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Walk by Faith; Serve with Abandon<br />
Expect to Win!<br />
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<strong>The</strong> Advocacy Foundation, Inc.<br />
Helping Individuals, Organizations & Communities<br />
Achieve <strong>The</strong>ir Full Potential<br />
Since its founding in 2003, <strong>The</strong> Advocacy Foundation has become recognized as an effective<br />
provider <strong>of</strong> support to those who receive our services, having real impact within the communities<br />
we serve. We are currently engaged in community and faith-based collaborative initiatives,<br />
having the overall objective <strong>of</strong> eradicating all forms <strong>of</strong> youth violence and correcting injustices<br />
everywhere. In carrying-out these initiatives, we have adopted the evidence-based strategic<br />
framework developed and implemented by the Office <strong>of</strong> Juvenile Justice & Delinquency<br />
Prevention (OJJDP).<br />
<strong>The</strong> stated objectives are:<br />
1. Community Mobilization;<br />
2. Social Intervention;<br />
3. Provision <strong>of</strong> Opportunities;<br />
4. Organizational Change and Development;<br />
5. Suppression [<strong>of</strong> illegal activities].<br />
Moreover, it is our most fundamental belief that in order to be effective, prevention and<br />
intervention strategies must be Community Specific, Culturally Relevant, Evidence-Based, and<br />
Collaborative. <strong>The</strong> Violence Prevention and Intervention programming we employ in<br />
implementing this community-enhancing framework include the programs further described<br />
throughout our publications, programs and special projects both domestically and<br />
internationally.<br />
www.<strong>The</strong>Advocacy.Foundation<br />
ISBN: ......... ../2017<br />
......... Printed in the USA<br />
Advocacy Foundation Publishers<br />
Philadelphia, PA<br />
(878) 222-0450 | Voice | Data | SMS<br />
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Dedication<br />
______<br />
Every publication in our many series’ is dedicated to everyone, absolutely everyone, who by<br />
virtue <strong>of</strong> their calling and by Divine inspiration, direction and guidance, is on the battlefield dayafter-day<br />
striving to follow God’s will and purpose for their lives. And this is with particular affinity<br />
for those Spiritual warriors who are being transformed into excellence through daily academic,<br />
pr<strong>of</strong>essional, familial, and other challenges.<br />
We pray that you will bear in mind:<br />
Matthew 19:26 (NLT)<br />
Jesus looked at them intently and said, “Humanly speaking, it is impossible.<br />
But with God everything is possible.” (Emphasis added)<br />
To all <strong>of</strong> us who daily look past our circumstances, and naysayers, to what the Lord says we will<br />
accomplish:<br />
Blessings!!<br />
- <strong>The</strong> Advocacy Foundation, Inc.<br />
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<strong>The</strong> Transformative Justice Project<br />
Eradicating Juvenile Delinquency Requires a Multi-Disciplinary Approach<br />
<strong>The</strong> Juvenile Justice system is incredibly<br />
overloaded, and Solutions-Based programs are<br />
woefully underfunded. Our precious children,<br />
therefore, particularly young people <strong>of</strong> color, <strong>of</strong>ten<br />
get the “swift” version <strong>of</strong> justice whenever they<br />
come into contact with the law.<br />
Decisions to build prison facilities are <strong>of</strong>ten based<br />
on elementary school test results, and our country<br />
incarcerates more <strong>of</strong> its young than any other<br />
nation on earth. So we at <strong>The</strong> Foundation labor to<br />
pull our young people out <strong>of</strong> the “school to prison”<br />
pipeline, and we then coordinate the efforts <strong>of</strong> the<br />
legal, psychological, governmental and<br />
educational pr<strong>of</strong>essionals needed to bring an end<br />
to delinquency.<br />
We also educate families, police, local businesses,<br />
elected <strong>of</strong>ficials, clergy, and schools and other<br />
stakeholders about transforming whole communities, and we labor to change their<br />
thinking about the causes <strong>of</strong> delinquency with the goal <strong>of</strong> helping them embrace the<br />
idea <strong>of</strong> restoration for the young people in our care who demonstrate repentance for<br />
their<br />
mistakes.<br />
<strong>The</strong> way we accomplish all this is a follows:<br />
1. We vigorously advocate for charges reductions, wherever possible, in the<br />
adjudicatory (court) process, with the ultimate goal <strong>of</strong> expungement or pardon, in order<br />
to maximize the chances for our clients to graduate high school and progress into<br />
college, military service or the workforce without the stigma <strong>of</strong> a criminal record;<br />
2. We then enroll each young person into an Evidence-Based, Data-Driven<br />
Restorative Justice program designed to facilitate their rehabilitation and subsequent<br />
reintegration back into the community;<br />
3. While those projects are operating, we conduct a wide variety <strong>of</strong> ComeUnity-<br />
ReEngineering seminars and workshops on topics ranging from Juvenile Justice to<br />
Parental Rights, to Domestic issues to Police friendly contacts, to mental health<br />
intervention, to CBO and FBO accountability and compliance;<br />
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4. Throughout the process, we encourage and maintain frequent personal contact<br />
between all parties;<br />
5 Throughout the process we conduct a continuum <strong>of</strong> events and fundraisers<br />
designed to facilitate collaboration among pr<strong>of</strong>essionals and community stakeholders;<br />
and finally<br />
6. 1 We disseminate Quarterly publications, like our e-Advocate series Newsletter<br />
and our e-Advocate Quarterly electronic Magazine to all regular donors in order to<br />
facilitate a lifelong learning process on the ever-evolving developments in the Justice<br />
system.<br />
And in addition to the help we provide for our young clients and their families, we also<br />
facilitate Community Engagement through the Restorative Justice process,<br />
thereby balancing the interests <strong>of</strong> local businesses, schools, clergy, social assistance<br />
