the<br />
government can’t be trusted with Social Security, which will be gone when we retire.<br />
The attack on Social Security goes back to the ways in which Dixiecrats used race to try<br />
to limit the scope of the program. They succeeded in excluding categories of workers<br />
who were predominantly people of color. The Dixiecrats didn’t want black folks to have<br />
the security and greater independence that Social Security would give them.<br />
Conservatives want to<br />
privatize Social Security so<br />
that Wall Street can get its<br />
hands on all that money. Who<br />
will benefit and who will be<br />
harmed if that happens?<br />
Today there is a similar<br />
attempt to privatize Medicare,<br />
using the federal deficit as a<br />
reason to change a<br />
government program that has<br />
worked extraordinarily well,<br />
into a voucher program.<br />
!<br />
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A Guide to Racial Justice Policy Development<br />
Disparities in education, income, and healthcare between minorities and Whites are all<br />
symptoms of structural racism. These all lead to higher rates of incarceration, lack of<br />
accumulated wealth, and lower life expectancy. Despite the tremendous economic and<br />
social advancement of many people of color in this country, structural racism continues<br />
to regulate a vast majority of people of color to a state of almost permanent secondclass<br />
citizenship.<br />
As we have noted throughout this curriculum, structural racism is embedded in our<br />
institutions, customs, and practices, and is perpetuated by policies that affect our<br />
everyday lives. Some of these policies are so commonplace that we take them for<br />
granted or don’t even realize how they’re affecting people of color as well as whites in<br />
their daily lives. In order to begin dismantling the system of structural racism,<br />
organizations committed to racial justice must identify policies that perpetuate the<br />
system and develop new policies that will have positive racial impacts. Those policies<br />
that perpetuate structural racism have the following characteristics:<br />
" Allow for the segregation of resources and risks – redlining, subprime<br />
lending (reverse redlining), certain zoning policies, toxic dumping policies, use of<br />
property taxes to fund public education<br />
" Create inherited group disadvantage or advantage – intergenerational<br />
transfer of wealth through estate inheritance, lack of reparations for historical<br />
injustices (restitution to Native Americans for lands taken by European settlers),<br />
admissions procedures at universities that consider legacy<br />
" Allow for the differential valuation in human life by race – curriculum policies<br />
that teach certain histories and not others, racial profiling and discretionary<br />
sentencing<br />
" Limit the self-determination of certain groups of people – policies that result<br />
in disproportionate incarceration rates for minorities and their subsequent<br />
disenfranchisement, lack of proportional representation elections and decisionmaking.<br />
The following are examples of historical policies that have perpetuated structural<br />
racism. These policies all fall into one of the above categories.<br />
" National Labor Relations Act (NLRA). As noted, some reforms that were<br />
assumed to be race neutral have perpetuated race-based inequities. NLRB is<br />
one example, because it excluded farm and domestic workers (who were<br />
predominantly African American in the 1930s) to appease Dixiecrats.<br />
" Mandatory Minimum Drug Sentencing. In the 1980s, this became a key<br />
mechanism in the War on Crime, which targeted communities of color in the<br />
wake of the civil rights movement.<br />
" Zero Tolerance Polices in Schools. This became another mechanism for<br />
criminalizing and stigmatizing youth of color, instead of addressing systemic<br />
problems affecting our schools.<br />
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Activity:<br />
Break participants up into groups of 3-4 and have them answer the following questions:<br />
• What are some of the policies in effect in your city or state that you think may<br />
possess these qualities, which perpetuate structural racism?<br />
• What would you do to address these policies?<br />
Bring participants back together and call on a few groups to do report backs<br />
It is important for racial justice organizations to be proactive in developing policies that<br />
begin to dismantle the system of structural racism. Organizations cannot passively<br />
assume that legislators will introduce polices that have positive racial impacts (even<br />
when they want to do something positive). Advancing a racial justice policy agenda<br />
should be a central component of racial justice organizing efforts. As a key aspect of<br />
strategy development that we will explore in a follow-up session, groups can develop<br />
tools for assessing current opportunities for advancing elements of a racial justice<br />
agenda. To get us started, let’s talk about some criteria that organizations can use when<br />
developing policies that will have a positive racial impact.<br />
Note to facilitators. You could start this by suggesting one, then asking the group to<br />
generate others. Draw out the rest, and/or add them in, as needed. Or, if time does not<br />
allow and/or the group is not ready to generate a list, you can hand these out and<br />
discuss and illustrate how you would apply them to a couple of issues.<br />
" Criteria for Policy Development<br />
o The policy should have a universal goal (increasing the number of<br />
homeowners), with strategies to achieve the goal that target people of color<br />
(incentives for first-time homebuyers, especially in underserved communities)<br />
o The policy should explicitly address disparate outcomes based on race, and<br />
provide mechanisms to reduce those disparities (public health programs,<br />
transportation equity, etc.)<br />
o The policy should ultimately increase access to both public and private<br />
resources for people of color who were previously denied equitable access to<br />
those resources<br />
o The policy should allow for people of color to fully express themselves both<br />
culturally and spiritually<br />
o The policy should increase civic participation for people of color, and/or remove<br />
any barriers to participation<br />
o People of color should be involved in the process of developing the policy<br />
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Activity:<br />
Break participants up into groups of 4-6 based on the issues they organize around<br />
locally<br />
! Give the small groups 35-45 minutes to develop the framework for a policy around<br />
their issue that will have positive racial impacts, using the above criteria as a<br />
foundation<br />
! Bring everyone back together in one large group, and have each group sit in the<br />
center of the room fishbowl style to answer the following questions:<br />
Describe the policy your group came up with<br />
! How will this policy benefit people of color in your city or state<br />
! How will the policy have broader appeal than just to people of color<br />
! After the group in the fishbowl has gone, allow 5-10 minutes for other participants<br />
to ask them questions<br />
If time permits, select an issue that none of the participants currently work on, and<br />
have them go through the exercise as a practice run. Be sure to reduce the allotted<br />
time for small group discussion, and only have one or two groups present in the<br />
fishbowl.<br />
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Worksheet for Policy Development<br />
• Develop a Universal Goal that a wide range of people can aspire to together.<br />
• Since different groups of people need different supports to reach that shared<br />
goal, what will each different group of people need?<br />
• Are there subgroups within each group that have particular circumstances that<br />
need to be addressed in a targeted way?<br />
Universal Goal:<br />
Joyful and meaningful education for all children<br />
Targeted Strategies<br />
Group: Middle class children of all races<br />
o Resources and supports to cultivate, retain and nurture good teachers &<br />
administrators<br />
Group: Low Socio-economic status children<br />
o Resources and supports to cultivate, retain and nurture good teachers &<br />
administrators<br />
o Nutritious meals, stable housing, medical care<br />
Group: African American children<br />
o Resources and supports to cultivate, retain and nurture good teachers &<br />
administrators<br />
o Nutritious meals, stable housing, medical care<br />
o Curriculum and pedagogical approaches that counter unconscious impact<br />
of pervasive negative stereotypes on decision making and assumptions<br />
Group: Recent immigrants<br />
o Resources and supports to cultivate, retain and nurture good teachers &<br />
administrators<br />
o Nutritious meals, stable housing, medical care<br />
o Curriculum and pedagogical approaches that counter unconscious impact<br />
of pervasive negative stereotypes on decision making and assumptions<br />
o English language supports, First language supports,<br />
interpretation/outreach in parent’s first language<br />
Group:<br />
Developed by Connie Heller<br />
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Targeted Universalism and Policy Development<br />
Note to Facilitators: This is another way of guiding participants through a process of<br />
bringing racial justice into their policy development.<br />
Targeted universalism (taken from the work of john powell). The basic idea: Raise<br />
everybody up and eliminate inequities.<br />
Definition: A targeted universal policy includes the needs of both the dominant and<br />
minority groups, but pays particular attention to the situation of the minority group. A<br />
targeted universal policy improves the lives of dominant and minority groups, but in<br />
addition it closes the gaps, the disparities, between the groups.<br />
Why targeted universalism:<br />
• Policies that only provide help to a minority (target) group have become harder to<br />
achieve. They have been framed as programs that show favoritism toward a certain<br />
group. And targeted policies are not effective at addressing the fact that the middle<br />
class is increasingly under attack. Pragmatically, our ability to pass or retain targeted<br />
programs is very low. We have a much better chance with targeted universal policies.<br />
• Universal policies that appear to cover the entire population are easier to achieve,<br />
but they are not truly universal. They fail to account for the fact that people are<br />
situated differently in economic and social terms; their outcomes often reinforce<br />
existing inequalities. Social Security has been seen as a great example of universal<br />
programs, yet when it was passed it benefited able-bodied white males working<br />
outside the home for pay. Over the years, changes have been made to Social<br />
Security so that now it is much closer to a targeted universal program.<br />
• Strategically, we need to build a large, permanent multi-racial coalition for social<br />
change in this country. To do so, we need to build cross-racial and class solidarity.<br />
Strictly universal or targeted policies can easily be used to divide such a coalition;<br />
targeted universalism offers better opportunities to strengthen cross-race and class<br />
alliances.<br />
• Transformation: though African Americans and people of color are impacted most<br />
sharply by racism, all people are hurt by it. Transformative programs based on<br />
targeted universalism must be accompanied by transformative ideas and beliefs, to<br />
inspire whites to link their fates to non-whites and to stop divisive race baiting.<br />
Having a policy that exemplifies targeted universalism complements talking about a<br />
racial justice analysis, it doesn’t lessen the need for it. Consider how different the health<br />
care reform debate would be if our starting point were addressing racial inequities in<br />
health outcomes.<br />
Examples of targeted universalism:<br />
• Stimulus funds. Money can be given to road-work across the states (universal), but<br />
may do nothing to bring new transportation, including jobs, to investment-deprived<br />
communities of color. To add “targeting,” include specific incentives and<br />
enforcement to ensure fair access to minority communities; all projects should<br />
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equire local resident hiring goals and create a link to community-based groups as<br />
the first contact for construction jobs.<br />
• Housing: create policies that are intended to remedy the results of discriminatory<br />
housing practices, such as red-lining. Decades of public and private policies have<br />
left minority communities starved of affordable housing and much-needed<br />
investment.<br />
• Criminal code: end ex-felon disenfranchisement; end sentences for non-violent<br />
crimes.<br />
• Education: K-12 education is “universal,” but to make education deal with the long<br />
history of structural racialization and oppression in minority communities, there have<br />
to be targeted resources allocated to those communities.<br />
The idea of targeted universalism addresses ways to formulate policy that takes<br />
structural racialization into account. In the appendix there is a checklist that we can use<br />
back at home to work through more aspects of our work (from Isaiah – Kirwan Guide).<br />
Here is an abbreviated set of questions.<br />
Activity:<br />
Using a policy area that folks in the room are working on, go through the following<br />
questions:<br />
1. Who benefits? Can we make it more beneficial to our communities?<br />
2. What groups are burdened by this policy? Can the burdens be more equitably<br />
distributed.<br />
3. How are people of color included in the decision-making process?<br />
4. What were the criteria used to make the decision? Could there be other criteria?<br />
5. How can we better address equity, closing the disparities?<br />
6. What is an equitable, participative, and effective public process?<br />
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Appendix<br />
Sample stories from the history of racialization.<br />
The following stories can be used for the first activity in Section 1. They each capture a<br />
moment in time, in one of the historical eras, in which race is a critical element.<br />
1. Poor Blacks and whites, servant and free, join together. Background: In 1676, in<br />
the Virginia Colony, small-farmers and farm laborers were frustrated by the power of<br />
large landowners to set prices and control large tracts of land. Both non-land-owning<br />
whites, including both white and black indentured servants and slaves joined what<br />
became known as Bacon’s Rebellion<br />
Backlash: Race-based restrictions were instituted after the rebellion. Black indentured<br />
servants and slaves lost the right to assembly, to carry weapons, to earn and save<br />
money on the side. Meanwhile, conditions improved for white indentured servants.<br />
2. Strike crushed by invoking immigration status of workers.<br />
The Bisbee Deportation of 1917 was the illegal deportation of nearly 1300 striking<br />
workers to the desert of Hermanas, New Mexico. Over 2000 copper mine workers in<br />
Bisbee, Arizona, many of Mexican descent, organized with the Industrial Workers of the<br />
World (IWW), presented a list of demands for safer conditions and a better pay rate to<br />
the Phelps Dodge Corporation and went on strike when the demands were not met. In<br />
solidarity, about 1000 workers from other local mines went on strike at the same time.<br />
The workers were met by the local sheriff and 2200 armed vigilantes who forced them<br />
onto cattle cars. Those who refused to renounce the union were transported for 16<br />
hours then dropped off in a remote desert with no money, transportation, food or water.<br />
The Governor of New Mexico did not want to deal with 1300 homeless workers in his<br />
state, so he called in the US Army to escort them to a nearby city where they could<br />
arrange for travel back home.<br />
Sheriff Harry Wheeler, when questioned by the Arizona Attorney General about his role<br />
in the deportation, stated, “It became a question of 'Are you American, or are you not?”<br />
He told the Attorney General: "I would repeat the operation any time I find my own<br />
people endangered by a mob composed of eighty percent aliens and enemies of my<br />
Government."<br />
3. Cross-race worker solidarity during the Great Depression:<br />
In 1934 a group of African Americans and whites formed the Southern Tenant Farmers'<br />
Union (STFU) in Tyronza, Arkansas. The interracial organization adopted two goals: to<br />
protect Arkansas sharecroppers from eviction by planters and to ensure that the<br />
sharecroppers received their share of the money due from Agricultural Adjustment Act<br />
(AAA) payments. The STFU appealed to the federal government to end AAA policies<br />
that in effect rewarded large planters by allowing them to eliminate their work force. The<br />
organization adopted a written policy of passive resistance. In 1935 the union staged a<br />
successful cotton pickers' strike that raised the price for picking cotton to seventy-five<br />
Grassroots Policy Project Race, Power and Policy Page 32
cents for one hundred pounds. The next year's cotton choppers' strike failed to gain its<br />
demands amidst violence and evictions.<br />
4. Legal definitions of ‘Black’ and ‘White’ Affirmed.<br />
Background: How is it that a Black woman cannot have a white child but a white<br />
woman can have a Black child? It all started with the economic imperative to reproduce<br />
slave labor and regulate the offspring that resulted from white overseers’ sexual abuse<br />
of Black women.<br />
The Story: In 1984, Susie Guillory Phipps unsuccessfully sued the Louisiana Bureau of<br />
Vital Records to change her racial classification from Black to white. The descendant of<br />
an eighteenth-century white planter and a Black slave, Phipps was designated as<br />
"Black" in her birth certificate in accordance with a 1970 state law which declared<br />
anyone with at least one-thirty-second "Negro blood" to be Black.<br />
Phipps lost her case. The highest court of the land upheld a state law that quantified<br />
racial identity, and in so doing affirmed the legality of assigning individuals to specific<br />
racial groupings.<br />
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The Racialization of Citizenship<br />
The following examples can be used in the second activity in Section 1. We are looking<br />
at a wide swath of time to illustrate how race in intertwined with notions of citizenship.<br />
Here are four examples of the role of race in who is considered a citizen, and what it<br />
means to be a citizen.<br />
! Naturalization Act of 1790: This was the first immigration law passed in the<br />
U.S., and it stated that in order to become a citizen, an immigrant to the U.S.<br />
must be in the country for at least two years, and be a “free white person” of<br />
“good moral character.” Slaves and free African Americans were thus clearly<br />
excluded from naturalization.<br />
! Dred Scott Supreme Court Decision of 1857: Dred Scott was born a slave in<br />
Virginia. He was purchased by a US Army doctor, who over the years took<br />
assignments in several free states that outlawed slavery while keeping Scott in<br />
bondage. Scott sued for his freedom. The justices of the Supreme Court stated<br />
that the writers of the Constitution viewed Black people as inferior and did not<br />
intend for the Constitution to protect them, so they declared the lawsuit invalid.<br />
Furthermore, they declared that slaves of African descent and their descendants<br />
forever into the future could never become US citizens.<br />
! Mexican Repatriation: Between 1929 and 1939, close to one million people of<br />
Mexican descent were deported or pressured to leave the US. About 60% of<br />
them were US citizens, many of whom had never been to Mexico. The campaign<br />
was a response to the Great Depression. The Secretary of Labor scapegoated<br />
“illegal immigrants” (one of the earliest widespread uses of the term) as<br />
exacerbating the problem and “taking American jobs.” In 2006, then-<br />
Representatives Hilda Solis and Luis Gutierrez called for an apology from the US<br />
Government for the Repatriation. To this day such an apology has not been<br />
given.<br />
! Japanese Internment: After the attack on Pearl Harbor and the U.S. entry into<br />
World War II, anti-Japanese hysteria rises throughout the country. Japanese-<br />
Americans are accused of being disloyal. Starting in 1942, over 100,000 persons<br />
of Japanese descent on the West Coast are forcibly removed and held in<br />
specially-built detainment facilities referred to as "War Relocation Camps."<br />
Although 2/3rds of detainees are US citizens, all are treated as "enemy aliens."<br />
In 1944, the U.S. Supreme Court rules that the internment order is constitutional.<br />
The U.S. government later apologizes and pays reparations to the people who<br />
were interned.<br />
1) Each participant gives a one-word reaction to these examples.<br />
2) Which of these examples have you heard before?<br />
3) What do these examples tell us about the right to be a citizen?<br />
Grassroots Policy Project Race, Power and Policy Page 34
Glossary<br />
The key terms that we will use throughout this session help us understand the complex<br />
and changing nature of racism in our society. We are introducing many related terms<br />
that help get at the different ways in which racism is experienced, institutionalized and<br />
understood, as well as the ways in which race and racism change throughout history.<br />
What is race?<br />
The meaning of ‘race’ is constantly shifting and being contested. Its uses in a society<br />
have more to do with power relations, economic arrangements, social norms and<br />
prevailing ideologies than with physiological differences between and among human<br />
beings (such as skin color). Race as a way of categorizing groups of people most often<br />
is used to explain, justify and/or maintain inequalities and oppressive social practices.<br />
While concepts of race have varied and changed over time –– often in response to<br />
resistance and struggle –– race remains at the center stage of US history.<br />
Understanding racism.<br />
Because racism involves ideology, structures, policies and practices, it is best<br />
understood as having several manifestations: interpersonal, institutional and structural<br />
(we define each of these below). Taken together, we can offer a working definition of<br />
racism: <strong>Racism</strong> is a system that consists of policies, practices, and norms that structure<br />
opportunity and assign value based on physiological characteristics such as skin color.<br />
<strong>Racism</strong> unfairly disadvantages some individuals and communities and undermines the<br />
realization of the full human potential of the whole society.<br />
Forms of racism<br />
• Interpersonal <strong>Racism</strong>: This refers to prejudices and discriminatory behaviors where<br />
one group makes assumptions about the abilities, motives, and intents of other groups<br />
based on race. This set of prejudices leads to cruel intentional or unintentional actions<br />
towards other groups.<br />
• Internalized <strong>Racism</strong>: In a society where one group is politically, socially and<br />
economically dominant, members of stigmatized groups, who are bombarded with<br />
negative messages about their own abilities and intrinsic worth, may internalize those<br />
negative messages. It holds people back from achieving their fullest potential and<br />
reinforces the negative messages which, in turn, reinforces the oppressive systems.<br />
• <strong>Institutional</strong> <strong>Racism</strong>: Where assumptions about race are structured into the social<br />
and economic institutions in our society. <strong>Institutional</strong> racism occurs when organizations,<br />
businesses, or institutions like schools and police departments discriminate, either<br />
deliberately or indirectly against certain groups of people to limit their rights. This type of<br />
racism reflects the cultural assumptions of the dominant group.<br />
• Structural Racialization: While most of the legally based forms of racial<br />
discrimination have been outlawed, many of the racial disparities originating in various<br />
institutions and practices continue and accumulate as major forces in economic and<br />
Grassroots Policy Project Race, Power and Policy Page 35
political structures and cultural traditions. Structural racialization refers to the ways in<br />
which social structures and institutions, over time, perpetuate and produce cumulative,<br />
durable, race-based inequalities.<br />
B. Evidence of structural racialization. All of the discrepancies between whites and<br />
communities of color that we see today: the wealth gap, the education gap, higher<br />
incarceration rates, higher unemployment rates, and disparities in health outcomes, are<br />
evidence of structural racialization. Segregation in housing and discrimination in lending<br />
have cumulative effects: fewer sources of family wealth, as well as fewer investments<br />
in, and limited services for, communities of color. Likewise, patterns of residential<br />
discrimination and disinvestment affect the quality of schools in communities of color.<br />
The thing to remember about structural racialization is that racialized outcomes no<br />
longer require racist actors. It is built-into the institutions and practices. Getting rid of<br />
a racist person does not change the practices. The critical aspect of racism that we<br />
must address today is the accumulation and incorporation of long-standing racialized<br />
practices into all of our social and economic structures.<br />
3. Racialization. Part of the ways in which race as a category is constructed is through<br />
the process of ‘racialization,’ which can consist in attributing ‘race’ (and its associated<br />
meanings) to something – a status, or a practice, or an institution. Institutions that<br />
appear to be neutral can be racialized, shaped by previous racial practices and<br />
outcomes so that the institution perpetuates racial disparities, or makes them worse.<br />
This is true of the criminal justice system, the education and health systems in our<br />
country, and so on.<br />
A primary example of this is how labor became racialized; over several decades, slave<br />
labor went from a status of limited servitude — a position held by European immigrants<br />
as well as Caribbean, West Indian and African immigrants in the late 16 th and early 17 th<br />
century America — to perpetual servitude (for life), a position that, by the late 17 th<br />
century, was held only by people of African descent (who arrived from the West Indies,<br />
or directly from Africa, or who were born to women of African descent).<br />
Racialization and worldview<br />
The racialization of labor meant that being Black became associated with being<br />
subordinate, unequal, less than fully human. An ideology of race grew up around<br />
slavery.<br />
To be sure, racist ideologies and notions of superiority predated slavery. What is unique<br />
about the way in which racist ideology interacted with the institutionalization of slavery is<br />
the way in which race, especially defining ‘white’ citizenship in opposition to the status<br />
of people of color, became an organizing principle for society. In this we see the<br />
interplay between practice –– chattel slavery –– and ideology –– white supremacy.<br />
<strong>Racism</strong> is about a lot more than malicious acts that are intentionally perpetrated by one<br />
group of people against another. It is woven into the fabric of society, and reflected in<br />
every institution.<br />
Grassroots Policy Project Race, Power and Policy Page 36
4. Racial Justice<br />
Historic patterns of racism have created deep disparities between whites and people of<br />
color in this country. The struggle for racial justice must address the ongoing practices<br />
that perpetuate these disparities and actively seek to dismantle them. In addition, this<br />
struggle must expand our notions of a good and just society.<br />
Racial justice refers to a wide range of ways in which groups and individuals struggle to<br />
change laws, policies, practices and ideas that reinforce and perpetuate racial<br />
disparities. Proactively, it is first and foremost the struggle for equitable outcomes for<br />
people of color. This includes struggles for a society based on inclusion, justice, equity,<br />
respect for diversity and difference. Sustained, dedicated action is needed in order to<br />
root out structural forms of racialization and to dismantle them through policy initiatives<br />
as well as through cultural awareness, and by creating new practices and relationships<br />
in our communities.<br />
It also means addressing underlying economic conditions that perpetuate exploitation<br />
and gross inequalities in wealth and income. Whether the specific campaign is about<br />
affordable housing, predatory lending, banking reform, immigrant justice, healthcare or<br />
racial profiling or criminal justice reform, applying a racial justice lens will sharpen our<br />
focus while also deepening our analysis and broadening our sense of what we are<br />
aiming for.<br />
Grassroots Policy Project Race, Power and Policy Page 37
History of Racialization Timeline<br />
Racialization runs throughout US history. In the following timelines we have tried to<br />
capture some key moments that can be used to illustrate the history of racialization, and<br />
that can be starting points for discussion. The timeline is not an attempt to be<br />
comprehensive but rather selective – we are interested in any suggestions or thoughts<br />
as to what other events might in included in the timeline (as we welcome suggestions<br />
about the workbook as a whole).<br />
The timeline is divided into five periods, in part for reasons of visual display. The periods<br />
are:<br />
1. Colonial Era through the Mexican-American War<br />
2. The Civil War through Jim Crow<br />
3. New Deal to Civil Rights<br />
4. The Civil Rights Era<br />
5. The Post-Civil Rights Era<br />
Each timeline is divided into three bands. The top band concerns events more directly<br />
about African-American history. The middle band is about the history of Latinos and<br />
other People of Color in this country. And the bottom band is composed of General<br />
Events that we think provide some context. There are many events that could belong in<br />
all three bands, or perhaps should be placed differently.<br />
Grassroots Policy Project Race, Power and Policy Page 38
Page 221 of 250
Attachment B<br />
The Economic Impact<br />
of Achievement Gaps In The U.S.<br />
Page 222 of 250
The Economic<br />
Impact of the<br />
Achievement<br />
Gap in America’s<br />
Schools
2<br />
Acknowledgments<br />
Recent national and international tests show significant differences in<br />
student achievement. Students in the United States perform behind their<br />
OECD peers. Within the United States, white students generally perform<br />
better on tests than black students; rich students generally perform<br />
better than poor students; and students of similar backgrounds perform<br />
dramatically differently across school systems and classrooms.<br />
The aim of this paper is to provide a common, neutral fact base on each<br />
of these achievement gaps and to illustrate their relative magnitude. In<br />
addition, we highlight the impact of the United States achievement gap<br />
on the overall economy and on individual life outcomes. This work is not<br />
intended to provide a detailed assessment of the causes and potential<br />
cures of the achievement gap. Instead, we hope to provide a common fact<br />
base from which such discussions may proceed.<br />
Our Steering Committee provided significant input and included members<br />
from the Education Equality Project, the National Action Network,<br />
the United States Chamber of Commerce, the Bill and Melinda Gates<br />
Foundation, and the Center for American Progress. We owe a special<br />
debt of gratitude to Cindy Brown, Chris Cerf, Lisa Graham Keegan,<br />
Charlie King, Joel Klein, Arthur Rothkopf, Reverend Al Sharpton and Ellen<br />
Winn. Their collective guidance and diverse perspectives on educational<br />
achievement were critical throughout the project. In addition, numerous<br />
experts on education, labor markets, and economic growth - including<br />
Martin Bailey, Anthony Carnevale, Michael Casserly, Michael Cohen, Linda<br />
Darling-Hammond, Brian Ellner, Karen Elzey, Benjamin Friedman, Jewell<br />
Gould, Eric Hanushek, Kati Haycock, Ronald Henderson, Frederick Hess,<br />
Lawrence Katz, Ron Krouse, Lydia Logan, Michael Lomax, Reagan Miller,<br />
John Mitchell, Andrew Rotherham, Andreas Schleicher, Sheila Simmons,<br />
Margaret Spellings and Michael Wotorson - provided their time and<br />
invaluable insights to the team.<br />
This work is part of the fulfillment of McKinsey’s social sector mission to<br />
help leaders and leading institutions to understand and address important<br />
and complex societal challenges. As with all McKinsey research, results<br />
and conclusions are based on the unique outlook and experience base<br />
that McKinsey experts brings to bear. This perspective is independent and<br />
this report has not been commissioned or financially supported by any<br />
business, government, or other institution
McKinsey & Company, Social Sector Office<br />
The Economic Impact of the Achievement Gap in America’s Schools 3<br />
The Economic Impact of the Achievement<br />
Gap in America’s Schools<br />
Summary of Findings<br />
April 2009
4
McKinsey & Company, Social Sector Office<br />
The Economic Impact of the Achievement Gap in America’s Schools 5<br />
“ These educational gaps<br />
impose on the United States<br />
the economic equivalent of<br />
a permanent national<br />
recession.”<br />
Introduction<br />
The extent to which a society utilizes its human potential<br />
is among the chief determinants of its prosperity. In the<br />
United States, one focus of concern in this regard has been<br />
the existence of a so-called achievement gap in education<br />
between certain groups of students and others. 1 While<br />
much controversy exists on the causes of the achievement<br />
gap, and on what the nation should do to address it,<br />
the full range of the achievement gap’s character and<br />
consequences has been poorly understood. For one thing,<br />
important dimensions of four distinct achievement gaps<br />
—(1) between the United States and other nations; (2)<br />
between black and Latino 2 students and white students; 3<br />
(3) between students of different income levels; and (4)<br />
between similar students schooled in different systems or<br />
regions—have not always been clarified and documented.<br />
In addition, while great emphasis has been placed on<br />
the moral challenges raised by the achievement gap, its<br />
economic impact has received less attention.<br />
Given our longstanding work on the factors that influence<br />
national productivity, and the perceived urgency of<br />
understanding opportunities to improve the US economy’s<br />
performance, McKinsey & Company believes it is timely to<br />
bring together, in one place, a set of analyses that shed light<br />
on the price of current educational practices. This study<br />
builds on excellent work done by many researchers in the<br />
field, while also reflecting the angle of vision and expertise<br />
of McKinsey’s Social Sector Office, which serves school<br />
systems in the United States and around the world.<br />
This report finds that the underutilization of human potential<br />
in the United States is extremely costly. For individuals, our<br />
results show that:<br />
Avoidable shortfalls in academic achievement impose<br />
heavy and often tragic consequences, via lower earnings,<br />
poorer health, and higher rates of incarceration.<br />
For many students (but by no means all), lagging<br />
achievement evidenced as early as fourth grade appears<br />
to be a powerful predictor of rates of high school and<br />
college graduation, as well as lifetime earnings.<br />
For the economy as a whole, our results show that:<br />
If the United States had in recent years closed the gap<br />
between its educational achievement levels and those<br />
of better-performing nations such as Finland and Korea,<br />
GDP in 2008 could have been $1.3 trillion to $2.3 trillion<br />
higher. This represents 9 to 16 percent of GDP.<br />
If the gap between black and Latino student performance<br />
and white student performance had been similarly<br />
narrowed, GDP in 2008 would have been between<br />
1. In this analysis, we focus mainly on “achievement,” which reflects the mastery of particular cognitive skills or concepts as measured through standardized tests, rather than<br />
“attainment,” which measures educational milestones such as graduation rates.<br />
2. Latino is used to describe either Latino or Hispanic classifications within data analyzed for this report. Categories were developed in 1997 by the Office of Management and Budget<br />
(OMB) that are used to describe groups to which individuals belong, identify with, or belong in the eyes of the community. The categories do not denote scientific definitions of<br />
anthropological origins.<br />
3. This analysis focuses on achievement differentials between black and Latino students and white students. This is primarily because blacks and Latinos are the two largest minority<br />
groups in the United States and are represented in many of the regions and school districts across the country. While achievement differentials certainly exist among other minority<br />
groups (Native Americans, Asians, students of more than one race), data limitations and small sample sizes often make it difficult to make national and state-level comparisons. We<br />
believe this is an area for future research, especially as data collection improves.
6<br />
“ The wide variation in<br />
performance among schools<br />
serving similar students<br />
suggests that these gaps<br />
can be closed. Race and<br />
poverty are not destiny.”<br />
$310 billion and $525 billion higher, or 2 to 4 percent of<br />
GDP. The magnitude of this impact will rise in the years<br />
ahead as demographic shifts result in blacks and Latinos<br />
becoming a larger proportion of the population and<br />
workforce.<br />
If the gap between low-income students and the rest had<br />
been similarly narrowed, GDP in 2008 would have been<br />
$400 billion to $670 billion higher, or 3 to 5 percent of GDP.<br />
If the gap between America’s low-performing states and<br />
the rest had been similarly narrowed, GDP in 2008 would<br />
have been $425 billion to $700 billion higher, or 3 to 5<br />
percent of GDP.<br />
Put differently, the persistence of these educational<br />
achievement gaps imposes on the United States the<br />
economic equivalent of a permanent national recession.<br />
The recurring annual economic cost of the international<br />
achievement gap is substantially larger than the deep<br />
recession the United States is currently experiencing. 4 The<br />
annual output cost of the racial, income, and regional or<br />
systems achievement gap is larger than the US recession of<br />
1981–82.<br />
compelling. In particular, the wide variation in performance<br />
among schools and school systems serving similar<br />
students suggests that the opportunity and output gaps<br />
related to today’s achievement gap can be substantially<br />
closed. Many teachers and schools across the country<br />
are proving that race and poverty are not destiny; many<br />
more are demonstrating that middle-class children can be<br />
educated to world-class levels of performance. America’s<br />
history of bringing disadvantaged groups into the economic<br />
mainstream over time, and the progress of other nations in<br />
education, suggest that large steps forward are possible.<br />
The balance of this summary report is organized into<br />
three sections. First, the report shares key findings on the<br />
international, racial, income, and systems-based gaps<br />
facing the United States. Next, the report assesses the<br />
economic impact of these gaps for the economy as a<br />
whole and for individuals. Finally, the report notes potential<br />
implications of the work and suggests areas for further<br />
study. A companion document containing McKinsey’s full<br />
analysis, “Detailed Findings on The Economic Impact of<br />
the Achievement Gap in America’s Schools,” is available<br />
for download on the Web at http://www.mckinsey.com/<br />
achievementgap. 5<br />
While the price of the status quo in educational outcomes<br />
is remarkably high, the promise implicit in these findings is<br />
4. Based on GDP decline in the fourth quarter of 2008 of minus 6.3 percent.<br />
5. This expanded document includes sources for facts and analyses cited in this summary as well as explanations of methodologies.