organizations, elected <strong>of</strong>ficials, law enforcement entities, and all interested<br />
stakeholders. Through these efforts, relationships are rebuilt & strengthened, local<br />
businesses and communities are enhanced & protected from victimization, young<br />
careers are developed, and our precious young people are kept out <strong>of</strong> the prison<br />
pipeline.<br />
Additionally, we develop Transformative “Void Resistance” (TVR) initiatives to elevate<br />
concerns <strong>of</strong> our successes resulting in economic hardship for those employed by the<br />
penal system.<br />
TVR is an innovative-comprehensive process that works in conjunction with our<br />
Transformative Justice initiatives to transition the original use and purpose <strong>of</strong> current<br />
systems into positive social impact operations, which systematically retrains current<br />
staff, renovates facilities, creates new employment opportunities, increases salaries and<br />
is data proven to enhance employee’s mental wellbeing and overall quality <strong>of</strong> life – an<br />
exponential Transformative Social Impact benefit for ALL community stakeholders.<br />
This is a massive undertaking, and we need all the help and financial support you can<br />
give! We plan to help 75 young persons per quarter-year (aggregating to a total <strong>of</strong> 250<br />
per year) in each jurisdiction we serve) at an average cost <strong>of</strong> under $2,500 per client,<br />
per year. *<br />
Thank you in advance for your support!<br />
* FYI:<br />
1 In addition to supporting our world-class programming and support services, all regular donors receive our Quarterly e-Newsletter<br />
(<strong>The</strong> e-Advocate), as well as <strong>The</strong> e-Advocate Quarterly Magazine.<br />
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1. <strong>The</strong> national average cost to taxpayers for minimum-security youth incarceration,<br />
is around $43,000.00 per child, per year.<br />
2. <strong>The</strong> average annual cost to taxpayers for maximum-security youth incarceration<br />
is well over $148,000.00 per child, per year.<br />
- (US News and World Report, December 9, 2014);<br />
3. In every jurisdiction in the nation, the Plea Bargain rate is above 99%.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Judicial system engages in a tri-partite balancing task in every single one <strong>of</strong> these<br />
matters, seeking to balance Rehabilitative Justice with Community Protection and<br />
Judicial Economy, and, although the practitioners work very hard to achieve positive<br />
outcomes, the scales are nowhere near balanced where people <strong>of</strong> color are involved.<br />
We must reverse this trend, which is right now working very much against the best<br />
interests <strong>of</strong> our young.<br />
Our young people do not belong behind bars.<br />
- Jack Johnson<br />
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<strong>The</strong> Advocacy Foundation, Inc.<br />
Helping Individuals, Organizations & Communities<br />
Achieve <strong>The</strong>ir Full Potential<br />
…a compendium <strong>of</strong> works on<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ripple</strong> <strong>Effects</strong><br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>Ministry</strong><br />
“Turning the Improbable Into the Exceptional”<br />
Atlanta<br />
Philadelphia<br />
______<br />
John C Johnson III<br />
Founder & CEO<br />
(878) 222-0450<br />
Voice | Data | SMS<br />
www.<strong>The</strong>Advocacy.Foundation<br />
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Biblical Authority<br />
______<br />
Acts 9:32-43 (NIV)<br />
Aeneas and Dorcas<br />
32<br />
As Peter traveled about the country, he went to visit the Lord’s peoplewho lived in<br />
Lydda. 33 <strong>The</strong>re he found a man named Aeneas, who was paralyzed and had been<br />
bedridden for eight years. 34 “Aeneas,” Peter said to him, “Jesus Christ heals you. Get<br />
up and roll up your mat.” Immediately Aeneas got up. 35 All those who lived in Lydda<br />
and Sharonsaw him and turned to the Lord.<br />
36<br />
In Joppa there was a disciple named Tabitha (in Greek her name is Dorcas); she was<br />
always doing good and helping the poor. 37 About that time she became sick and died,<br />
and her body was washed and placed in an upstairs room. 38 Lydda was near Joppa; so<br />
when the disciples heard that Peter was in Lydda, they sent two men to him and urged<br />
him, “Please come at once!”<br />
39<br />
Peter went with them, and when he arrived he was taken upstairs to the room. All the<br />
widows stood around him, crying and showing him the robes and other clothing that<br />
Dorcas had made while she was still with them.<br />
40<br />
Peter sent them all out <strong>of</strong> the room; then he got down on his kneesand prayed.<br />
Turning toward the dead woman, he said, “Tabitha, get up.”She opened her eyes, and<br />
seeing Peter she sat up. 41 He took her by the hand and helped her to her feet. <strong>The</strong>n he<br />
called for the believers, especially the widows, and presented her to them alive. 42 This<br />
became known all over Joppa, and many people believed in the Lord. 43 Peter stayed in<br />
Joppa for some time with a tanner named Simon.<br />
Psalm 147:15<br />
15<br />
He sends his command to the earth; his word runs swiftly.<br />
Matthew 11:28<br />
28<br />
“Come to me, all you who are weary and burdened, and I will give you rest.<br />
Proverbs 19:25<br />
25<br />
Flog a mocker, and the simple will learn prudence; rebuke the discerning, and they<br />
will gain knowledge.<br />
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Table <strong>of</strong> Contents<br />
…a compilation <strong>of</strong> works on<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ripple</strong> <strong>Effects</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Ministry</strong><br />
Biblical Authority<br />
I. Introduction: <strong>Ripple</strong> and Domino <strong>Effects</strong><br />
Creating A Spiritual <strong>Ripple</strong> Effect………………………………. 19<br />
II. <strong>The</strong> Gospel <strong>Ripple</strong> Effect………..………………………………………. 23<br />
III. <strong>The</strong> Amazing <strong>Ripple</strong> Effect <strong>of</strong> Billy Graham’s <strong>Ministry</strong>………………. 25<br />
IV. Impacting <strong>The</strong> Body <strong>of</strong> Christ and <strong>The</strong> Community…………………. 29<br />
V. Rev. Dr. Leon H. Sullivan………………………………………………. 33<br />
VI. Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.…….………………………………….. 43<br />
VII. Evangelist William F. Graham, Jr..………………………………......... 81<br />
VIII. Bishop T.D. Jakes………………………………………………………. 103<br />
IX. Rev. Dr. Charles F. Stanley………….….…………………………..… 109<br />
X. Hon. Nelson R. Mandela….…………………………………………… 115<br />
XI. References……………………………………………………...………. 153<br />
Attachments<br />
A. Mirrors <strong>of</strong> <strong>The</strong> Christian Life - <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ripple</strong> Effect<br />
B. <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ripple</strong> Effect <strong>of</strong> Leadership<br />
C. <strong>The</strong> <strong>Ripple</strong> Effect <strong>of</strong> Service<br />
Copyright © 2003 – 2018 <strong>The</strong> Advocacy Foundation, Inc. All Rights Reserved.<br />
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This work is not meant to be a piece <strong>of</strong> original academic<br />
analysis, but rather draws very heavily on the work <strong>of</strong><br />
scholars in a diverse range <strong>of</strong> fields. All material drawn upon<br />
is referenced appropriately.<br />
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I. Introduction<br />
<strong>Ripple</strong> and Domino <strong>Effects</strong>/<br />
Creating A Spiritual <strong>Ripple</strong> Effect<br />
<strong>Ripple</strong> <strong>Effects</strong><br />
A <strong>Ripple</strong> Effect is a situation in which, like ripples expanding across the water when an<br />
object is dropped into it, an effect from an initial state can be followed outwards<br />
incrementally.<br />
<strong>Ripple</strong> effect is <strong>of</strong>ten used colloquially to mean a multiplier (economics).<br />
In sociology, it can be observed how social interactions can affect situations not directly<br />
related to the initial interaction, and in charitable activities where information can be<br />
disseminated and passed from community to community to broaden its impact.<br />
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<strong>The</strong> concept has been applied in computer science within the field <strong>of</strong> s<strong>of</strong>tware<br />
metrics as a complexity measure.<br />
________<br />
Domino <strong>Effects</strong><br />
A domino effect or chain reaction is the cumulative effect produced when one event<br />
sets <strong>of</strong>f a chain <strong>of</strong> similar events. <strong>The</strong> term is best known as a mechanical effect and is<br />
used as an analogy to a falling row <strong>of</strong> dominoes. It typically refers to a linked sequence<br />
<strong>of</strong> events where the time between successive events is relatively small. It can be used<br />
literally (an observed series <strong>of</strong> actual collisions) or metaphorically (causal linkages<br />
within systems such as global finance or politics). <strong>The</strong> term domino effect is used both<br />
to imply that an event is inevitable or highly likely (as it has already started to happen),<br />
and conversely to imply that an event is impossible or highly unlikely (the one domino<br />
left standing).<br />
________<br />
Creating A Spiritual <strong>Ripple</strong> Effect<br />
by Marvin Campbell in Sharing Your Faith on April 1, 2014<br />
Regardless <strong>of</strong> where I travel and with whom I interact in Navigator circles, I see people<br />
doggedly pursuing the vision to reproduce Harvest workers in a variety <strong>of</strong> contexts,<br />
cultures, communities, ethnicities, families, and relational networks. God is using that<br />
passion to create a ripple effect — not merely a splash — as the incarnate Gospel<br />
continues to forcefully advance!<br />
Recently, one Navigator who works with our Military ministry in the Northwest shared an<br />
example <strong>of</strong> this ever-growing circle <strong>of</strong> influence with me.<br />
I have been doing one-on-one discipleship with Ben*, a Navy man who is a native <strong>of</strong> the<br />
island country <strong>of</strong> Palau. Last week I drew out <strong>The</strong> Bridge illustration for him and I<br />
encouraged him to memorize it so that he would be prepared to share the Gospel at<br />
anytime. Bob Reehm, from <strong>The</strong> Navigators Military staff, taught me that illustration in<br />
1998 in Monterey, California. It was a privilege to pass it on to Ben on Whidbey Island,<br />
Washington, 16 years later.<br />
Ben and I were reviewing Scripture memory verses in the nearly deserted McDonald’s<br />
on the Naval Air Station. It was Ben’s turn to recite his memory verses when we noticed<br />
another sailor, who had been listening to us, was approaching. He was very bold with<br />
many questions about the Bible, so we invited him to sit with us and asked if we could<br />
share an illustration that might answer his questions.<br />
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As the curious sailor sat down I snatched the paper on which we had drawn <strong>The</strong> Bridge<br />
illustration the week before out <strong>of</strong> Ben’s Bible and placed it in front <strong>of</strong> the sailor.<br />
Together, Ben and I walked him through the illustration. <strong>The</strong> sailor had many questions<br />
so we spent the rest <strong>of</strong> our time answering his questions, showing him Bible verses, and<br />
getting to know him. This gave Ben an amazing opportunity to share part <strong>of</strong> his story<br />
regarding his relationship with Jesus.<br />
<strong>The</strong> sailor with whom we were talking had come to faith in Christ many years prior but<br />
was out <strong>of</strong> fellowship and in need <strong>of</strong> getting back to Him. So we invited him to our<br />
upcoming Navigator events, and the next day Ben brought him to watch a football game<br />
with some other Navigator men.<br />
Here we had Ben from Palau, receiving discipleship training in America, who in turn was<br />
reaching out to help an American in need <strong>of</strong> getting back to the Lord. Who knows how<br />
many people Ben will lead to the Lord in the future—both in America and in his native<br />
Palau? <strong>The</strong> nations are being reached right here on Whidbey Island.<br />
* Not his real name<br />
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II. <strong>The</strong> Gospel <strong>Ripple</strong> Effect<br />
by David Jeremiah, posted Friday, January 27, 2006 (13 years ago)<br />
EL CAJON, Calif. (BP)--<strong>The</strong> Christian Gospel began with the life, death and resurrection<br />