McKinsey & Company, Social Sector Office<br />
The Economic Impact of the Achievement Gap in America’s Schools 7<br />
Findings On The Achievement Gap<br />
To document the dimensions of the four identified<br />
achievement gaps, we conducted a thorough literature<br />
review, interviewed a number of the leading researchers in<br />
the field, and performed new independent analyses. Our<br />
key findings follow.<br />
The international achievement gap<br />
The United States lags significantly behind other advanced<br />
nations in educational performance and is slipping further<br />
behind on some important measures. In addition, the gap<br />
between ours and others’ performance widens the longer<br />
children are in school. The facts here demonstrate that<br />
lagging achievement in the United States is not merely<br />
an issue for poor children attending schools in poor<br />
neighborhoods; instead, it affects most children in most<br />
schools.<br />
The Program for International Student Assessment (PISA)<br />
is a respected international comparison of 15-year-olds by<br />
the OECD that measures “real-world” (applied) learning and<br />
problem-solving ability. In 2006 the United States ranked<br />
25th of 30 nations in math and 24th of 30 in science (Exhibit<br />
1). American 15-year-olds are on par with students in<br />
Portugal and the Slovak Republic, rather than with students<br />
in countries that are more relevant competitors for servicesector<br />
and high-value jobs like Canada, the Netherlands,<br />
Korea, and Australia.<br />
This ranking signals the striking erosion of America’s<br />
onetime leadership in education. Forty years ago the United<br />
Exhibit 1<br />
PISA rankings show United States trailing other OECD countries<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
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<br />
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<br />
<br />
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<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
548<br />
547<br />
531<br />
530<br />
527<br />
523<br />
522<br />
520<br />
520<br />
513<br />
510<br />
506<br />
505<br />
504<br />
502<br />
501<br />
496<br />
495<br />
495<br />
492<br />
491<br />
490<br />
490<br />
480<br />
474<br />
466<br />
462<br />
459<br />
424<br />
406<br />
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<br />
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<br />
552<br />
548<br />
527<br />
522<br />
519<br />
516<br />
514<br />
511<br />
511<br />
509<br />
505<br />
504<br />
502<br />
499<br />
498<br />
496<br />
495<br />
495<br />
492<br />
487<br />
487<br />
485<br />
479<br />
474<br />
470<br />
469<br />
465<br />
459<br />
436<br />
408
8<br />
Exhibit 2<br />
17 countries have higher average test scores and lower income-based<br />
inequality than the United States<br />
<br />
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5 10 15 20 25 30<br />
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<br />
<br />
<br />
States was a leader in high school graduation rates; today<br />
it ranks 18th out of 24 industrialized nations. As recently as<br />
1995 America was tied for first in college graduation rates;<br />
by 2006 this ranking had dropped to 14th. 6 In part the trend<br />
can be explained by what author Fareed Zakaria has called<br />
“the rise of the rest.” Economist Eric Hanushek and others<br />
recently studied all international tests in reading, math,<br />
and science administered between 1964 and 2003 and<br />
placed them on a common scale. 7 They found that students<br />
in the United States did not register gains over the past<br />
four decades, while students in currently top-performing<br />
systems like the Netherlands and Finland improved.<br />
Several other facts paint a worrisome picture. First, the<br />
longer American children are in school, the worse they<br />
perform compared to their international peers. In recent<br />
cross-country comparisons of fourth grade reading, math,<br />
and science, US students scored in the top quarter or top<br />
half of advanced nations. By age 15 these rankings drop<br />
to the bottom half. In other words, American students<br />
are farthest behind just as they are about to enter higher<br />
education or the workforce.<br />
Next, there is a striking gap between the performance of<br />
America’s top students and that of top students elsewhere.<br />
The United States has among the smallest proportion of<br />
15-year-olds performing at the highest levels of proficiency<br />
in math. Korea, Switzerland, Belgium, Finland, and the<br />
Czech Republic have at least five times the proportion of<br />
top performers as the United States.<br />
Furthermore, the gap between students from rich and poor<br />
6. National Governors Association, Benchmarking for Success: Ensuring US Students Receive a World-Class Education, (2008).<br />
7. E. Hanushek, et al., “Education and economic growth,” Education Next (Spring 2008), 65.
McKinsey & Company, Social Sector Office<br />
The Economic Impact of the Achievement Gap in America’s Schools 9<br />
families is much more pronounced in the United States<br />
than in other OECD nations (Exhibit 2). In a world-class<br />
system like Finland’s, socioeconomic standing is far less<br />
predictive of student achievement. All things being equal,<br />
a low-income student in the United States is far less likely<br />
to do well in school than a low-income student in Finland.<br />
Given the enormous economic impact of educational<br />
achievement, this is one of the best indicators of equal<br />
opportunity in a society, and one on which the United<br />
States fares poorly.<br />
In one sense this poor performance is surprising,<br />
considering the high per capita income in the United<br />
States, which is generally correlated with higher levels of<br />
educational achievement. And despite large educational<br />
expenditures, school spending in the United States<br />
is among the least cost-effective in the world. By one<br />
measure we get 60 percent less for our education dollars in<br />
terms of average test-score results than do other wealthy<br />
nations (Exhibit 3).<br />
The racial achievement gap<br />
On average, black and Latino students are roughly two<br />
to three years of learning behind white students of the<br />
same age. This racial gap exists regardless of how it is<br />
measured, including both achievement (e.g., test score)<br />
and attainment (e.g., graduation rate) measures. Taking<br />
the average National Assessment of Educational Progress<br />
Exhibit 3<br />
The United States spends more than any other country per point on PISA<br />
mathematics test<br />
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30<br />
52<br />
50<br />
48<br />
40<br />
83<br />
77<br />
74<br />
128<br />
123<br />
120<br />
118<br />
112<br />
112<br />
112<br />
105<br />
103<br />
100<br />
98<br />
96<br />
165<br />
162<br />
153<br />
151<br />
150<br />
142<br />
The US spends<br />
$165 to get a<br />
point on PISA<br />
math, about<br />
60% more than<br />
the OECD<br />
average<br />
<br />
<br />
8. The National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) is the largest and most consistently administered nationally representative assessment of US students. Headed by the<br />
National Center for Education Statistics in the US Department of Education, these assessments are conducted periodically in a number of subjects for students in grades 4, 8, and 12.<br />
NAEP uses criterion-based achievement levels, which are performance standards set based on recommendations from educators and members of the public. Achievement levels include <br />
Basic (denotes partial mastery of prerequisite knowledge and skills that are fundamental for proficient work at each grade), Proficient (represents solid academic performance for each<br />
grade assessed, with students demonstrating competency over challenging subject matter), and Advanced (signifies superior performance). Interpretation of raw scores is based on the<br />
understanding that ten points is roughly equivalent to one year’s worth of learning. For example, using NAEP’s criteria for achievement levels by grade, the difference between “basic”<br />
and “proficient” as a fourth and eighth grader is 48 and 50 points, respectively, in math, and 35 and 43 points, respectively, in reading—meaning that in order to remain at the same<br />
achievement level over four years they must gain an average of about 10 points per grade.
10<br />
(NAEP) scores for math and reading across the fourth and<br />
eighth grades, for example, 48 percent of blacks and 43<br />
percent of Latinos are “below basic,” while only 17 percent<br />
of whites are, and this gap exists in every state. 8 A more<br />
pronounced racial achievement gap exists in most large<br />
urban school districts.<br />
Comparing US black and Latino student performance to<br />
the performance of students in other countries adds further<br />
perspective. 9 In eighth grade math, US Latino students<br />
perform below students in Malta and Serbia and about<br />
as well as students in Malaysia; US black students lag<br />
behind Romania and Bulgaria and roughly match students<br />
in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Similar results are seen for<br />
15-year-olds in science, with US Latinos scoring at the<br />
level of students in Chile and Serbia, and US blacks on par<br />
with students in Mexico and Indonesia. Just as with the<br />
international achievement gap described above, America’s<br />
racial achievement gap worsens the longer children are<br />
in school. Between the fourth and twelfth grades, for<br />
example, the gap versus white student math scores grows<br />
41 percent for Latinos and 22 percent for blacks.<br />
Notably, in some areas, the racial gap has been overcome.<br />
For example, Latino students in Ohio outperform white<br />
students in 13 other states on the eighth grade NAEP<br />
reading test and are seven points ahead of the national<br />
average. In Texas, low-income black students have the<br />
same average score on the fourth grade NAEP as lowincome<br />
white students in Alabama. 10<br />
Interestingly, the size of the racial achievement gap is not<br />
correlated with overall state performance. Massachusetts,<br />
for example, has among the highest overall scores on<br />
NAEP, but blacks and Latinos there are eight times more<br />
likely to underperform in fourth grade math than are whites.<br />
By comparing several neighboring-state pairs with similar<br />
demographics, we can see how dramatic this disconnect<br />
can be between overall achievement and the racial gap.<br />
New Hampshire and Connecticut, for example, have similar<br />
Exhibit 4<br />
Neighboring states with similar overall scores can have large achievement<br />
gap differences<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
40<br />
35<br />
30<br />
25<br />
20<br />
15<br />
<br />
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10<br />
206 208 210 212 214 216 218 220 222 224 226 228 230 232 234 236 238<br />
<br />
<br />
9. Insufficient data exists today to document gaps related to other underserved communities, such as Native Americans.<br />
<br />
<br />
10. While this research focuses on the achievement gap measured starting in fourth grade there is extensive evidence of the importance of early childhood education in building the necessary cognitive abilities<br />
before kindergarten and how many young children are entering kindergarten unprepared.
McKinsey & Company, Social Sector Office<br />
The Economic Impact of the Achievement Gap in America’s Schools 11<br />
overall fourth grade reading scores; yet the gap between<br />
white and black scores in Connecticut is more than twice<br />
what it is in New Hampshire. A similar disconnect can be<br />
found between Arkansas and Oklahoma, or Maryland<br />
and Delaware (Exhibit 4). State variations in the racial<br />
achievement gap cannot be explained by the proportion<br />
of blacks and Latinos in a state’s educational system,<br />
furthermore, although school-level segregation may play a<br />
role in influencing outcomes.<br />
Just as with the international context, there is a notable gap<br />
within the overall racial achievement gap having to do with<br />
top performers. We term this gap the “top gap.” Blacks and<br />
Latinos are overrepresented among low-scoring students<br />
and underrepresented at the top. Across reading and math,<br />
less than 3 percent of black and Latino children are at the<br />
advanced level; by twelfth grade it is less than 1 percent<br />
(Exhibit 5). And despite a modest increase in the proportion<br />
of American students at the top level as defined by NAEP<br />
over the past 15 years, less than 10 percent of this increase<br />
involved black and Latino students. Moreover, very few<br />
blacks have access to challenging programs like Advanced<br />
Placement, and those who do have not fared well. Less<br />
than 4 percent of black students score a 3 or higher on<br />
an AP test at some point in high school, compared to 15<br />
percent nationwide. This lagging representation among top<br />
performers matters to economic outcomes, because high<br />
achievers tend to be those who attend the top colleges and<br />
reap the highest earnings over their lives.<br />
As a greater proportion of blacks and Latinos enter<br />
the student population in the United States, the racial<br />
achievement gap, if not addressed, will almost certainly<br />
act as a drag on overall US educational and economic<br />
performance in the years ahead. The two most populous<br />
states, California and Texas, are already “minority-majority”<br />
states: along with New Mexico and Hawaii, the population<br />
in these states is less than 50 percent European ancestry.<br />
The student population of the United States as a whole will<br />
reach this status by 2023. 11<br />
Exhibit 5<br />
Few black and Latino students score at the “advanced” level, and the<br />
percentage declines over time<br />
<br />
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<br />
<br />
11. US Census Bureau, “An Older and More Diverse Nation by Midcentury,” press release (August 14, 2008)
12<br />
The income achievement gap<br />
The achievement gap among students of different income<br />
levels is equally severe. Impoverished students (a group<br />
here defined as those eligible for federally subsidized<br />
free lunches) are roughly two years of learning behind the<br />
average better-off student of the same age. The poverty<br />
gap appears early and persists over the lifetime of a<br />
student; only 9 percent of freshmen in the nation’s 120 “Tier<br />
1” colleges (whose total freshman enrollment is 170,000)<br />
are from the bottom half of the income distribution (Exhibit<br />
6). At the school-wide level, moreover, schools comprised<br />
mostly of low-income students perform much worse than<br />
schools with fewer low-income students. As with the racial<br />
achievement gap, these income gaps remain large even<br />
in otherwise high-performing states. Massachusetts has<br />
among the highest overall NAEP scores, for example, but<br />
students eligible for free lunch are six times more likely to be<br />
below “basic” in fourth grade math than ineligible students.<br />
System-based achievement gaps<br />
The most striking, poorly understood, and ultimately<br />
hopeful fact about the educational achievement gaps<br />
in the United States involves the huge differences in<br />
performance found between school systems, especially<br />
between systems serving similar students. This situation<br />
is analogous to that found across American health<br />
care, where, as researchers like John Wennberg have<br />
shown, wide regional variations in costs and utilization<br />
of procedures and services exist that bear no relation to<br />
quality or health outcomes. In each case, these differences<br />
prove there are substantial opportunities to improve<br />
Exhibit 6<br />
Income-based gap persists from primary school through college<br />
From primary school…<br />
…to high school…<br />
…to college<br />
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<br />
<br />
Only 9% of freshmen<br />
in the top colleges are<br />
from the bottom half<br />
of the SES<br />
distribution
McKinsey & Company, Social Sector Office<br />
The Economic Impact of the Achievement Gap in America’s Schools 13<br />
The interaction of income and racial<br />
achievement gaps<br />
While blacks and Latinos are generally much poorer than<br />
whites in America, it is possible to parse available data to<br />
demonstrate the existence of distinct income achievement<br />
gaps within racial groups. Poor white students tend toward<br />
lower achievement than rich white students. Whites,<br />
meanwhile, significantly outperform blacks and Latinos at<br />
each income level. In fact, white students from the secondincome<br />
quartile perform about the same as rich black<br />
students (Exhibit A). In addition, the strong link revealed<br />
in Exhibit B between black child poverty rates and black<br />
achievement levels underscores the income achievement gap<br />
among black students as a phenomenon separate from the<br />
racial gap between all black students and all white students.<br />
As a result, low-income black students suffer from the largest<br />
achievement gap of any cohort. NAEP data suggests that<br />
the average non-poor white student is about three and a<br />
half years ahead in learning compared to the average poor<br />
black student; this gap increases to roughly five years when<br />
comparing top-performing New Jersey with low-performing<br />
Washington, DC. (Exhibit C).<br />
Exhibit A<br />
While independent racial and income gaps exist,<br />
black and Latino students underperform white<br />
students at each income level<br />
<br />
<br />
48<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
42<br />
43<br />
<br />
<br />
52<br />
45<br />
45<br />
<br />
54<br />
47<br />
49<br />
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<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
57<br />
50<br />
<br />
51<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
Exhibit B<br />
Test scores for black students strongly correlate to<br />
black poverty rates<br />
Exhibit C<br />
By fourth grade, non-poor whites in the highest<br />
performing states are roughly five years ahead<br />
of poor blacks in DC<br />
<br />
<br />
234<br />
232<br />
230<br />
228<br />
226<br />
224<br />
222<br />
220<br />
218<br />
216<br />
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<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
236<br />
232<br />
244<br />
257<br />
252<br />
214<br />
212<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
210<br />
15 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 55<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
222<br />
218<br />
206
14<br />
productivity and performance via the adoption of best<br />
practices. While it is less clear how to address the racial and<br />
income-based achievement gaps directly, understanding<br />
and acting on the lessons found in these system-based<br />
achievement gaps will be among the most powerful tools<br />
available to those who aim to achieve higher and more<br />
equitable educational outcomes.<br />
Important performance gaps exist at every level in<br />
American education: among states, among districts<br />
within states, among schools within districts, and among<br />
classrooms within schools. This confirms what intuition<br />
would suggest and research has indicated: differences<br />
in public policies, systemwide strategies, school site<br />
leadership, teaching practice, and perhaps other systemic<br />
investments can fundamentally influence student<br />
achievement. California and Texas, for example, are two<br />
large states with similar demographics. Yet as shown in<br />
Exhibit 7, Texas students are, on average, one to two years<br />
of learning ahead of California students of the same age,<br />
even though Texas has less income per capita and spends<br />
less per pupil than California. 12 Likewise, when comparing<br />
states like New Jersey and Connecticut, New Jersey has<br />
higher NAEP scores and a smaller racial achievement gap<br />
despite having a lower income per capita level and a higher<br />
proportion of racial minorities than Connecticut. These<br />
differences between states can be dramatic. Poor black<br />
students in Washington, DC, are roughly 4 years of learning<br />
behind poor white students in Massachusetts (Exhibit 8).<br />
A poor white student in the worst-performing state for lowincome<br />
whites (Alabama) scores as well as a poor black<br />
student in the best-performing state for low-income blacks<br />
(Texas).<br />
Within a state, districts with similar demographics can<br />
also have very different levels of achievement. Exhibit 9<br />
compares four urban districts in Texas with similar poverty<br />
levels and ethnic and racial compositions. As can be seen,<br />
one of them (District 1) has consistently higher levels of<br />
achievement and lower dropout rates than the others.<br />
The same patterns hold true within districts. For example,<br />
we analyzed two mostly black public schools in poor<br />
neighborhoods within the same district (Exhibit 10). One<br />
dramatically outperforms the other in reading and math<br />
despite having higher poverty rates. Finally, within the<br />
Exhibit 7<br />
California and Texas are two large states with similar<br />
demographics but different achievement outcomes<br />
Demographics<br />
and<br />
Resources<br />
California<br />
Texas<br />
Population 36.8 million 23.5 million<br />
Racial/ethnic<br />
composition<br />
White: 44%<br />
Black: 6%<br />
Asian: 12%<br />
Latino: 34%<br />
Other: 3%<br />
White: 48%<br />
Black: 11%<br />
Asian: 3%<br />
Latino: 37%<br />
Other: 2%<br />
GDP per capita $42,102 $37,073<br />
Per pupil<br />
spending<br />
Outcomes NAEP grade 4<br />
math<br />
$8,486 $7,561<br />
California<br />
Texas<br />
All 230 242<br />
White 247 253<br />
Black 218 230<br />
Latino 218 236<br />
NAEP grade 8<br />
math<br />
All 270 286<br />
White 287 300<br />
Black 253 271<br />
Latino 256 277<br />
same school, student achievement can vary dramatically<br />
by classroom. Indeed, there is actually more variation in<br />
student achievement within schools than between schools<br />
in the United States. The 2006 PISA Science report by the<br />
OECD found variation within schools in the United States<br />
to be 2.6 times greater than the variation across schools.<br />
This finding confirms others’ research in the United States,<br />
as well as that of McKinsey’s Global Education Practice<br />
both across and within countries, which holds that access<br />
to consistent quality of teaching is a key determinant of<br />
student achievement.<br />
12. Data for California and Texas exclusions for NAEP sampling purposes do not differ significantly and are not believed to be a meaningful explanatory factor in the test-score differences between<br />
California and Texas students.