<strong>of</strong> one man nearly 2,000 years ago. Since that time, the Gospel message has been<br />
embraced by hundreds <strong>of</strong> millions <strong>of</strong> people. You and I are beneficiaries <strong>of</strong> the ripple<br />
effect <strong>of</strong> the Gospel. Those <strong>of</strong> us over whom the waves <strong>of</strong> the grace <strong>of</strong> God have<br />
washed are responsible for sharing the Gospel and causing the ripple effect to continue.<br />
We don’t have specific<br />
words to this effect in<br />
the Bible, but it<br />
appears that there was<br />
a ripple effect present<br />
in Jesus’ own ministry.<br />
<strong>The</strong> disciple John<br />
seems to have had the<br />
closest relationship<br />
with Jesus. John’s<br />
wave <strong>of</strong> influence<br />
spread to Peter and<br />
James (John’s<br />
brother), as the three<br />
<strong>of</strong> them formed an<br />
inner circle within the<br />
twelve. Next was the<br />
larger circle <strong>of</strong> twelve<br />
disciples who traveled<br />
and ministered with Jesus for three years. <strong>The</strong>y then formed the core <strong>of</strong> the larger post-<br />
Resurrection group <strong>of</strong> 120 who gathered in Jerusalem to await the gift <strong>of</strong> the Holy Spirit<br />
(Acts 1:1-8, 15). As a result <strong>of</strong> the “pebble” Peter tossed from the pulpit into the sea <strong>of</strong><br />
Jews gathered in Jerusalem at Pentecost, the waves <strong>of</strong> the Spirit washed over 3,000<br />
souls, a number which shortly grew to 5,000 men (and undoubtedly many more women<br />
and children; Acts 2:41, 4:4).<br />
<strong>The</strong>re was one disciple, then three, then twelve, then 120, then 3,000, then more than<br />
5,000 ... and the rest, as they say, is His-story. Following Jesus’ own instructions in Acts<br />
1:8, the waves <strong>of</strong> the Gospel then left Jerusalem and washed over all Judea and<br />
Samaria, then Damascus and Antioch (modern Syria), Galatia (Asia Minor), Macedonia<br />
(Greece), Rome (Italy), and from there possibly into Spain (Europe; Romans 15:24, 28)<br />
-- all at the hands <strong>of</strong> a John-like central figure, the Apostle Paul.<br />
“Yes,” many Christians say, “I can well understand the impact <strong>of</strong> John, Peter, James,<br />
the twelve and Paul. <strong>The</strong>y were apostles! But my life will never set <strong>of</strong>f those kinds <strong>of</strong><br />
ripple effects.”<br />
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But what were these people before they were apostles? <strong>The</strong>y were like you and me --<br />
commoners <strong>of</strong> the most ordinary sort. <strong>The</strong>y were people whose names would never<br />
have garnered a footnote in history had they not responded to Christ’s call.<br />
How would history be different if a plain man named Andrew had not gone to find his<br />
brother, Simon (Peter), and said, “We have found the Messiah” (John 1:40-41)? What if<br />
another plain man named Philip had not sought out Nathanael and told him, “We have<br />
found Him <strong>of</strong> whom Moses in the law, and also the prophets, wrote -- Jesus <strong>of</strong><br />
Nazareth, the son <strong>of</strong> Joseph” (John 1:45)? What if a fisherman named Peter had not<br />
responded to the request <strong>of</strong> a Gentile named Cornelius and gone to his house to share<br />
the Gospel (Acts 10:1-48)?<br />
What if martyrs and Reformers like Polycarp, Ignatius, Hus, Savonarola, Latimer, Ridley<br />
and Cranmer had recanted the faith in the face <strong>of</strong> the flames? What if an unknown<br />
Sunday School teacher named Edward Kimball had not pursued a recalcitrant lad<br />
named Dwight L. Moody, ultimately winning him to Christ in a Chicago shoe store?<br />
You and I have salvation today because <strong>of</strong> ripple effects set in motion by the<br />
faithfulness <strong>of</strong> others. But what <strong>of</strong> those who have yet to hear the Gospel? Who will<br />
speak the words and do the works that will set in motion the events resulting in their<br />
salvation? By God’s grace, and through our obedience to the promptings <strong>of</strong> the Holy<br />
Spirit, you and I will set those ripples in motion.<br />
<strong>The</strong> question for every Christian is not whether our lives have a ripple effect on history --<br />
but what kind <strong>of</strong> effect we are having. I challenge each <strong>of</strong> us, at the beginning <strong>of</strong> 2006,<br />
to ask God for a year <strong>of</strong> powerful ripple effects for the Gospel. You may not see the<br />
shore on which the wave lands, but the shore where you stand at this moment is where<br />
the wave must begin.<br />
David Jeremiah is the founder <strong>of</strong> Turning Point for God, senior pastor <strong>of</strong> Shadow<br />
Mountain Community Church in El Cajon, Calif., and chancellor <strong>of</strong> San Diego Christian<br />
College (formerly Christian Heritage College). For more information on Turning Point,<br />
visit www.TurningPointOnline.org.<br />
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III. <strong>The</strong> Amazing <strong>Ripple</strong> Effect<br />
<strong>of</strong> Billy Graham’s <strong>Ministry</strong><br />
US CBNNews.com by Mark Martin 02-27-2018<br />
As you can imagine there's a staggering ripple effect <strong>of</strong> lives changed when you<br />
consider evangelist Rev. Billy Graham shared the Gospel <strong>of</strong> Jesus Christ with nearly<br />
215 million people in live audiences in more than 185 countries and territories. He also<br />
reached hundreds <strong>of</strong> millions more through media.<br />
For example, I might not have written this article for CBN News, if it hadn't been for the<br />
ministry <strong>of</strong> Graham. You see, when my mother was 16, she went forward at a Billy<br />
Graham crusade to reaffirm her faith in Christ. She would later lead me to Jesus in our<br />
home when I was a child.<br />
<strong>The</strong> ministry <strong>of</strong> Graham had an impact on the father <strong>of</strong> my colleague, CBN<br />
videographer, Richey Boyd.<br />
"I remember very clearly as a child watching all <strong>of</strong> the Billy Graham crusades on<br />
television with my dad," Boyd wrote in an email to me. "<strong>The</strong> televised crusades were<br />