McKinsey & Company, Social Sector Office<br />
The Economic Impact of the Achievement Gap in America’s Schools 15<br />
Exhibit 8<br />
Differences in achievement between states can be as high as two years of learning even<br />
after controlling for race and income<br />
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<br />
Exhibit 9<br />
Within a state, districts with similar demographics can have different levels of<br />
achievement
16<br />
Exhibit 10<br />
Within the same district, schools with similar demographics can have very different<br />
achievement outcomes
McKinsey & Company, Social Sector Office<br />
The Economic Impact of the Achievement Gap in America’s Schools 17<br />
Economic impact of the achievement gap<br />
Impact on the national economy<br />
The achievement gaps described above raise moral<br />
questions for a society committed to the ideal of equal<br />
opportunity. But they also impose concrete economic<br />
costs. Estimating the economic impact of underutilized<br />
human potential is necessarily an imperfect process,<br />
requiring assumptions about the pace of educational<br />
improvement, the relationship of student achievement<br />
to economic growth, and the nature of labor markets<br />
as workforce skills are enhanced. But even with these<br />
challenges, McKinsey believes that scoping the rough<br />
magnitudes of the economic cost of America’s educational<br />
achievement gaps is important; without such estimates it<br />
is difficult to judge how efforts to lift student achievement<br />
should rank among national economic priorities.<br />
To make these estimates, McKinsey built on an approach<br />
pioneered by economist Eric Hanushek of Stanford<br />
University for linking trends in student achievement to<br />
growth in GDP. 13,14 The scenario we chose to model runs as<br />
follows. Suppose that in the 15 years after the 1983 report<br />
“A Nation at Risk” sounded the alarm about the “rising tide<br />
of mediocrity” in American education, the United States<br />
had lifted lagging student achievement to higher (but in our<br />
view achievable) benchmarks of performance? What would<br />
have been the effect in 2008 of having reduced America’s<br />
achievement gaps in this way? And what was the difference<br />
between actual economic performance in 2008 and what<br />
it would have been had these improvements been made?<br />
This becomes our measure of the underutilization of human<br />
potential in the economy. In a desire to avoid false precision<br />
we used a range of growth factors to compute a range of<br />
GDP impacts in the year 2008. The results square with<br />
our common intuition that there is a high price for failing to<br />
make full use of the nation’s human potential:<br />
If the United States had closed the international<br />
achievement gap between 1983 and 1998 and raised<br />
its performance to the level of such nations as Finland<br />
and Korea, US GDP in 2008 would have been between<br />
$1.3 trillion and $2.3 trillion higher, representing 9 to 16<br />
percent of GDP.<br />
If the United States had closed the racial achievement<br />
gap and black and Latino student performance had<br />
caught up with that of white students by 1998, GDP in<br />
2008 would have been between $310 billion and $525<br />
billion higher, or roughly 2 to 4 percent of GDP. (The<br />
magnitude of this effect will rise in the years ahead as<br />
blacks and Latinos become a larger proportion of the<br />
population.)<br />
If the United States had closed the income achievement<br />
gap so that between 1983 and 1998 the performance of<br />
students from families with income below $25,000 a year<br />
had been raised to the performance of students from<br />
homes with incomes above $25,000 a year, then GDP in<br />
2008 would have been $400 billion to $670 billion higher,<br />
or 3 to 5 percent of GDP.<br />
If the United States had closed the systems achievement<br />
gap so that between 1983 and 1998 states performing<br />
below the national average on NAEP were brought up to<br />
the national average, GDP in 2008 would have been $425<br />
billion to $700 billion higher, or about 3 to 5 percent of<br />
GDP. 15<br />
By underutilizing such a large proportion of the country’s<br />
human potential, the US economy is less rich in skills than<br />
it could be. The result is that American workers are, on<br />
average, less able to develop, master, and adapt to new<br />
productivity-enhancing technologies and methods than<br />
they could otherwise have been. Also, these achievement<br />
gaps have a clustering effect akin to economic dead zones,<br />
13. More on this methodology can be found in the companion document, “Detailed Findings on The Economic Impact of the Achievement Gap in America’s Schools,” available for<br />
download on the Web at http://www.mckinsey.com/clientservice/socialsector/achievement_gap.<br />
14. E. Hanushek, and L. Woessman, The Role of Cognitive Skills in Economic Development (2008).<br />
15. Separately, McKinsey looked at the link between lower performance of black and Latino students (and the implications for educational attainment) to estimate that US earnings alone<br />
would be $120 billion to $160 billion higher in 2008 than if there were no racial achievement gap. The companion document offers more details on this methodology.
18<br />
Exhibit 11<br />
Achievement as early as fourth grade can be linked to life outcomes<br />
Fourth grade achievement is linked to eighth<br />
grade achievement…<br />
<br />
<br />
… and eighth grade achievement correlates to<br />
higher income<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
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<br />
<br />
where communities with low-achieving local schools<br />
produce clusters of Americans largely unable to participate<br />
in the greater American economy due to a concentration of<br />
low skills, high unemployment, or high incarceration rates.<br />
To put these numbers in perspective, it is often noted that<br />
in the current recession the US economy will fall roughly<br />
$1 trillion short of its output potential. By that measure,<br />
the international achievement gap is imposing on the US<br />
economy an invisible yet recurring economic loss that is<br />
greater than the output shortfall in what has been called<br />
the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression. In<br />
addition, the racial, income, and system achievement gaps<br />
all impose annual output shortfalls that are greater than<br />
what the nation experienced in the recession of 1981–82,<br />
the deepest downturn in the postwar period until now.<br />
In other words, the educational achievement gaps in the<br />
United States have created the equivalent of a permanent,<br />
deep recession in terms of the gap between actual and<br />
potential output in the economy.<br />
Impact on individuals<br />
The achievement gap also influences individual outcomes.<br />
There is a demonstrable link between early performance<br />
in school and subsequent rates of high school graduation,<br />
college attendance and completion, and ultimately<br />
earnings. While this does not mean that individual<br />
students who perform poorly early on cannot improve their<br />
performance and subsequent outcomes, the pattern of<br />
success leading to success is strong.<br />
Tests as early as fourth grade are powerful predictors of<br />
future achievement and life outcomes. For example, 87<br />
percent of fourth grade students scoring in the bottom
McKinsey & Company, Social Sector Office<br />
The Economic Impact of the Achievement Gap in America’s Schools 19<br />
Exhibit 12<br />
Among students with similar third-grade test scores, graduation outcomes<br />
varied greatly on progress by eighth grade<br />
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quartile on New York City math achievement tests remained<br />
in the bottom half in eighth grade. Students who scored in<br />
the top quartile in math in eighth grade had a 40 percent<br />
higher median income 12 years later than students who<br />
scored in the bottom quartile (Exhibit 11). In New York City,<br />
higher-achieving eighth grade students also have a much<br />
higher likelihood of graduating from high school with a<br />
Regents diploma. 16<br />
Yet while early test scores are important indicators of a<br />
student’s life chances, they do not set the future in stone.<br />
New York City’s experience suggests that the period<br />
between third grade and eighth grade can be critical<br />
(Exhibit 12). When starting from a similar point, students<br />
who are able to improve their performance between third<br />
and eighth grade are much more likely to graduate with<br />
honors and thus benefit from higher earnings over time.<br />
This means that while some students may have different<br />
starting points than others, reaching low-achieving<br />
students in the early years of their education can have a<br />
tremendous impact on their life outcomes.<br />
These economic stakes come atop other consequences<br />
for good or poor educational performance—consequences<br />
that have been documented previously but that are often<br />
ignored or underestimated. The less educated a person<br />
is, the likelier that person is to end up behind bars. A high<br />
school dropout is five to eight times more likely to be<br />
incarcerated than a college graduate. 17<br />
There are also health-related costs associated with the<br />
educational achievement gap. Lower education is highly<br />
correlated with unhealthy lifestyles, including higher<br />
incidences of smoking and obesity. Less educated people<br />
<br />
16. For students entering the ninth grade after 2007, the Regents diploma is the standard high school diploma in the state of New York.<br />
17. E. Moretti, “Crime and the costs of criminal justice,” The Price We Pay (2007).
20<br />
are more likely to be uninsured and as a result consume<br />
more public health resources.<br />
Education levels are also linked to civic engagement. High<br />
school graduates are twice as likely to vote than people with<br />
an eighth grade education or less. College graduates are<br />
50 percent more likely to vote than high school graduates.<br />
Lifting the achievement of lagging socioeconomic and<br />
ethnic groups would almost certainly enhance the richness<br />
of America’s civic life.
McKinsey & Company, Social Sector Office<br />
The Economic Impact of the Achievement Gap in America’s Schools 21<br />
Discussion and Implications<br />
There are numerous implications from these findings.<br />
Below we highlight five themes that are often overlooked in<br />
the debate, in addition to offering several suggestions for<br />
further research.<br />
Lagging achievement is a problem for poor<br />
and minority children and for the broad<br />
middle class<br />
A large part of the economic cost associated with<br />
America’s educational achievement gap is borne by<br />
poor and minority communities whose members are<br />
unable to reach their potential. But the magnitude of the<br />
international gap suggests that the broad middle class in<br />
the United States pays a severe price for failing to match the<br />
performance of nations with better educational systems.<br />
In our observation, parents in poor neighborhoods are<br />
all too aware that their schools are not performing well;<br />
but middle-class parents typically do not realize that their<br />
schools are failing to adequately prepare their children for<br />
an age of global competition. Our findings suggest this<br />
middle-class complacency is unjustified and should be<br />
challenged.<br />
Inequities in teacher quality and school<br />
funding are pervasive<br />
While an assessment of the causes of America’s persistent<br />
racial and income achievement gaps is beyond the scope<br />
of this report, two facts stand out from our research and<br />
from related McKinsey work in school systems around the<br />
world. First, on average, the United States systematically<br />
assigns less experienced, less qualified, and probably less<br />
effective teachers to poorer students of color. 18 Second,<br />
because of the unique nature of school finance systems in<br />
the United States, schools in poor neighborhoods tend to<br />
have far less funding per pupil than do schools in wealthier<br />
districts, a degree of inequity not seen in other advanced<br />
nations.<br />
To be sure, money is not everything; as our research shows,<br />
school spending in the United States is, in aggregate,<br />
inefficient compared to other nations. What’s more, as<br />
education spending in districts like Washington, DC, and<br />
Newark, New Jersey, indicates, it is possible to spend very<br />
high amounts per pupil and have poor results to show for<br />
it. But these districts are unusual. As a rule, schools in poor<br />
neighborhoods spend far less per pupil than schools in<br />
their nearby affluent suburbs. Since teacher salaries are<br />
one of the biggest components of district cost structures,<br />
affluent districts routinely outbid poorer ones for the best<br />
teaching talent (in addition to offering typically better<br />
working conditions and easier-to-teach children). Further<br />
research could usefully address two related questions: (1)<br />
what changes in the salary and nonsalary components of<br />
teaching would be required to attract and retain highercaliber<br />
college graduates as well as experienced teachers<br />
with records of success in raising student achievement,<br />
to devote their careers to teaching poorer students of<br />
color? (2) What is the link between true per pupil funding in<br />
a school or district and the quality and effectiveness of its<br />
teachers? Our hypothesis is that a thorough examination<br />
of these questions would provide a fact base policy makers<br />
would find useful.<br />
What happens in schools and school systems<br />
matters profoundly<br />
There has long been debate, dating at least to the Coleman<br />
Report in 1966, as to whether students’ fates are shaped<br />
more by socioeconomic factors outside of school or by<br />
what happens inside school. Our reading of the evidence<br />
suggests that while factors outside of school are certainly<br />
very important sources of unequal outcomes, superior<br />
educational policies and practices at every level—federal,<br />
state, district, school, and classroom—matter profoundly<br />
for student achievement, and thus for students’ economic<br />
prospects and life chances. American education is filled<br />
18. Most systems are not yet capable of accurately measuring teacher effectiveness in raising student achievement, but the evidence, where it exists, is strongly suggestive. See, for<br />
example, H. G. Pensek and K. Hancock, “Teaching inequality: How poor and minority students are shortchanged on teacher quality,” The Education Trust (2006).
22<br />
with instances in which students with similar backgrounds<br />
and traits achieve very different results. McKinsey believes<br />
this can be dramatically affected by what happens (or<br />
doesn’t happen) in our schools. Research to refine more<br />
precisely what drives this system achievement gap among<br />
similar students should be a priority.<br />
Better data is essential<br />
While real differences in performance exist across school<br />
systems, inconsistencies in how data are gathered<br />
and reported make it difficult to understand the factors<br />
shaping the achievement gaps at the system level. This<br />
hinders policy makers and educators in their pursuit of<br />
better outcomes. For example, each state has different<br />
standards for what constitutes proficiency levels under No<br />
Child Left Behind, as well as different standardized tests<br />
to measure student achievement, making state-to-state<br />
comparisons difficult. And while NAEP does allow for a<br />
common state-level comparison, its limited sample size<br />
and reporting restricts the ability to gain more granular<br />
insights at a student, classroom, or school level. Moreover,<br />
relatively few states and systems currently put useful and<br />
timely data on how individual students are progressing in<br />
the hands of educators and parents. Given the $600 billion<br />
that the United States spends annually on its public school<br />
systems, and the enormous economic stakes riding on<br />
improved student achievement, it is remarkably shortsighted<br />
to invest so little in insights about educational<br />
performance.<br />
There is a case for optimism<br />
Daunting as the school improvement challenge often<br />
seems, we see at least three reasons for optimism:<br />
First, long experience around the world serving both<br />
private companies and public-sector entities teaches us<br />
that when large variations in performance exist among<br />
similar operations, relentless efforts to benchmark and<br />
implement what works can lift performance substantially.<br />
Second, the United States has a history of making<br />
progress in improving student achievement and in closing<br />
the achievement gap, even if this progress has often<br />
been modest and uneven. Over the past 35 years, for<br />
example, national aggregate achievement has generally<br />
increased. And while a large racial achievement gap<br />
remains, it has narrowed by about one-third over the<br />
past 30 or 40 years. In the past 15 years, moreover, many<br />
states, such as New Jersey, have managed to shrink their<br />
racial achievement gaps to some extent, particularly in<br />
earlier grades. The Union City, New Jersey, district, for<br />
example, has shown remarkable progress, which may<br />
offer lessons for reformers nationally. 19 New York City, the<br />
country’s largest district, has shown since 2003 that the<br />
traditionally lowest-achieving group, poor black students,<br />
can improve meaningfully. 20<br />
Third, the United States has a broad history of success in<br />
eventually equipping underutilized groups with greater<br />
skills over time, with important benefits for economic<br />
performance. The United States pioneered universal free<br />
public education through grammar school in the mid-19th<br />
century, for example, creating a vast literate, numerate<br />
workforce capable of generating greater productivity<br />
through industrialization and enabling exceptional<br />
individuals to transform the economy through their<br />
innovations. When an influx of immigrants was given<br />
increased access to high school between 1910 and<br />
1940, it readied them for more highly skilled technical and<br />
managerial jobs in industries that helped boost economic<br />
growth. The dramatic increase in female participation in<br />
the labor force in recent decades has been widely credited<br />
with boosting economic growth. In each of these cases,<br />
America’s commitment and actions taken to utilize its<br />
human potential more fully resulted in economic benefits<br />
for the nation as a whole.<br />
* * *<br />
The stakes for the nation of remedying America’s<br />
educational achievement gaps are high. We hope these<br />
findings can serve as a common point of departure from<br />
which diverse stakeholders might refine a more urgent<br />
agenda for action.<br />
19. G. MacInnes, In Plain Sight: Simple, Difficult Lessons from New Jersey’s Expensive Effort to Close the Achievement Gap (2009).<br />
20. For example, average math scores of black fourth graders eligible for federally subsidized lunch improved by 8 points from 2003 to 2007. Additional analysis can be found in the<br />
companion document.