important to my dad, and he would always plan the evening at home around watching<br />
the crusade."<br />
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"Some <strong>of</strong> the best memories I have <strong>of</strong> my dad (who has since gone on to be with the<br />
Lord) are sitting on the couch in our living room, holding his hand and watching the Billy<br />
Graham crusade," he continued.<br />
"Because <strong>of</strong> this, the preaching and ministry <strong>of</strong> Billy Graham became a central part <strong>of</strong><br />
my life as I grew into adulthood," Boyd added.<br />
God also worked through Graham's outreach to deeply affect CBN video editor Rocco<br />
"Rocky" DeLauri, Sr. Before DeLauri accepted Jesus Christ as his Lord and Savior, he<br />
lived a life <strong>of</strong> crime.<br />
"I have never told this story in about 45 years, but the instant Billy Graham passed, it<br />
came right into my mind," he shared. "In the early to mid 70's, I saw that Billy Graham<br />
was coming to Norfolk Scope for a crusade."<br />
DeLauri and his friend thought the crusade would be an easy target to steal money from<br />
the <strong>of</strong>fering plate.<br />
"I figured with over 10,000 people, it would be easy to do and no one would notice," he<br />
continued. "My best friend and me went with one purpose, to get all we could and run.<br />
We sat near the top to make an easy exit."<br />
But God had different plans.<br />
"I will never forget watching that plate come our way and being excited we were going to<br />
make an easy score," DeLauri said. "I got the plate in my hand, went to reach in and<br />
couldn't touch it. I literally felt my hand freeze."<br />
"I tried with all my might and couldn't budge it. I looked at my friend, and the same thing<br />
happened to him," he continued. "It freaked us both out so much we ran out <strong>of</strong> there as<br />
fast as we could and went and got as high and drunk as we could."<br />
DeLauri wrote that he left the crusade believing Graham had to be a true man <strong>of</strong> God<br />
because they "couldn't steal from him."<br />
"And before you think we wimped out, know that before this, I had broke into churches,<br />
stealing a lot <strong>of</strong> what they had," he said. "Had stolen from <strong>of</strong>fering plates before and<br />
robbed people to their face."<br />
"Committing crimes came easy to me," he continued. "No, this was really God stopping<br />
us, and it was His supernatural protection <strong>of</strong> His servant who didn't even know."<br />
DeLauri said that by sharing this testimony, he hopes people know that "God did a<br />
mighty work changing me (DeLauri), and I am NOTHING like I was because <strong>of</strong> His<br />
Grace!"<br />
CBN videographer Henrik Weber shared that his wife "is still serving in missions thru<br />
Operation Mobilization" - a global ministry started by George Verwer, who was saved at<br />
a Billy Graham Crusade as a high school student. Today, the OM family <strong>of</strong> ministries<br />
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has more than 6,800 workers representing 100 nationalities bringing the Gospel to<br />
millions around the world, according to the OM web page.<br />
<strong>The</strong> niece <strong>of</strong> Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., evangelist Alveda King, also reflected on the<br />
impact <strong>of</strong> Graham.<br />
"As a fledgling freelance journalist in the 20th century, I interviewed Dr. Graham who<br />
was in Atlanta to conduct a crusade," she said in a statement. "As he spoke, he<br />
admonished me to 'pray without ceasing.'"<br />
"As he spoke, his brilliant blue eyes were glowing with a heavenly brightness," she<br />
continued. "As I naively asked how anyone could pray 24/7; he quietly responded in a<br />
reverberating voice: 'I'm praying for you right now.' This unforgettable experience<br />
changed my life forever."<br />
Today, King is a staunch advocate for the lives <strong>of</strong> unborn babies. She is the pastoral<br />
associate for Priests for Life and the director <strong>of</strong> Civil Rights for the Unborn.<br />
Internationally known Praise and Worship singer/songwriter Don Moen shared a<br />
poignant memory <strong>of</strong> the ripple effect <strong>of</strong> Graham's ministry on his family.<br />
"...my greatest memory is the fact that my father-in-law (an Amish man) somehow heard<br />
Billy Graham preaching the simple message <strong>of</strong> salvation on a transistor radio (forbidden<br />
in the Amish) in 1959," he said in a statement.<br />
"He knelt down in a field and gave his life to Christ," Moen continued. "His words, '<strong>The</strong><br />
sky got bluer, the trees and grass got greener.' Because <strong>of</strong> that moment, the entire<br />
family was saved, including my sweet Laura!"<br />
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Laura is Moen's wife.<br />
Graham walked in humility, a life yielded to Christ. He made this clear at the dedication<br />
<strong>of</strong> his library.<br />
"My whole life has been to please the LORD and to honor Jesus, not to see me, not to<br />
think <strong>of</strong> me," he said. He wanted his library to be about the Gospel <strong>of</strong> Jesus Christ and<br />
not about him.<br />
CBN videographer/editor Rich Westfall shared that Graham's vision for the library came<br />
true in his family.<br />
"...my son <strong>of</strong>ficially gave his life to Christ while visiting the Billy Graham Library a couple<br />
<strong>of</strong> years ago," Westfall wrote. "He is now nine."<br />
And so the ripple continues. Who knows how many people will be affected through the<br />
salvation <strong>of</strong> Westfall's son? God does.<br />
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IV. Impacting <strong>The</strong> Body <strong>of</strong> Christ<br />
and <strong>The</strong> Community<br />
by Deborah Lovett<br />
What happens when you throw a rock into a tranquil pond? A splash occurs, followed by<br />
concentric ripples emanating from the point <strong>of</strong> impact and spreading far across the body<br />
<strong>of</strong> water. Cause and effect—God’s laws <strong>of</strong> physics at work.<br />
God’s spiritual laws follow a similar pattern. Jesus said, “‘You will be my witnesses in<br />
Jerusalem, and in all Judea and Samaria, and to the ends <strong>of</strong> the earth’” (Acts 1:8). <strong>The</strong><br />
Church has been commissioned to impact the world with the gospel message through a<br />