McKinsey & Company, Social Sector Office<br />
The Economic Impact of the Achievement Gap in America’s Schools 23<br />
McKinsey & Company is a management consulting firm<br />
that helps many of the world’s leading corporations and<br />
organizations address their strategic challenges. The<br />
Social Sector Office works with global institutions and<br />
philanthropies to address chronic, complex societal<br />
challenges in health, education and economic development.
Social Sector Office<br />
April 2009<br />
Designed by NewMedia Australia<br />
Copyright © McKinsey & Company<br />
www.mckinsey.com/clientservice/socialsector/
Page 223 of 250
Attachment C<br />
The Use and Abuse of Media<br />
In Vulnerable Societies<br />
Page 224 of 250
UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE<br />
www.usip.org<br />
SPECIAL REPORT<br />
1200 17th Street NW • Washington, DC 20036 • 202.457.1700 • fax 202.429.6063<br />
ABOUT THE REPORT<br />
Across the globe, media have been used as tools to<br />
inflame grievances and accelerate the escalation<br />
towards violent conflict. In Rwanda, radio was used to<br />
lay the groundwork for genocide. In the Former<br />
Republic of Yugoslavia, television was manipulated to<br />
stir ethnic tensions prior to civil war. In the former<br />
Soviet republic of Georgia, territorial disputes were<br />
exacerbated by the propagation of nationalist<br />
mythology in the media.<br />
In light of this historical evidence, Internews Network,<br />
which fosters pluralistic independent media in<br />
emerging democracies and focuses its media<br />
development efforts on reducing conflict within and<br />
between countries, undertook an analysis of media<br />
abuse by actors intent on inciting conflict. The results<br />
of the study, published here, are intended to help<br />
media assistance organizations direct interventions to<br />
where they can be most beneficial.<br />
The analysis was conducted by Mark Frohardt,<br />
Internews Network regional director for Africa, and<br />
Jonathan Temin, Internews Network program associate.<br />
For more information on this project, including case<br />
studies, go to www.internews.org/mediainconflict.<br />
The views expressed in this report do not necessarily<br />
reflect views of the United States Institute of Peace,<br />
which does not advocate specific policies.<br />
SPECIAL REPORT 110 OCTOBER 2003<br />
CONTENTS<br />
Introduction 2<br />
Clues to Conflict 3<br />
Structural Indicators 3<br />
Content Indicators 6<br />
Opportunities for Intervention 8<br />
Structural Interventions 8<br />
Content-Specific Interventions 13<br />
Aggressive Interventions 14<br />
Recommendations 15<br />
Mark Frohardt and Jonathan Temin<br />
Use and Abuse of Media in<br />
Vulnerable Societies<br />
Summary<br />
• Conventional media—radio, television, and newspapers—usually play a positive and<br />
informative role in society. However, there are many documented cases of media<br />
being manipulated by actors intent on instigating violent conflict.<br />
• Analyzing the “clues to conflict” in vulnerable societies can enable policymakers to<br />
identify societies that are particularly vulnerable to media abuse and decide on the<br />
most appropriate type and timing of media interventions.<br />
• These clues are divided into two categories. Structural indicators concern media outlets,<br />
media professionals, or government institutions concerned with media; these<br />
indicators can include media variety and plurality, degree of journalist isolation, and<br />
the legal environment for media. Content indicators concern content designed to create<br />
fear (such as a focus on past atrocities and history of ethnic hatred) or content<br />
designed to create a sense of inevitability and resignation (such as discrediting alternatives<br />
to conflict).<br />
• In response to the clues to conflict, a number of opportunities for intervention are<br />
suggested. These media interventions fall into three categories: structural interventions,<br />
such as strengthening domestic and international journalist networks; contentspecific<br />
interventions, such as issue-oriented training; and aggressive interventions,<br />
such as radio and television jamming.<br />
• Early interventions are less expensive and more effective than later interventions,<br />
because by the time media abuse is widespread there may be little or no recourse.<br />
• The international community should undertake four actions: media in vulnerable societies<br />
should be monitored; there should be greater collaboration between media organizations<br />
and conflict resolution organizations; media organizations need to build a<br />
better case for monitoring and early intervention and need to encourage appropriate<br />
donor support; and a systematic review of media behavior in vulnerable societies<br />
should be conducted to enhance the international community’s understanding of this<br />
important dynamic.
Introduction<br />
ABOUT THE INSTITUTE<br />
The United States Institute of Peace is an<br />
independent, nonpartisan federal institution<br />
created by Congress to promote the prevention,<br />
management, and peaceful resolution of international<br />
conflicts. Established in 1984, the Institute<br />
meets its congressional mandate through an<br />
array of programs, including research grants,<br />
fellowships, professional training, education<br />
programs from high school through graduate<br />
school, conferences and workshops, library services,<br />
and publications. The Institute’s Board of<br />
Directors is appointed by the President of the<br />
United States and confirmed by the Senate.<br />
BOARD OF DIRECTORS<br />
Chester A. Crocker (Chairman), James R. Schlesinger<br />
Professor of Strategic Studies, School of Foreign Service,<br />
Georgetown University • Seymour Martin Lipset (Vice<br />
Chairman), Hazel Professor of Public Policy, George<br />
Mason University • Betty F. Bumpers, Founder and<br />
former President, Peace Links, Washington, D.C.<br />
• Holly J. Burkhalter, Advocacy Director, Physicians for<br />
Human Rights, Washington, D.C. • Charles Horner,<br />
Senior Fellow, Hudson Institute, Washington, D.C.<br />
• Stephen D. Krasner, Graham H. Stuart Professor of<br />
International Relations, Stanford University<br />
• Marc E. Leland, Esq., President, Marc E. Leland &<br />
Associates, Arlington, Va. • Mora L. McLean, Esq.,<br />
President, Africa-America Institute, New York, N.Y.<br />
• María Otero, President, ACCION International, Boston,<br />
Mass. • Daniel Pipes, Director, Middle East Forum,<br />
Philadelphia, Pa. • Barbara W. Snelling, former State<br />
Senator and former Lieutenant Governor, Shelburne, Vt.<br />
• Harriet Zimmerman, Vice President, American Israel<br />
Public Affairs Committee, Washington, D.C.<br />
MEMBERS EX OFFICIO<br />
Lorne W. Craner, Assistant Secretary of State for<br />
Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor •<br />
Michael M. Dunn, Lieutenant General, U.S. Air Force;<br />
President, National Defense University •<br />
Douglas J. Feith, Under Secretary of Defense for Policy<br />
• Richard H. Solomon, President, United States<br />
Institute of Peace (nonvoting)<br />
In the wake of the deadly and destructive civil conflicts so prominent in the 1990s, academics<br />
and practitioners have increasingly focused on predicting and preventing civil conflict,<br />
rather than responding to and recovering from it. Accordingly, there have been various<br />
methodologies developed to identify societies in which violent conflict is likely to occur,<br />
and significant research has been conducted into the root causes of civil conflict. That<br />
analysis has focused on identifying and understanding such causal factors as economic<br />
decline, longstanding grievances between groups, and the ethnic and religious make-up of<br />
society. But the use of the media to promote violent conflict has too often been devoted<br />
insufficient attention.<br />
This analysis focuses on the role of media in vulnerable societies, which are defined as<br />
societies highly susceptible to movement towards civil conflict and/or repressive rule. This<br />
often describes societies in developing countries and countries in transition, almost always<br />
those struggling to make the transition from authoritarian to democratic government. It<br />
frequently describes multi-ethnic societies as well, which, over the past decade, have<br />
proven more likely to fall victim to conflict than societies with greater ethnic homogeneity.<br />
Media can be manipulated in an effort to move a society toward conflict or toward nondemocratic<br />
rule. This analysis focuses specifically on the former, but recognizes that an<br />
equally thorough analysis could focus on the latter.<br />
In contrast to active use of media outlets to promote conflict, media can also contribute<br />
to conflict involuntarily. Such passive incitement to violence most frequently occurs when<br />
journalists have poor professional skills, when media culture is underdeveloped, or when<br />
there is little or no history of independent media. Under such circumstances journalists can<br />
inflame grievances and promote stereotypes by virtue of the manner in which they report,<br />
even though their intentions are not necessarily malicious and they are not being manipulated<br />
by an outside entity. Such a scenario is less common than that in which media are<br />
actively manipulated, but it is no less dangerous.<br />
Perhaps media have generally been overlooked in analyses of conflict because, on their<br />
own, they are rarely a direct cause of conflict. Nonetheless, as part of a larger matrix of<br />
factors, media can be extremely powerful tools used to promote violence, as witnessed in<br />
Rwanda, the former Republic of Yugoslavia, the former Soviet republic of Georgia, and elsewhere.<br />
As Jamie Metzl observes, “mass media reach not only people’s homes, but also their<br />
minds, shaping their thoughts and sometimes their behavior” (“Information Intervention,”<br />
Foreign Affairs, November–December 1997, p. 15).<br />
Media behavior can also provide indicators of impending conflict, as there are certain<br />
characteristics of media structure and media behavior that tend to precede conflict, some<br />
evident early enough that a media intervention may be feasible. If preventing conflict is<br />
the goal, then influential tools such as media must be closely examined, their pernicious<br />
effects mitigated and positive output magnified. The various approaches to precluding or<br />
stopping the use of media as a tool to promote division and conflict range from training<br />
journalists to advising legislators on drafting media legislation. But for such training or<br />
advising to be effective the role of media in moving societies toward or away from conflict<br />
needs to be clearly understood.<br />
The remainder of this analysis is divided into two sections. The first section identifies<br />
indicators within media structure and content that may be used to inform policymakers and<br />
media organizations as to which societies are especially vulnerable to abuse. The second<br />
section analyzes types and methods of media intervention. Finally, the authors offer recommendations<br />
for future action.<br />
2
Clues to Conflict<br />
Using a series of indicators developed below, it is possible to identify societies in which<br />
media outlets are especially susceptible to abuse or may be in the early stages of manipulation.<br />
These indicators are divided between those dealing with media structure (the way<br />
the media sector is set up) and those dealing with media content (the articles and programming<br />
that media outlets produce). It should be understood that none of these indicators<br />
constitute either sufficient or necessary conditions for media manipulation to<br />
occur, but when a significant portion of them are evident media outlets are especially vulnerable<br />
to abuse.<br />
If preventing conflict is the<br />
goal, then influential tools such<br />
as media must be closely examined,<br />
their pernicious effects<br />
mitigated and positive output<br />
magnified.<br />
Structural Indicators<br />
Structural indicators can be divided into three categories: indicators concerning media<br />
outlets themselves; indicators concerning the professionals—journalists, editors, managers,<br />
and owners—associated with media outlets; and indicators concerning the structure<br />
of government institutions dealing with media.<br />
Media Outlets<br />
These indicators concern the configuration of the media landscape in a particular country<br />
and the influence that media outlets exert over society. They include reach, accessibility,<br />
and plurality.<br />
The reach enjoyed by media outlets is critical for obvious reasons: if the reach of a particular<br />
outlet is minimal, then its capacity to influence a society will also be limited. Factors<br />
affecting media reach include the strength of radio and television signals and the<br />
breadth of newspaper distribution.<br />
Media accessibility is equally important. Even if media are widely available, people still<br />
need to have access in order for outlets to be influential (recognizing this fact, the Rwandan<br />
government handed out free radios prior to the 1994 genocide). For newspapers this<br />
means that people must be literate in the language of the newspaper and have the means<br />
to acquire a newspaper, whether that means purchasing one, borrowing one from a friend,<br />
or other means. For radio and television this means owning or having access to a radio or<br />
television and understanding the language of the programming. In developed countries<br />
media access is taken for granted, but in many developing countries such access is not easily<br />
achieved.<br />
The degree of media plurality is critical because with greater competiton in the media<br />
it is increasingly unlikely that one or a small number of media outlets will have the capacity<br />
to dominate. The degree of plurality applies not only to the number of outlets but to<br />
the number of divergent voices emanating from those outlets. In other words, a multitude<br />
of private stations all playing music, or all espousing similar messages, does not constitute<br />
plurality. The society in which media can exert the most influence, both positive and negative,<br />
is one in which media outlets enjoy wide exposure but have relatively few competitors.<br />
An important variable here concerns whether the media scene is dominated by either<br />
state-owned or private outlets, or if there is a balanced mixture of the two. Particularly if<br />
the media scene is dominated by the state, there is often little or no check on media behavior.<br />
Another important variable is the receptivity of the population to diversified independent<br />
media. This is often taken for granted in developed countries, but it is important to<br />
recognize that in many societies there is little or no history of media diversity and independence.<br />
Under these circumstances, when media diversification occurs one of the consequences<br />
can be the type of situation that developed in the former Soviet republic of<br />
The society in which media can<br />
exert the most influence, both<br />
positive and negative, is one in<br />
which media outlets enjoy wide<br />
exposure but have relatively<br />
few competitors.<br />
3
Georgia, where suddenly vacant media space was filled by outlets operating from<br />
distinctly nationalist and ethnic perspectives.<br />
Media Professionals<br />
An awareness of international<br />
standards of professional<br />
journalism provides a basis from<br />
which journalists may feel<br />
justified, beyond their own<br />
personal conviction, to resist<br />
manipulation, because they<br />
enjoy a network of support and<br />
feel part of a larger community.<br />
The second set of indicators concerns media professionals. This includes not only journalists,<br />
but also the individuals behind the scenes, such as editors, station managers, and<br />
owners. The indicators are journalist capacity; journalist isolation; the political, ethnic,<br />
religious, and regional composition of the media corps; and the degree of diversity in the<br />
ownership of media outlets.<br />
Journalist capacity refers to journalists’ ability to carry out their charge with a reasonable<br />
degree of professional integrity and skill. The level of journalist capacity is critical<br />
because more capable journalists tend to make media outlets less susceptible to abuse. One<br />
important variable is journalism training. Questions that should be asked in any society<br />
that may be vulnerable to conflict include: Is there a school of journalism or communications<br />
in which journalists are trained? Do journalists enter the profession with the skills<br />
needed to report responsibly? Another important variable concerns the degree of factchecking<br />
in place: Do journalists write unsubstantiated stories filled with rumors? Or are<br />
the origins of most stories clear and are they attributed to credible sources? The answers<br />
to these questions go a long way towards determining the susceptibility of journalists to<br />
abuse.<br />
The second indicator is the degree to which journalists are isolated, physically and<br />
metaphorically, from their domestic and international colleagues. An awareness of international<br />
standards of professional journalism provides a basis from which journalists may feel<br />
justified, beyond their own personal conviction, to resist manipulation, because they enjoy<br />
a network of support and feel part of a larger community of journalists who adhere to a<br />
common standard. Not only are they emboldened by the support of a larger community of<br />
colleagues, but they may also be able to use the network to communicate with the outside<br />
world if media freedoms come under attack. Consequently, actors with the intent of<br />
manipulating media may be more hesitant to do so if every time they apply pressure behind<br />
the scenes their actions are made public by the local or international media.<br />
The political, ethnic, religious, and regional composition of the journalist corps is influential<br />
because if media outlets are dominated by people affiliated with a particular political<br />
party, of a certain ethnicity or religion, or from a particular region, these people may<br />
be able to collaborate to exert disproportionate control over media content. In extreme<br />
cases they may be able to co-opt the media in an effort to promote the narrow interests<br />
of their group. The best safeguard against this is to ensure diversity in the journalist corps.<br />
Particularly in traditional societies where ethnic bonds are given great deference, simple<br />
peer pressure and an emphasis on the importance of responsibility to clan or group can<br />
facilitate media manipulation. In such societies, it may be relatively easy for individuals<br />
holding revered positions in their groups to manipulate members of the same group who<br />
work as journalists. They can sometimes do so using threats or bribes, without having to<br />
revert to overt coercion.<br />
Along the same lines, diversity in the ownership of media outlets is critical because, ultimately,<br />
it is the owners who exert the most control over content. A society is especially<br />
vulnerable to media abuse when all or a significant portion of media outlets are owned by<br />
one or a small number of people, particularly if those people are of the same ethnicity or<br />
religion, support the same political party, or are from the same region. Even a balanced<br />
mix of state-owned and independent media outlets may not be sufficient to guard against<br />
abuse, because the “independent” outlets may have strong ties to the government (for<br />
4
example, in Kazakhstan some independent outlets are owned by the president’s daughter).<br />
It is also important to determine whether there exist more subtle links between influential<br />
members of particular groups and media outlets, such as discrete financial relationships.<br />
Government Institutions Concerned with Media<br />
Perhaps as important as the structure of media outlets and the people involved with them<br />
are the independence and effectiveness of government institutions concerned with the<br />
media, particularly the legislature and judiciary. The degree of media independence and<br />