spiritual ripple effect.<br />
Members <strong>of</strong> Fairhaven Church near Dayton, Ohio, are taking that commission seriously.<br />
When I learned they had surpassed their goal <strong>of</strong> reaching 500 people for Christ in 2006<br />
by seeing 592 make first-time decisions for Christ, I met with their leadership team to<br />
find out how they are effectively reaching others.<br />
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Authentic Culture<br />
Pastor David Smith is quick to admit the importance <strong>of</strong> the church staff. <strong>The</strong> pastors and<br />
administrative staff meet regularly to pray, fellowship and discuss church matters.<br />
Fostering relationships includes a weekly break time with snacks and c<strong>of</strong>fee, a monthly<br />
meal in various staff members’ homes and an annual pastoral staff retreat.<br />
“It’s not enough for a staff to simply work together,” said Smith. “Playing together and<br />
genuinely enjoying and relating to one another is important in building a strong<br />
leadership team.” When people are stirred by godly passion and are free to exercise<br />
their spiritual gifts, Kingdom work is performed with energy and enthusiasm. And God<br />
will work miracles when people don’t worry about getting the credit.<br />
Smith sees the big picture and has a vision for the church. Standing on the shoulders <strong>of</strong><br />
two groundbreaking predecessors, Pete Schwalm and Ron Julian Sr., who are still<br />
active in the church, Smith said their mission is “to encourage a church culture that is<br />
relational, conversational, real and authentic.”<br />
<strong>The</strong> staff believes in and supports one another. Although job descriptions define the<br />
scope <strong>of</strong> their work, staff members willingly go beyond boundaries to enhance one<br />
another’s ministries. “It’s not simply about me doing my job and watching other staff<br />
members do theirs,” said Kirk Lithander, executive pastor <strong>of</strong> International Ministries and<br />
Adult Education. “It’s about sharing in ministry. And sometimes that means crossing into<br />
one another’s area <strong>of</strong> ministry in order to support and accomplish goals.”<br />
<strong>The</strong> world is desperate for genuine faith that makes a difference. <strong>The</strong> Church holds the<br />
answer but it must live out the truth it claims. In a day when “seeker friendly” is popular<br />
language, Smith remarked that Fairhaven Church is also “believer friendly,” since<br />
“believers are seekers too.”<br />
On the Journey<br />
Transformation begins in an individual’s heart when salvation takes root. Each person<br />
embarks on a spiritual journey with a unique story to share. Fairhaven Church has<br />
embraced that idea by adopting a theme called Living the Journey, Sharing the Story. It<br />
captures the congregation’s two pervading values: transforma-tion and outreach.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Journey consists <strong>of</strong> five key purposes: worship (loving God); community<br />
(experiencing life together); equipping (enabling transformation); serving (caring for<br />
others); and out-reach (calling others to Jesus). Sermons, custom-designed small-group<br />
video and age-related curricula have created a common message, unifying the<br />
congregation in scriptural truth that is culturally sensitive to the community.<br />
For example, during the church’s Fall Campaign, an annual series emphasizing<br />
transformation and spiritual growth, the sermon message and small-group curriculum<br />
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focused on “Publicly Identifying with the Journey: Baptism.” As a result, 89 people were<br />
baptized in a special two-hour service.<br />
Riding the Wave<br />
<strong>The</strong> church is growing through creative approaches that capture the imagination and<br />
excite the congregation to action. One idea that has taken hold is Reaching<br />
Two. Church members are asked to think <strong>of</strong> two nonbelievers and begin praying for<br />
them for several months.<br />
Members are then encouraged to develop an authentic relation-ship with those<br />
nonbelievers through nonchurch-related activities. After six months, members begin<br />
inviting their new friends to church outreach events, designed as nonthreatening ways<br />
to build and strengthen the bridge between the community and Fairhaven Church.<br />
In addition, Fairhaven facilities have been used for school proms, Red Cross training,<br />
concerts and even a plumber’s convention. If people in the community feel comfortable<br />
in the building, they are more likely to attend a worship service.<br />
Worship services are designed to reflect Fairhaven’s unique intergenerational<br />
congregation. “We use the word intergenerational to describe our worship service rather<br />
than contemporary, blended or traditional,” said Glenn Priest, executive pastor <strong>of</strong><br />
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Worship and Fine Arts. “It integrates elements familiar to the different generations,<br />
creating an environment where everyone can worship.”<br />
An ongoing message throughout Fairhaven’s ministries is that the church should<br />
engage the world. Evangelism is a by-product <strong>of</strong> transformation. <strong>The</strong>ir philosophy is not<br />
“come be part <strong>of</strong> us,” but rather, “we want to be part <strong>of</strong> you!” So as Fairhaven Church<br />
throws the Rock <strong>of</strong> Ages into its local pond, the impact is having a sweeping effect<br />
across the entire community. A ripple? It appears to be more like a wave!<br />
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V. Rev. Dr. Leon H. Sullivan<br />
Leon Howard Sullivan (October 16, 1922 – April 24, 2001) was a Baptist minister,<br />
a civil rights leader and social activist focusing on the creation <strong>of</strong> job training<br />
opportunities for African Americans, a longtime General Motors Board Member, and an<br />
anti-Apartheid activist. Sullivan died on April 24, 2001, <strong>of</strong> leukemia at a Scottsdale,<br />
Arizona, hospital. He was 78.<br />
Early Life<br />
Born to Charles and Helen Sullivan in Charleston, West Virginia. He was raised in a<br />
small house in a dirt alley called Washington Court in one <strong>of</strong> Charleston's poorest<br />
sections. His parents divorced when he was three years old and he grew up an only<br />