freedom established in a country’s laws, and the degree to which those laws are enforced,<br />
defines the space in which media are allowed to operate. The relevant indicators here are<br />
media’s legal environment and changes in media controls.<br />
Two very different types of legislation are critical to maintaining a healthy legal environment<br />
for media: legislation protecting journalists and media outlets from abuse and<br />
guaranteeing their freedom to operate without government interference; and legislation,<br />
such as libel and slander laws, protecting private individuals from being the subject of<br />
unjustified insult or falsehoods appearing in the media. The former allows journalists to<br />
operate without fear of government coercion, unwarranted prosecution, or personal harm.<br />
If such legislation is in place and consistently enforced, then journalists and media outlets<br />
are not likely to be very susceptible to abuse. But if such legislation is absent, journalists<br />
and media outlets are essentially “fair game” for the government, meaning that the<br />
state is free to attempt to manipulate them however it chooses. Journalists, in turn, have<br />
few options for recourse.<br />
Regarding the latter, if private individuals have no effective avenue for registering complaints<br />
against the media, there are few options available to people or groups that may be<br />
unfairly criticized or demonized in the media. The absence of the possibility of punishment<br />
emboldens individuals associated with hate media outlets and may encourage the formation<br />
of such outlets, because the risks involved are reduced. To counteract this effect,<br />
mechanisms for punishment, such as libel or hate speech legislation that protects both<br />
individuals and groups, can be beneficial.<br />
The history of past media legislation strongly affects the receptiveness of a population<br />
to contemporary media legislation. If there has not been media legislation in the past, and<br />
if a population is unfamiliar with the purpose of media legislation, the legislation is unlikely<br />
to be very popular, and therefore will probably not be very effective. Also important is<br />
the manner in which past governments dealt with media. If there is a history of government<br />
using media to its advantage with little concern for media rights and freedoms, it is<br />
more likely that media abuse will be attempted again in the future. It is also less likely<br />
that, without intervention, effective media legislation will be adopted.<br />
Recent research into the causes of civil conflict suggests that societies in transition<br />
(those that are in the process of liberalizing and moving towards a more open, democratic<br />
dispensation) are more vulnerable to conflict than societies that have already gone<br />
through a transition or those awaiting one. In other words, it is societies “on the way up”<br />
that tend to experience civil conflict. A common characteristic of liberalization is relaxation<br />
of controls on the media, and while this is generally a positive development there<br />
are dangers that accompany it. Newly opened media space can quickly be filled by media<br />
outlets that mirror political or ethnic centrifugal forces promoting conflict. Thus, a relaxation<br />
of media controls can sometimes actually lay the groundwork for future conflict.<br />
On the other hand, a tightening of media controls can also be a precursor to conflict, as it<br />
can be indicative of a government’s intentions. For example, the Zimbabwean government<br />
imposed tight restrictions on media towards the beginning of its violent land seizure initiative<br />
and its effort to ensure Robert Mugabe’s victory in the 2002 presidential elections. By forcing<br />
these measures through parliament, Zimbabwean authorities telegraphed their intentions.<br />
The degree of media<br />
independence and freedom<br />
established in a country’s laws,<br />
and the degree to which those<br />
laws are enforced, defines the<br />
space in which media are<br />
allowed to operate.<br />
The absence of the possibility of<br />
punishment emboldens individuals<br />
associated with hate media<br />
outlets and may encourage the<br />
formation of such outlets.<br />
Newly opened media space can<br />
quickly be filled by media outlets<br />
that mirror political or<br />
ethnic centrifugal forces<br />
promoting conflict.<br />
5
Once media manipulation is<br />
widely apparent it may be too<br />
late, and interventions may<br />
yield little or no benefit.<br />
Media were used to make people<br />
believe that “we must strike<br />
first in order to save ourselves.”<br />
By creating fear the foundation<br />
for taking violent action<br />
through “self-defense”<br />
is laid.<br />
While it might be difficult to<br />
attack a neighbor with whom<br />
one has shared good relations<br />
for some time, once that neighbor<br />
is “depersonalized” and the<br />
positive individual history is<br />
replaced by the negative group<br />
history, the attack is no longer<br />
against an individual but<br />
against what he or she<br />
represents.<br />
Content Indicators<br />
The previous section described the circumstances under which media outlets may be vulnerable<br />
to abuse and manipulation; this section analyzes indicators in media content that<br />
suggest that manipulation is taking place. Content is critical to the overall analysis<br />
because media content helps shape an individual’s view of the world and helps form the<br />
lens through which all issues are viewed. The content indicators presented here can be<br />
evident early in the manipulation process, at a point where intervention may still be feasible.<br />
However, once media manipulation is widely apparent it may be too late, and interventions<br />
may yield little or no benefit.<br />
Media content indicators are divided into two categories: those intended to instill fear<br />
in a population, and those intended to create a sense among the population that conflict<br />
is inevitable. Each category is analyzed individually below, though there is significant overlap.<br />
Content Creating Fear<br />
The construction of fear is likely to be a component of any effort to use media to promote<br />
conflict. In Rwanda prior to the genocide a private radio station tried to instill fear<br />
of an imminent attack on Hutus by a Tutsi militia. In the months before the most recent<br />
conflict in Serbia, state television attempted to create the impression that a World War<br />
II–style ethnic cleansing initiative against Serbs was in the works. Throughout the 1990s<br />
Georgian media outlets sought to portray ethnic minorities as threats to Georgia’s hardfought<br />
independence. In all three cases these efforts were at least partially successful, as<br />
many people subscribed to these “imminent” threats, though there was only flimsy evidence<br />
provided to support them. When such reporting creates widespread fear, people are<br />
more amenable to the notion of taking preemptive action, which is how the actions later<br />
taken were characterized. Media were used to make people believe that “we must strike<br />
first in order to save ourselves.” By creating fear the foundation for taking violent action<br />
through “self-defense” is laid.<br />
When assessing the construction of fear one must be circumspect, though, because<br />
there is an important distinction between content that criticizes a person or group in a<br />
manner that is simply degrading (as seen in many Western tabloids) and printing or broadcasting<br />
information that is clearly intended to create a fearful reaction. While the former<br />
can lay the groundwork for the latter, it is most often the latter that increases the likelihood<br />
of conflict. Four strategies commonly used to create fear are: focus on past atrocities<br />
and a history of ethnic animosity; manipulation of myths, stereotypes, and identities<br />
to “dehumanize”; overemphasis on certain grievances or inequities; and a shift towards<br />
consistently negative reporting.<br />
A focus on past conflicts and on a history of ethnic animosity is an important tactic for<br />
spreading fear. By highlighting the fact that violent conflict has occurred in the past, and<br />
that the same groups behind violent acts then are suspected of planning them now, the<br />
potential for future conflict can appear much greater to media consumers than it actually<br />
is, and the means and capacity for carrying out such atrocities more attainable. Media can<br />
be used to make the point that “they did it before, they can do it again.” Such a message<br />
creates the impression that preemptive action is necessary, almost a responsibility, and<br />
that such action is really just self-defense. This message provides an immediate rationale<br />
for violent action against someone who may have done nothing to cause such an attack.<br />
For example, for Georgian media outlets in the early 1990s “the perceived or imagined historical<br />
roots and origins of the two ethnic groups [attempting to secede] appeared to be<br />
far more important than any attempt to report upon or analyze what was actually unfolding<br />
on the ground at the time” (Giorgi Topouria, “Media and Civil Conflicts in Georgia,” in<br />
Alan Davis, ed., Regional Media in Conflict, Institute for War and Peace Reporting, London,<br />
p. 19). While it might be difficult to attack a neighbor with whom one has shared good<br />
relations for some time, once that neighbor is “depersonalized” and the positive individ-<br />
6
ual history is replaced by the negative group history, the attack is no longer against an<br />
individual but against what he or she represents. In some minds this justifies such an<br />
attack.<br />
The manipulation of myths, stereotypes, and identities in the media can provide further<br />
legitimization of conflict. This often occurs through the dehumanization of members of the<br />
“other” group. Frequent references to Tutsis as “cockroaches” in the Rwandan media are an<br />
example of this phenomenon. As soon as people in the other group are perceived as “less<br />
than human,” engaging in conflict with them, and killing them, becomes easier to justify.<br />
A related strategy is to portray members of a particular group as “irrational” or “unpredictable.”<br />
This provides additional justification for preemptive action by creating the<br />
impression that one’s own group must act first before the others have the opportunity to<br />
do something “irrational.” Yet another strategy is to portray members of the other group<br />
as ruthless killers who have it in their nature to murder. Once this impression is created<br />
and propagated, preemptive action to avoid such killing can be seen as the only option.<br />
An overemphasis on certain grievances, inequities, or atrocities in the media can create<br />
the impression that circumstances are worse than they really are and that a particular group<br />
is more victimized than it actually is. Especially if the overemphasized grievance or inequity<br />
is particularly sensitive, such as a religious issue or an issue concerning the use of natural<br />
resources (for example, oil in Nigeria’s Delta region), excessively negative reporting can<br />
be particularly inflammatory. The overemphasis adds fuel to the fire by creating the impression<br />
that a group is being intentionally discriminated against and that the situation is particularly<br />
dire, even though neither of these impressions may be accurate. Discrimination<br />
may be present, but the point is that the size and scope of the discrimination may be exaggerated<br />
in the media. Thus the “victimized” group is given added incentive and justification<br />
for reprisal, regardless of whether their grievances are actually legitimate. For example,<br />
in Sierra Leone, Amadu Wurie Khan observes that “those newspapers and radio stations<br />
supporting the government provided graphic details and exaggerated portrayals of the<br />
burning and looting of towns and villages, and the maiming and killing of civilians perpetrated<br />
by the RUF [Revolutionary United Front rebel group]. Very few and in most cases no<br />
reports were made of appalling atrocities committed by government troops” (“Journalism<br />
and Armed Conflict in Africa: The Civil War in Sierra Leone,” Review of African Political Economy,<br />
1998, p. 589).<br />
In similar fashion, a shift towards consistently negative reporting can give the impression<br />
that the situation in a country is so dire that only radical action will halt and reverse<br />
the country’s decline. The critical element here is change; if the situation has been bad<br />
from the start and consistently negative reporting is the norm, then it is not likely to be<br />
inflammatory. But a significant shift in reporting toward a decidedly negative and pessimistic<br />
tone creates the impression that the country’s situation is worsening considerably<br />
and provides justification for people or groups to stop and reverse that slide by taking decisive<br />
action, including violence.<br />
Content Creating Inevitability and Resignation<br />
Just as media outlets have been used to create a pervasive sense of fear, they have also<br />
been used to convince people that conflict is inevitable. This leaves media consumers<br />
resigned to the notion that conflict will happen, and when such resignation is prevalent,<br />
efforts to prevent conflict tend to be seen as futile, which makes them increasingly unlikely<br />
to succeed. By convincing people that conflict is inevitable, those manipulating the<br />
media create a self-fulfilling prophecy. Consequently, people convinced of the inevitability<br />
of conflict are much easier to move to violence. Two strategies have been used to create<br />
this sense of inevitability: portraying conflict as part of an “eternal” process, and<br />
discrediting alternatives to conflict.<br />
Portraying conflict as part of an “eternal” process is a frequently used strategy for creating<br />
the impression that conflict is inevitable. This often occurs when media promote<br />
A significant shift in reporting<br />
toward a decidedly negative<br />
and pessimistic tone creates the<br />
impression that the country’s<br />
situation is worsening considerably<br />
and provides justification<br />
for people or groups to stop<br />
and reverse that slide by taking<br />
decisive action, including<br />
violence.<br />
By convincing people that<br />
conflict is inevitable, those<br />
manipulating the media create<br />
a self-fulfilling prophecy.<br />
7
If alternatives to conflict are<br />
discredited in the media, people<br />
are left feeling that conflict is<br />
the only feasible option.<br />
“primordial identities” that suggest that people of different ethnicities have, since the<br />
beginning of time, been in conflict with one another, have never co-existed peacefully, and<br />
are somehow pre-ordained to be in perpetual conflict. Rarely, if ever, is this actually the<br />
case, as virtually every ethnic conflict involves groups that have lived together peacefully<br />
at one stage or another. Conflict in the Balkans, according to Christopher Bennett, “is a<br />
tale not of ‘ancient hatreds,’ centuries of ethnic strife and inevitable conflict, but of very<br />
modern nationalist hysteria which was deliberately generated in the media” (Yugoslavia’s<br />
Bloody Collapse: Causes, Course, and Consequences, Hurst, London, p. viii). But journalists<br />
intent on inciting conflict, or journalists who are simply poorly trained, sometimes ignore<br />
this fact, choosing instead to focus on periods during which groups have been antagonistic<br />
or in conflict with each other. This sort of selective media memory creates the impression<br />
that groups have constantly been in conflict, when in reality they have not. Once this<br />
impression is created, though, the logical extension is that these groups will continue to<br />
be in conflict and cannot co-exist peacefully. This notion further justifies conflict, giving<br />
the impression that conflict is inevitable and that there are no peaceful alternatives. Thus<br />
little thought or effort is devoted to pursuing such alternatives.<br />
A similar strategy for promoting the inevitability of conflict is to use media to discredit<br />
alternatives to conflict. For example, Alison des Forges observes that Rwandan radio<br />
“seized the opportunity to impress upon Hutu that Tutsi could never be trusted and that<br />
any form of power-sharing, such as that specified in the Arusha Accords, could never work”<br />
(“Silencing the Voices of Hate Radio in Rwanda,” in Forging Peace: Intervention, Human<br />
Rights, and the Management of Media Space, Edinburgh University Press, p. 241). In the<br />
former Soviet republic of Georgia, according to Topouria, “incessant rumors [in the media]<br />
emphasized divisions and suspicions between opposing sides. These wild, unconfirmed<br />
reports thus helped to kill off any attempt at reconciliation until it was too late” (“Media<br />
and Civil Conflicts in Georgia,” p. 21). If alternatives to conflict are discredited in the<br />
media, people are left feeling that conflict is the only feasible option.<br />
Opportunities for Intervention<br />
The most effective strategy for<br />
strengthening a professional<br />
media sector and protecting its<br />
content from biased influence<br />
is through reforms in<br />
media structure.<br />
The previous sections established guidelines for identifying situations in which the structure<br />
of the media makes outlets vulnerable to abuse and societies in which media abuse<br />
is in its early stages. This section describes strategies for media interventions designed to<br />
prevent and counter media abuse.<br />
The term “intervention,” as it is used here, does not denote any sort of military or armed<br />
initiative (with one exception in the segment on “aggressive interventions”). Rather, the<br />
term refers to support for the development of diverse, pluralistic independent media outlets<br />
giving voice to a variety of views and opinions. Such interventions are not carried out<br />
by soldiers or peacekeepers, but by journalists, professional media trainers, and non-governmental<br />
organization (NGO) workers.<br />
Media interventions are divided into three categories: structural interventions (affecting<br />
the structural indicators identified above), content-specific interventions (directly<br />
addressing the content produced by media outlets), and aggressive interventions (using<br />
force or prohibiting media outlets from operating).<br />
Structural Interventions<br />
The most effective strategy for strengthening a professional media sector and protecting<br />
its content from biased influence is through reforms in media structure. Structural reforms<br />
have many advantages over interventions that target only content. If carried out early<br />
enough they can prevent media abuse from taking place. Structural reforms can also go a<br />
8
long way towards obviating future attempts to manipulate the media during periods of<br />
social stress. Once in place, these reforms are no longer dependent on foreign assistance,<br />
so they tend to maintain legitimacy and build popular support. Eight types of structural<br />
intervention are detailed below.<br />
Strengthening Independent Media<br />
Enhancing the ability of independent media outlets to resist unwanted influence from the<br />
government or elsewhere is critical to developing their ability to avoid abuse and manipulation.<br />
This strengthening is often a product of media plurality and longevity, both of<br />
which make using media to incite violence increasingly difficult. Plurality creates strength<br />
in numbers; with a variety of diverse independent media outlets in place, if one or even<br />
several are co-opted the effect is mitigated. Through media expansion and diversification<br />
hate media can be marginalized, as it is, for example, in the United States, where hate<br />
media exists but is virtually irrelevant. Longevity contributes to the strength of independent<br />
media because the longer independent outlets are in place the more ingrained in<br />
society they become. Consequently, if such ingrained outlets are abused, or shut down,<br />
the public outcry is likely to be substantial.<br />
One of the most prominent examples of independent media thwarting government<br />
attempts to manipulate information comes from Serbia under Slobodan Milosevic, where<br />
the independent radio station B92 is credited with playing an instrumental role in informing<br />
and mobilizing the population. Though it was periodically shut down and had its signal<br />
jammed by the authorities, during the war in Serbia B92 was able to air reports from<br />
the field and advise young people on how they could avoid the draft. It also succeeded,<br />
with the help of the BBC, in connecting Serbs and Montenegrins by allowing them to speak<br />
to each other on uncensored radio programs.<br />
Enhancing the ability of<br />
independent media outlets to<br />
resist unwanted influence from<br />
the government or elsewhere is<br />
critical to developing their<br />
ability to avoid abuse and<br />
manipulation.<br />
Developing Journalist Competence<br />
Developing journalist competence involves two basic objectives: enhancing the physical<br />
resources available to journalists (such as computers and vehicles), and enhancing human<br />
resources (such as writing ability, editing skills, and contextual knowledge). Regarding the<br />
former, such physical resources are important for obvious reasons, and without them journalists’<br />
ability to perform their duties is compromised. Furthermore, if journalists lack<br />
these resources they are likely to be more susceptible to co-optation and corruption. For<br />
example, if they are poorly paid (or not paid at all) it is easy to imagine how journalists<br />
could be bought off by actors with malicious intentions. Similarly, if journalists have no<br />
form of transportation, one could envision how they could be bribed with rides and<br />
vehicles.<br />
Human resource needs are more difficult to define and to provide because they are not<br />
tangible goods. The principal method of enhancing human resources is through journalist<br />
training, often through peer-to-peer training conducted by journalists. While the results of<br />
such training are often difficult to quantify, the benefits accrued by journalists can be substantial.<br />
Even with the latest technology, ultimately it is the quality of the journalist that<br />
determines the quality of the journalism. Improving the technical or material components<br />
of the medium does not, in itself, improve the message, which is of greatest importance.<br />
Consequently, addressing human resource needs must be a top priority.<br />
An added benefit of developing journalist competence is that more competent journalists<br />
are more likely to investigate and report on actors attempting to abuse the media and<br />
to expose their intentions, which can deter or thwart their efforts. Investigative journalism<br />
can be critical to blocking efforts to incite conflict and can debunk some of the inflammatory<br />
myths and stereotypes propagated in the media.<br />
Even with the latest technology,<br />
ultimately it is the quality of<br />
the journalist that determines<br />
the quality of the journalism.<br />
Improving the technical or<br />
material components of the<br />
medium does not, in itself,<br />
improve the message.<br />
9
Working with the Legislature and Judiciary<br />
If it is effective and impervious<br />
to corruption, the judiciary can<br />
provide an important check on<br />
media abuse because it can<br />
punish actors attempting to use<br />
the media maliciously.<br />
Another type of structural intervention involves working with the legislature and judiciary,<br />
the government institutions responsible for protecting citizen’s rights, including the<br />
rights to free speech and independent media, both of which are enshrined in the International<br />
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. Particular attention should be paid to the<br />
legislature because of its capacity to make and modify legislation. In many societies susceptible<br />
to media abuse the legislation necessary to prosecute media abuse—including<br />
legislation that protects the independence of private media outlets and legislation that<br />
addresses hateful and antagonistic media content, such as slander and libel laws—is<br />
absent, ineffective, or poorly designed. Thus it is important for experts in comparative<br />
media to work with legislatures to aid them in crafting such legislation. Individual legislators<br />
deemed sympathetic to the notion of legislation addressing media abuse can be<br />
identified and encouraged to introduce new legislation or modify current laws deemed<br />
ineffective.<br />
Once the necessary media legislation is in place, it is equally important that the judiciary<br />
has the capacity to enforce the laws. If it is effective and impervious to corruption,<br />
the judiciary can provide an important check on media abuse because it can punish actors<br />
attempting to use the media maliciously. But in so many of the societies recently succumbing<br />
to conflict and in those vulnerable to doing so, rule of law is weak and the legal<br />
system is riddled with bribery and corruption. Among the recommendations by the NGO<br />
Article 19 following the Rwandan genocide was that government “should seek to strengthen<br />
the judiciary to ensure that the necessary steps can be taken within the domestic legal<br />
system to prevent the broadcasting of incitement to violence” (Broadcasting Genocide, Article<br />
19, London, p. 171). But often the government is poorly equipped to do this, and assistance<br />
from the NGO community can make a significant difference. NGOs should focus on<br />
strengthening the mechanics of the judiciary and on reducing the susceptibility of judges<br />
to corruption. The victims of media abuse need to have the means to combat such abuse<br />
and to protect themselves, and their most obvious and potentially effective recourse is<br />
through the judicial system.<br />
Promoting Diversity in the Journalist Corps and Media Ownership<br />
As discussed above, if there is little diversity among journalists and owners of media outlets,<br />
the journalists and outlets are more vulnerable to abuse by members of the dominant<br />
group or groups in society. The way to combat this effect is clear—promote<br />
diversity—but strategies for doing so are not as obvious. One strategy for promoting<br />
diversity among journalists is to impress upon the management and ownership of media<br />
outlets the importance of diversity and how they can benefit from it, both commercially<br />
and through content improvements that result from employing more diverse personnel.<br />
Another strategy is to work with members of certain political, ethnic, religious, or regional<br />
groups to help them become involved with media (though this runs the risk of appearing<br />
to favor one group over another). A third strategy is to create incentives for outlets<br />
to promote diversity in their hiring, for example by having donor organizations provide<br />
more support, financial or otherwise, to outlets that are more diverse.<br />
Promoting diversity in media ownership is even more complex, because in a market<br />
economy it would be difficult and ill-advised to set quotas concerning the demographics<br />
of media ownership. Worse yet, in a non-market society, the government controls the media<br />
outlets and is unlikely to be convinced of the merits of diversity in ownership. Nonetheless,<br />
there are ways to both aid individuals in creating new private media outlets and<br />
encourage governments to allow for such outlets. One route is through bilateral aid, particularly<br />
aid channeled from development banks through national financial institutions via<br />
leasing and other financial support, intended for developing small and medium-sized businesses.<br />
The role of NGOs could be to lobby donor governments to designate part of such<br />
10
loans for the development of media enterprises, while simultaneously exerting pressure on<br />
the regulatory environment. Such a two-pronged approach could convince governments<br />
that it is in their interests to allow, and even promote, diversity in media ownership.<br />
Licensing and Regulation of Media Outlets<br />
Another strategy concerns the media regulatory environment. A balance needs to be<br />
struck so that starting a media outlet is not an overly complex, time-consuming, bureaucratic<br />
task, but nor is regulation lax enough so that almost anybody can have their own<br />
radio station or newspaper. Complete state control over media is not the solution, but neither<br />
is the total absence of regulation. Some type of government oversight over the<br />
licensing process is often in order, but one that is shielded, to the extent possible, from<br />
heavily political or corrupt influences. Again, it may be difficult for governments, particularly<br />
in developing countries still building and consolidating their democracies, to effectively<br />
design and implement such regulations. Assistance and encouragement from the<br />
domestic and international NGO communities can provide a strong impetus for establishing<br />
regulations, and international assistance can provide a blueprint for how to implement<br />
such regulation. Bilateral relationships between donor and developing countries are also<br />
important, as they often involve assistance to government institutions and advice on the<br />
overhaul of bureaucratic processes, which can strongly affect the domestic regulatory<br />
environment.<br />
Strengthening Domestic and International Networks<br />
Because journalists in vulnerable societies are often isolated from both domestic and<br />
international colleagues, establishing and strengthening journalist networks can be an<br />
effective strategy for combating media abuse. Domestically, this can be accomplished<br />
through journalist organizations or unions. Such organizations exist, at least in name, in<br />
almost every country, but are sometimes ineffective or dormant. When effective, they<br />
serve various purposes, among them providing journalists with information and ideas on<br />
how to report in a particular context (especially when there are personal safety issues<br />
involved), defending journalists’ rights and freedoms, and providing journalists with legal<br />
counsel. All of these services are critical, particularly in a society where the state is wary<br />
of independent media and eager to crack down on independent journalists.<br />
International journalist networks can be just as important. Such networks can help journalists<br />
operating in difficult circumstances feel part of a larger community of journalists<br />
around the world, which can strengthen their resolve. These networks can also inform journalists<br />
on what may be considered international standards of journalism—though there<br />
does not exist a single, comprehensive how-to guide to journalism, there are best practices<br />
to which most journalists try to adhere, and an awareness of these best practices can be<br />
beneficial for journalists operating in vulnerable societies.<br />
A more programmatic form of international networking involves making international<br />
media, such as CNN or the BBC, accessible to journalists in vulnerable societies. This already<br />
occurs in many countries; for example, the BBC is available throughout Africa, and Voice<br />
of America and Radio France International are widely available as well. But there remain<br />
societies in which international media are scarce or non-existent. The benefits of making<br />
international media accessible to journalists are two-fold: sometimes journalists use the<br />
content verbatim, but even if they do not, they are better informed and are exposed to a<br />
different perspective, which helps them in their own reporting.<br />
Because journalists in vulnerable<br />
societies are often isolated<br />
from both domestic and<br />
international colleagues,<br />
establishing and strengthening<br />
journalist networks can be an<br />
effective strategy for combating<br />
media abuse.<br />
“Demand Side” Intervention<br />
Too often the “supply side” of the media equation (meaning the news and information<br />
that is supplied by media outlets) is closely scrutinized at the expense of attention paid<br />
to the “demand side” (the demand by individuals for that news and information). Address-<br />
11
A problem often found in<br />
societies in which media abuse<br />
occurs, and in societies with<br />
underdeveloped media in general,<br />
is that media consumers—<br />
everyday citizens—rarely<br />
consider and question<br />
the source and credibility<br />
of their news.<br />
Once fervent hate media is<br />
present it may be too late.<br />
Media monitoring makes early<br />
intervention possible, and<br />
enhances the likelihood of<br />
its success.<br />
ing one but not the other produces only a partial solution, though. A problem often found<br />
in societies in which media abuse occurs, and in societies with underdeveloped media in<br />
general, is that media consumers—everyday citizens—rarely consider and question the<br />
source and credibility of their news. Instead, they take for granted that what they hear<br />
on the radio and read in the newspapers is accurate and unbiased. This can be a dangerous<br />
tendency, especially when media outlets are weak and have been co-opted by special<br />
interests. For example, des Forges observes that in Rwanda prior to and during the genocide,<br />
“most ordinary people saw no reason to call into question their practice of taking<br />
the radio as the voice of authority” (“Silencing the Voices,” p. 246). Part of the reason<br />
that critical analysis of the media was absent was that prior to the genocide most Rwandans<br />
had never been exposed to alternatives to state-owned media, so they were conditioned<br />
to believe everything they heard from the few state-controlled media outlets to<br />
which they had access. It was also due to the fact that most Rwandans had little understanding<br />
of the bias inherent to all media outlets.<br />
The prescription is increased public education and enhanced awareness of how media<br />
outlets operate. People need to understand that media outlets report from a particular perspective,<br />
one that may represent interests contrary to their own. B92 in Serbia tried to create<br />
such an understanding. “The idea was to provoke the public to start thinking about the<br />
information that they were receiving,” according to one of the station’s managers. “So<br />
don’t be just a passive recipient of this information, think about it and decide, do you<br />
believe it or not?” (“Bringing Down a Dictator: Rock and Resistance,” www.pbs.org). People<br />
should also understand that there is no need for them to be limited to one or a handful<br />
of media outlets all operating from similar perspectives, as is the case when the media<br />
scene is dominated by the state; they have a right to demand variety and plurality in the<br />
media. Generating a “national dialogue” on the role and responsibilities of media helps to<br />
engender such an understanding. This dialogue can involve call-in radio and television<br />
shows devoted to discussing the media as well as newspaper editorials on the subject. If<br />
media outlets are unwilling to engage in such dialogue for fear of advocating their own<br />
demise, this dialogue can occur outside of the media itself, through public forums and<br />
panel discussions on the role of the media.<br />
Ultimately, if there is little “demand side” public pressure on the media to improve their<br />
content and behavior, there is little incentive for media outlets to change. But if citizens<br />
hold media outlets to a higher standard, if they raise the bar on their expectations of media<br />
professionalism and accountability, and, most critically, if they back that up by refusing to<br />
consume products of media outlets of which they do not approve, then pressure on media<br />
outlets to alter their behavior will mount and they may be compelled to change.<br />
Media Monitoring<br />
The final structural intervention is quite broad: monitoring media behavior in an effort to<br />
identify the indicators described above so that the interventions detailed here can occur.<br />
It is imperative that somebody keep watch over the media and, just as critically, over<br />
forces influencing the media. Such oversight is most effectively accomplished through<br />
media monitoring initiatives, organized efforts to monitor for specific characteristics.<br />
Some monitoring of broadcasts in various countries already occurs—the U.S. government<br />
runs the Foreign Broadcast Information Service and the BBC has a monitoring service, and<br />
at the local level there is an ongoing media monitoring initiative in East Timor—but it is<br />
not broad enough and does not cover media outlets in some of the most vulnerable societies.<br />
Monitoring for the indicators presented above can inform policymakers on societies<br />
at risk of media manipulation. In doing such monitoring, it is important to work with local<br />
NGOs to develop a local monitoring capacity. Monitoring by a multinational organization<br />
such as the United Nations is beneficial but not sufficient, and in most instances probably<br />
is not sustainable in the long run. Once the societies at risk are identified, the media<br />
interventions described here can be initiated. But the key is early identification of these<br />
12
societies. Once fervent hate media is present it may be too late. Media monitoring makes<br />
early intervention possible, and enhances the likelihood of its success.<br />
Content-Specific Interventions<br />
Content-specific interventions are often based on observations of the content indicators<br />
detailed above, which tend to appear at a relatively late stage. But content-specific interventions<br />
can also be pre-emptive. The interventions described here can occur prior to the<br />
appearance of the indicators, in an effort to ensure that they do not appear.<br />
It is important to note that content-specific interventions are most effective when<br />
media abuse is involuntary, due to a lack of training and competence, rather than calculated.<br />
If the latter is true, content-specific interventions are unlikely to succeed because<br />
journalists are fully aware of the consequences of their actions. But when media abuse is<br />
involuntary, content-specific interventions offer alternatives to structural interventions; in<br />
circumstances where structural interventions are ineffective, content-specific interventions<br />
may be more successful. They may also serve as short-term remedies for some forms of<br />
media abuse, allowing more time for structural interventions, which tend to take longer to<br />
implement and yield results.<br />
“Repersonalization”<br />
As described above, one of the strategies for using media to instigate conflict involves<br />
the “dehumanization” and “depersonalization” of individuals. Through this process, people<br />
are portrayed in the media as members of a stigmatized group rather than as individuals.<br />
Training on how journalists can move beyond the political, ethnic, religious, or<br />
regional factors to identify the true source of a grievance (be it an economic grievance or<br />
another concern), and how they can portray people first and foremost as individuals, can<br />
ease tensions and move a society away from conflict. These strategies concern not only<br />
mitigating the negative effects of media abuse but using media as a positive tool for reconciliation<br />
and conflict prevention. Excellent examples of such interventions come from<br />
the video Spacebridges, pioneered by Internews, in which individuals from communities<br />
on opposite sides of a conflict engage in dialogue with each other over a live video feed,<br />
giving them the opportunity to see one another, attach faces and voices to members of<br />
the “opposition,” and recognize the common concerns they share. Spacebridges have<br />
been conducted between, among others, members of the United States Congress and the<br />
Supreme Soviet during the Cold War; among Muslim, Serb, and Croat refugees from Bosnia,<br />
all living in exile in Paris; between Armenians and Azeris; and between American and Iranian<br />
women.<br />
Training on how journalists<br />
can move beyond the political,<br />
ethnic, religious, or regional<br />
factors to identify the true<br />
source of a grievance . . .<br />