child. Sullivan has <strong>of</strong>ten re-told the event which set a course for the remainder <strong>of</strong> his life.<br />
At the age <strong>of</strong> twelve, he tried to purchase a Coca-Cola in a drugstore on Capitol Street.<br />
<strong>The</strong> proprietor refused to sell him the drink, saying: "Stand on your feet, boy. You can't<br />
sit here." This incident inspired Sullivan's lifetime pursuit <strong>of</strong> fighting racial prejudice.<br />
Sullivan also attributed much <strong>of</strong> his early influence to his grandmother:<br />
... my grandmother Carrie, a constant and powerful presence in my life who taught me<br />
early on the importance <strong>of</strong> faith, determination, faith in God, and especially self-help.<br />
As a teen-ager, Sullivan—who as an adult stood 6 ft 5 in tall—attended Charleston's<br />
Garnet High School for blacks and received a basketball and football scholarship<br />
to West Virginia State College in 1939 where he was a member <strong>of</strong> Tau Chapter<br />
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<strong>of</strong> Kappa Alpha Psi Fraternity. A foot injury ended his athletic career and forced Sullivan<br />
to pay for college by working in a steel mill.<br />
Baptist Minister<br />
Sullivan became a Baptist minister in West Virginia at the age <strong>of</strong> 18. In 1943, during a<br />
visit to West Virginia, noted black minister Adam Clayton Powell convinced Sullivan to<br />
move to New York City where he attended the Union <strong>The</strong>ological Seminary (1943–45)<br />
and later Columbia University (Master's in Religion 1947). He also served as Powell's<br />
assistant minister at the Abyssinian Baptist Church. During this period, Sullivan met his<br />
wife Grace, a woman whom he referred to as "Amazing Grace." <strong>The</strong> couple would<br />
eventually have three children, Hope, Julie and Howard. One <strong>of</strong> Sullivan's greater<br />
achievements during his time in New York was the recruitment <strong>of</strong> "a hundred colored<br />
men for the police force" in Harlem with Mayor Fiorello LaGuardia's support and<br />
encouragement.<br />
In 1945 Sullivan and Grace moved to South Orange, New Jersey, where Sullivan<br />
became pastor at First Baptist Church. Five years later, Leon and Grace moved<br />
to Philadelphia, PA, where Leon took on the role <strong>of</strong> pastor <strong>of</strong> Zion Baptist Church,<br />
located today at 3600 North Broad Street in the City <strong>of</strong> Philadelphia. Known there as<br />
"the Lion <strong>of</strong> Zion" he served from 1950 to 1988, eventually increasing its membership<br />
from 600 to 6,000 - making it one <strong>of</strong> the largest congregations in America.<br />
Selective Patronage Movement<br />
Sullivan took his first active role in the civil rights movement by helping to organize a<br />
march on Washington, D.C., in the early 1940s. Sullivan believed jobs were the key to<br />
improving African-American lives and starting in 1958 he asked that Philadelphia's<br />
largest companies interview young blacks. Only two companies responded positively so<br />
Sullivan, through his affiliation with other ministers, organized a boycott <strong>of</strong> various<br />
businesses which he referred to as "Selective Patronage". <strong>The</strong> slogan was "Don't buy<br />
where you don't work" and the boycott was extremely effective since blacks constituted<br />
about 20% <strong>of</strong> Philadelphia's population. Sullivan estimated the boycott produced<br />
thousands <strong>of</strong> jobs for African Americans in a period <strong>of</strong> four years. <strong>The</strong> New York<br />
Times featured the program with a front-page story, and later, Fortune<br />
magazine brought the program to greater public attention on a national scale. By 1962,<br />
the effectiveness <strong>of</strong> Sullivan's boycotts came to the attention <strong>of</strong> Dr. Martin Luther King<br />
Jr and the SCLC who persuaded Sullivan to share information with them on his<br />
success. <strong>The</strong> exchange led to SCLC's economic arm, Operation Breadbasket, in 1967,<br />
headed by Jesse Jackson.<br />
Self-Help Movement<br />
Sullivan's work was built on the principle <strong>of</strong> "self-help", which provides people with the<br />
tools to help themselves overcome barriers <strong>of</strong> poverty and oppression. African<br />
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Americans had been excluded from the types <strong>of</strong> training which led to better paying jobs.<br />
Sullivan realized that simply making jobs available was not enough. He said,<br />
I found that we needed training. Integration without preparation is frustration.<br />
In 1964, Sullivan founded Opportunities Industrialization Centers (OIC) <strong>of</strong> America in an<br />
abandoned jail house in North Philadelphia. <strong>The</strong> program took individuals with little<br />
hope and few prospects and <strong>of</strong>fered them job training and instruction in life skills and<br />
then helped place them into jobs. <strong>The</strong> movement quickly spread around the nation. With<br />
sixty affiliated programs in thirty states and the District <strong>of</strong> Columbia, OIC has grown into<br />
a movement, which has served over two million disadvantaged and under-skilled<br />
people. This approach also led to the formation <strong>of</strong> the Opportunities Industrialization<br />
Centers International (OICI) in 1969.<br />
Around the same time, Sullivan established the Zion Investment Association (ZIA), a<br />
company which invested in and started new businesses. Sullivan also helped to<br />
establish more than 20 programs under the International Foundation for Education and<br />
Self-Help (IFESH) (now headed by his daughter Dr. Julie Helen Sullivan), including the<br />
Global Sullivan Principles initiative. Other IFESH programs include the African-African<br />
American Summit (now renamed the Leon H. Sullivan Summit), the Peoples Investment<br />
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Fund for Africa, the Self-Help Investment Program, Teachers for Africa and Schools for<br />
Africa. IFESH has placed teachers in Africa, trained African bankers, built schools,<br />
developed small businesses, disseminated books and school supplies, created literacy<br />
programs, distributed medicines to prevent river-blindness and helped to combat the<br />