and how they can portray<br />
people first and foremost as<br />
individuals, can ease tensions<br />
and move a society away<br />
from conflict.<br />
Issue-Oriented Training<br />
Another strategy for content-specific interventions involves training journalists on reporting<br />
on issues that tend to be particularly sensitive and possibly explosive. Two such issues<br />
concern economic and environmental resources. More so than most other issues, they<br />
have the potential to be distorted and twisted into tales of ethnic hatred and animosity<br />
because they are issues that affect people’s livelihood, as they can have a dramatic effect<br />
on both personal economic viability and general stability. Thus it is particularly important<br />
that they are reported on in a professional manner, and issue-oriented training focusing<br />
on how journalists can frame these issues helps ensure that they are. Such training<br />
increases the capacity for journalists to provide their listeners and readers with the information<br />
they need to address the underlying causes of economic or environmental problems,<br />
rather than stories that provide scapegoats and thus are misleading.<br />
13
Entertainment-Oriented Programming<br />
Entertainment-oriented programming offers another way to use media as positive tools<br />
for preventing and resolving conflict. The work of the NGO Search for Common Ground provides<br />
several impressive examples of such programming. Among other projects, they have<br />
co-produced a dramatic television series for Macedonian children intended to facilitate<br />
cross-ethnic understanding and established radio studios in Burundi, Liberia, and Sierra<br />
Leone that produce, in addition to other programming, soap operas designed to encourage<br />
dialogue and discourage violence. It is easy to discount the effects of such programming<br />
due to its “soft” nature, but these programs can be quite effective, as many people<br />
use media not for news gathering but for entertainment. Entertainment-oriented programming<br />
can have a direct effect on them, and may be significantly more influential<br />
than news programming. Even for people who use media primarily for news, entertainment-oriented<br />
programming can supplement and complement what they read, watch, and<br />
hear.<br />
Aggressive Interventions<br />
Finally, the third group of strategies for combating media abuse and manipulation<br />
involves what may be considered “aggressive interventions.” Such interventions tend to<br />
be a last resort, and usually occur after media abuse and manipulation is widely apparent,<br />
often after violent conflict has begun. They are more reactive than proactive. They<br />
are also externally imposed, and some forms are unlikely to be effective if not accompanied<br />
by other forms of intervention, such as military intervention. Such aggressive interventions<br />
do not usually change media structure or content, though some forms do disable<br />
physical infrastructure. Clearly, earlier intervention that stands a chance of preventing<br />
media abuse and manipulation before it proliferates is preferable.<br />
Alternative Information<br />
Broadcasts prepared especially<br />
for transmission into “hostile<br />
territory” are often perceived<br />
as propaganda and<br />
thus discounted by the<br />
intended audience.<br />
A prominent strategy for aggressive intervention is for foreign entities, including governments,<br />
NGOs, and political parties, to offer sources of information other than those available<br />
domestically. There are several instances of alternative information playing an<br />
important role in mobilizing a population and injecting new ideas into society. Among<br />
them are Democratic Voices of Burma, a station broadcasting into Burma out of Norway;<br />
and Radio Freedom and Capital Radio in South Africa—the former was broadcast by the<br />
African National Congress into South Africa from several southern Africa states in the<br />
1970s, and the latter broadcast from the “homeland” of Transkei to the rest of South<br />
Africa in the 1980s. Both served as valuable sources of news about the realities of<br />
apartheid, winning many converts among the white population along the way. More generally,<br />
in many countries major international radio networks, such as the BBC and Voice<br />
of America (VOA), are regularly heard on the airwaves, and offer citizens reliable information<br />
that sometimes contradicts information broadcast by local media outlets. Because<br />
of this, though, international broadcasts are sometimes blocked so that the local media<br />
monopoly remains intact.<br />
Alternative information can be specifically designed to counter information broadcast<br />
by a single or small number of sources, such as government media or hate media outlets.<br />
A good example of the use of alternative information is the “Ring Around Serbia,” a multilateral<br />
project spearheaded by the United States in 1999. It involved assembling a ring<br />
of radio transmitters in countries neighboring Serbia and broadcasting into Serbia programming<br />
from the BBC, VOA, Deutsche Welle, Radio France International, and Radio Free<br />
Europe. Many of the broadcasts consisted of local language versions of Western programming.<br />
Such an intervention is reactive and occurs late in the manipulation process. It is<br />
14
also expensive, difficult to organize, and of questionable legality. Broadcasts prepared<br />
especially for transmission into "hostile territory" are often perceived as propaganda and<br />
thus discounted by the intended audience. But if all other opportunities for media intervention<br />
have been missed, broadcasting alternative information may merit consideration.<br />
Radio and Television Jamming<br />
Perhaps the most frequently discussed strategy for countering hate media is jamming<br />
radio and television signals. In looking back at Rwanda, several scholars and practitioners,<br />
foremost among them Romeo Dallaire, the UN commander in Rwanda during the genocide,<br />
have suggested that jamming Rwandan radio would have made carrying out the<br />
genocide significantly more difficult and would have been worth the effort and cost (to<br />
his credit, Dallaire proposed radio jamming prior to the genocide as well). But jamming<br />
is a blunt instrument that comes with substantial legal concerns and would only be seriously<br />
considered once violence is already widespread. This analysis looks for more subtle<br />
modes of intervention that could occur much earlier in the media abuse process, at a time<br />
when it is still possible to avert widespread violence. The more effective and less costly<br />
alternative to radio jamming is removing media from the “toolkit” belonging to actors<br />
intent on inciting conflict, which is what the structural and content-specific interventions<br />
detailed above are designed to do.<br />
The more effective and less<br />
costly alternative to radio<br />
jamming is removing media<br />
from the “toolkit” belonging<br />
to actors intent on<br />
inciting conflict.<br />
Recommendations<br />
As this analysis demonstrates, media can be extremely powerful tools used by actors<br />
intent on instigating conflict. Media are multipliers: they amplify and disseminate messages<br />
and opinions. Media spread information and misinformation, shape individuals’<br />
views of others, and can heighten tensions or promote understanding. This makes controlling<br />
media and their messages an important goal for anybody intent on promoting<br />
conflict. This analysis concludes with four recommendations to the international community<br />
for addressing the use and abuse of media in vulnerable societies:<br />
1. Media in vulnerable societies should be monitored.<br />
Media in vulnerable societies should be monitored for the “clues to conflict” detailed<br />
above. Special attention should be devoted to the structural indicators—including,<br />
in particular, journalist competence, media variety and plurality, and media’s legal<br />
environment—as they can reveal how vulnerable or resistant media are to manipulation<br />
and point to specific interventions that might prevent media co-optation and<br />
abuse before it occurs. Attention should also be given to content indicators, such as<br />
a focus on past atrocities and a history of ethnic hatred; manipulation of myths,<br />
stereotypes, and identities to “dehumanize”; and efforts to discredit alternatives to<br />
conflict. The monitoring should be comprehensive, put in context with political, economic,<br />
and social indicators, and conducted by experienced or trained monitors. If<br />
this occurs, interventions can be pursued at an early stage, enhancing the likelihood<br />
of their success.<br />
2. There should be greater collaboration between media organizations and conflict<br />
resolution organizations.<br />
The role of media in fermenting conflict is seldom addressed comprehensively by<br />
either media or conflict resolution NGOs. Media organizations tend to devote limited<br />
attention to the dynamics and causes of violent conflict, while conflict resolution<br />
organizations often overlook the role of media in fermenting or tempering the<br />
Particularly in efforts to develop<br />
early-warning instruments,<br />
media organizations should<br />
be consulted and media<br />
“indicators” incorporated<br />
into the analysis.<br />
15
For more information on the Internews<br />
project, including case studies, go to<br />
www.internews.org/mediainconflict.<br />
Early interventions are more<br />
cost-effective and can lay the<br />
foundation for the long-term<br />
institutional development<br />
necessary to combat political or<br />
ethnic instability.<br />
conflicts they scrutinize. Working together, though, these organizations can pool<br />
their knowledge and address the role of media in conflict from both sides of the issue.<br />
Particularly in efforts to develop early-warning instruments, media organizations<br />
should be consulted and media “indicators” incorporated into the analysis, so that<br />
media are considered, along with other factors, when trying to identify societies highly<br />
susceptible to conflict. Such collaboration can enhance understanding of the relevant<br />
issues and the design and implementation of early-warning instruments and<br />
preventive interventions.<br />
3. Media organizations need to build a better case for monitoring and early<br />
intervention and encourage appropriate donor support.<br />
This analysis emphasizes that early, preventive media intervention, such as the structural<br />
interventions described above, can be significantly more effective and beneficial<br />
than later, reactive interventions, such as radio jamming. Early interventions are<br />
more cost-effective and can lay the foundation for the long-term institutional development<br />
necessary to combat political or ethnic instability.<br />
Media organizations need to provide donors with reliable research and reports on significant<br />
field experience to justify supporting early interventions, even before traditional<br />
conflict indicators are visible. Further collaboration and information sharing<br />
between conflict resolution and media organizations, particularly through common<br />
methodologies for identifying critical points for intervention, will contribute greatly<br />
to assuring donors that funding early intervention is worthwhile and cost-effective.<br />
4. A systematic review of media behavior in vulnerable society should be conducted.<br />
There remains much to be learned about the use and abuse of media in vulnerable<br />
societies. An effective approach to gaining a better understanding of this dynamic<br />
would be to conduct a comprehensive study by monitoring the characteristics of<br />
media behavior in several countries deemed close to conflict. Such a review could provide<br />
the quantitative and qualitative data needed to focus the attention of donors<br />
and media organizations on the role of media in societies vulnerable to conflict, and<br />
on the importance of early, preventive intervention.<br />
United States<br />
Institute of Peace<br />
1200 17th Street NW<br />
Washington, DC 20036<br />
www.usip.org
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VIII Brazil Q-4 2016<br />
Vol. III 2017<br />
IX India Q-1 2017<br />
X Suriname Q-2 2017<br />
XI The Caribbean Q-3 2017<br />
XII United States/ Estados Unidos Q-4 2017<br />
Vol. IV 2018<br />
XIII Cuba Q-1 2018<br />
XIV Guinea Q-2 2018<br />
XV Indonesia Q-3 2018<br />
XVI Sri Lanka Q-4 2018<br />
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Vol. V 2019<br />
XVII Russia Q-1 2019<br />
XVIII Australia Q-2 2019<br />
XIV South Korea Q-3 2019<br />
XV Puerto Rico Q-4 2019<br />
Issue Title Quarterly<br />
Vol. VI 2020<br />
XVI Trinidad & Tobago Q-1 2020<br />
XVII Egypt Q-2 2020<br />
XVIII Sierra Leone Q-3 2020<br />
XIX South Africa Q-4 2020<br />
XX Israel Bonus<br />
Vol. VII 2021<br />
XXI Haiti Q-1 2021<br />
XXII Peru Q-2 2021<br />
XXIII Costa Rica Q-3 2021<br />
XXIV China Q-4 2021<br />
XXV Japan Bonus<br />
Vol VIII 2022<br />
XXVI Chile Q-1 2022<br />
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The e-Advocate Juvenile Justice Report<br />
______<br />
Vol. I – Juvenile Delinquency in The US<br />
Vol. II. – The Prison Industrial Complex<br />
Vol. III – Restorative/ Transformative Justice<br />
Vol. IV – The Sixth Amendment Right to The Effective Assistance of Counsel<br />
Vol. V – The Theological Foundations of Juvenile Justice<br />
Vol. VI – Collaborating to Eradicate Juvenile Delinquency<br />
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The e-Advocate Newsletter<br />
Genesis of The Problem<br />
Family Structure<br />
Societal Influences<br />
Evidence-Based Programming<br />
Strengthening Assets v. Eliminating Deficits<br />
2012 - Juvenile Delinquency in The US<br />
Introduction/Ideology/Key Values<br />
Philosophy/Application & Practice<br />
Expungement & Pardons<br />
Pardons & Clemency<br />
Examples/Best Practices<br />
2013 - Restorative Justice in The US<br />
2014 - The Prison Industrial Complex<br />
25% of the World's Inmates Are In the US<br />
The Economics of Prison Enterprise<br />
The Federal Bureau of Prisons<br />
The After-Effects of Incarceration/Individual/Societal<br />
The Fourth Amendment Project<br />
The Sixth Amendment Project<br />
The Eighth Amendment Project<br />
The Adolescent Law Group<br />
2015 - US Constitutional Issues In The New Millennium<br />
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2018 - The Theological Law Firm Academy<br />
The Theological Foundations of US Law & Government<br />
The Economic Consequences of Legal Decision-Making<br />
The Juvenile Justice Legislative Reform Initiative<br />
The EB-5 International Investors Initiative<br />
2017 - Organizational Development<br />
The Board of Directors<br />
The Inner Circle<br />
Staff & Management<br />
Succession Planning<br />
Bonus #1 The Budget<br />
Bonus #2 Data-Driven Resource Allocation<br />
2018 - Sustainability<br />
The Data-Driven Resource Allocation Process<br />
The Quality Assurance Initiative<br />
The Advocacy Foundation Endowments Initiative<br />
The Community Engagement Strategy<br />
2019 - Collaboration<br />
Critical Thinking for Transformative Justice<br />
International Labor Relations<br />
Immigration<br />
God's Will & The 21st Century Democratic Process<br />
The Community Engagement Strategy<br />
The 21st Century Charter Schools Initiative<br />
2020 - Community Engagement<br />
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Extras<br />
The Nonprofit Advisors Group Newsletters<br />
The 501(c)(3) Acquisition Process<br />
The Board of Directors<br />
The Gladiator Mentality<br />
Strategic Planning<br />
Fundraising<br />
501(c)(3) Reinstatements<br />
The Collaborative US/ International Newsletters<br />
How You Think Is Everything<br />
The Reciprocal Nature of Business Relationships<br />
Accelerate Your Professional Development<br />
The Competitive Nature of Grant Writing<br />
Assessing The Risks<br />
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About The Author<br />
John C (Jack) Johnson III<br />
Founder & CEO<br />
Jack was educated at Temple University, in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania and Rutgers<br />
Law School, in Camden, New Jersey. In 1999, he moved to Atlanta, Georgia to pursue<br />
greater opportunities to provide Advocacy and Preventive Programmatic services for atrisk/<br />
at-promise young persons, their families, and Justice Professionals embedded in the<br />
Juvenile Justice process in order to help facilitate its transcendence into the 21 st Century.<br />
There, along with a small group of community and faith-based professionals, “The Advocacy Foundation, Inc." was conceived<br />
and developed over roughly a thirteen year period, originally chartered as a Juvenile Delinquency Prevention and Educational<br />
Support Services organization consisting of Mentoring, Tutoring, Counseling, Character Development, Community Change<br />
Management, Practitioner Re-Education & Training, and a host of related components.<br />
The Foundation’s Overarching Mission is “To help Individuals, Organizations, & Communities Achieve Their Full Potential”, by<br />
implementing a wide array of evidence-based proactive multi-disciplinary "Restorative & Transformative Justice" programs &<br />
projects currently throughout the northeast, southeast, and western international-waters regions, providing prevention and support<br />
services to at-risk/ at-promise youth, to young adults, to their families, and to Social Service, Justice and Mental<br />
Health professionals” everywhere. The Foundation has since relocated its headquarters to Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, and been<br />
expanded to include a three-tier mission.<br />
In addition to his work with the Foundation, Jack also served as an Adjunct Professor of Law & Business at National-Louis<br />
University of Atlanta (where he taught Political Science, Business & Legal Ethics, Labor & Employment Relations, and Critical<br />
Thinking courses to undergraduate and graduate level students). Jack has also served as Board President for a host of wellestablished<br />
and up & coming nonprofit organizations throughout the region, including “Visions Unlimited Community<br />
Development Systems, Inc.”, a multi-million dollar, award-winning, Violence Prevention and Gang Intervention Social Service<br />
organization in Atlanta, as well as Vice-Chair of the Georgia/ Metropolitan Atlanta Violence Prevention Partnership, a state-wide<br />
300 organizational member, violence prevention group led by the Morehouse School of Medicine, Emory University and The<br />
Original, Atlanta-Based, Martin Luther King Center.<br />
Attorney Johnson’s prior accomplishments include a wide-array of Professional Legal practice areas, including Private Firm,<br />
Corporate and Government postings, just about all of which yielded significant professional awards & accolades, the history and<br />
chronology of which are available for review online. Throughout his career, Jack has served a wide variety of for-profit<br />
corporations, law firms, and nonprofit organizations as Board Chairman, Secretary, Associate, and General Counsel since 1990.<br />
www.TheAdvocacy.Foundation<br />
Clayton County Youth Services Partnership, Inc. – Chair; Georgia Violence Prevention Partnership, Inc – Vice Chair; Fayette<br />
County NAACP - Legal Redress Committee Chairman; Clayton County Fatherhood Initiative Partnership – Principal<br />
Investigator; Morehouse School of Medicine School of Community Health Feasibility Study - Steering Committee; Atlanta<br />
Violence Prevention Capacity Building Project – Project Partner; Clayton County Minister’s Conference, President 2006-2007;<br />
Liberty In Life Ministries, Inc. – Board Secretary; Young Adults Talk, Inc. – Board of Directors; ROYAL, Inc - Board of<br />
Directors; Temple University Alumni Association; Rutgers Law School Alumni Association; Sertoma International; Our<br />
Common Welfare Board of Directors – President)2003-2005; River’s Edge Elementary School PTA (Co-President); Summerhill<br />
Community Ministries; Outstanding Young Men of America; Employee of the Year; Academic All-American - Basketball;<br />
Church Trustee.<br />
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www.TheAdvocacyFoundation.org<br />
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