spread <strong>of</strong> HIV/AIDS.<br />
10-36 Plan<br />
Inspired by a well-known parable from the Bible, Sullivan decided to use the church as a<br />
vehicle for organizing the black community to consolidate its resources and build<br />
a community-owned economic base. In 1962, during one <strong>of</strong> his Sunday sermons, he<br />
introduced his congregation to his vision <strong>of</strong> self-help through community investment.<br />
"One day I preached a sermon at Zion about Jesus feeding the five thousand with a few<br />
loaves and a few fish", he recalls. "Everybody put in their little bit and you had enough<br />
to feed everybody, and a whole lot left over. So I said, that is what I am going to do with<br />
the church and the community. I said, I am going to ask 50 people to put $10 down for<br />
36 months <strong>of</strong> loaves and fishes and see if we could accumulate resources enough to<br />
build something that we would own ourselves." Although Rev. Sullivan had expected<br />
about 50 families to sign up for the 10-36 Plan, the response was overwhelming. Over<br />
200 joined the plan that Sunday morning. His idea <strong>of</strong> bringing people together to invest<br />
in a community-owned enterprise had caught fire.<br />
<strong>The</strong> concept <strong>of</strong> the 10-36 Plan was to create two separate legal entities. For the first 16<br />
months <strong>of</strong> the subscription period, investors would contribute to the Zion Non-Pr<strong>of</strong>it<br />
Charitable Trust (ZNPCT), a Community Development Corporation (CDC) that would<br />
support education, scholarships for youth, health services and other programs aimed at<br />
social uplift. For the remaining 20 months <strong>of</strong> the subscription period, investors would<br />
make payments to a for-pr<strong>of</strong>it corporation, Progress Investment Associates (PIA), which<br />
would undertake income-generating projects. At the end <strong>of</strong> 36 months, subscribers<br />
would receive one share <strong>of</strong> common voting stock and would be entitled to participate in<br />
yearly shareholders meetings. As William Downes, the treasurer <strong>of</strong> the 10-36 Plan and<br />
the executive director <strong>of</strong> ZNPCT explains, the idea <strong>of</strong> the voting system was to<br />
encourage community involvement in the plan.<br />
According to Sullivan's philosophy, it was important for people to begin by contributing<br />
to the nonpr<strong>of</strong>it side <strong>of</strong> the effort in order to develop a psychology <strong>of</strong> giving before<br />
receiving. [7] It was also important for people to learn basic economic concepts and to<br />
see the 10-36 Plan as a long-term investment. Although stockholders were told that<br />
they would eventually receive a dividend, they were cautioned not to expect to obtain<br />
pr<strong>of</strong>its right away. <strong>The</strong>ir most immediate monetary benefit would be a tax deduction for<br />
their contributions to the nonpr<strong>of</strong>it. To participate in the 10-36 Plan, investors had to<br />
have faith in the idea <strong>of</strong> investing in a secure future for the next generation. Rev.<br />
Sullivan's vision was to use the tools <strong>of</strong> the free enterprise system to foster something<br />
that is vital to community progress - a sense <strong>of</strong> ownership and a stake in the common<br />
good.<br />
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Funds accumulated rapidly under the 10-36 Plan, and were soon used to invest in<br />
numerous housing and economic development initiatives. In 1964, PIA made its first<br />
investment in an 8-unit apartment building in an all-white community. <strong>The</strong> rationale for<br />
buying this property was that it would help address a long-standing problem facing<br />
blacks - racial discrimination in housing. <strong>The</strong> leaders <strong>of</strong> the Progress Movement<br />
believed that money <strong>of</strong>ten has the power to speak louder than words in the struggle to<br />
improve race relations. One year after its first investment in housing, PIA built Zion<br />
Gardens, a middle-income garden apartment complex in North Philadelphia. <strong>The</strong> $1<br />
million project was financed by using 10-36 funds to leverage a loan from the Federal<br />
Housing Administration and a grant from the United States Department <strong>of</strong> Housing and<br />
Urban Development (HUD).<br />
While pursuing these development<br />
projects, Zion continued to build an<br />
equity base through the 10-36 Plan. In<br />
1965, the plan was opened to new<br />
subscribers from Zion's congregation,<br />
and another 450 joined. Over the years,<br />
the Progress Movement has had great<br />
success with its strategy <strong>of</strong> using equity<br />
accumulated under the 10-36 Plan to<br />
leverage funds from public and private<br />
sources, including commercial banks<br />
and insurance companies.<br />
Progress Plaza<br />
After establishing the OIC in the mid-<br />
1960s, Zion's next major undertaking<br />
was the fulfillment <strong>of</strong> Rev. Sullivan's<br />
dream <strong>of</strong> building the nation's first<br />
black-owned and developed shopping<br />
center, to be named Progress Plaza. In<br />
addition to addressing his concern<br />
about the lack <strong>of</strong> black ownership <strong>of</strong><br />
major businesses in America, the<br />
project would deal with the problem <strong>of</strong><br />
unemployment in North Philadelphia by<br />
generating a substantial number <strong>of</strong><br />
jobs. After convincing the<br />
city's Redevelopment Authority to donate land for the project, Rev. Sullivan set out to<br />
raise the capital needed to build the shopping center. "So I went to the chairman <strong>of</strong> the<br />
bank and I said, I want a construction loan", he recounts. "He said, well Reverend, you<br />
need some equity for something like this. Think about it and come back later in two,<br />
three or four years, and let's see what we can do." Rev. Sullivan was already prepared<br />
for that challenge, however. "Give me the sack", he told Zion's treasurer, William<br />
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Downes. "I opened it up and $400,000 worth <strong>of</strong> equities came out", he describes. "<strong>The</strong><br />
man's eye glasses fell <strong>of</strong>f his eyes. He came around the table and took my hand and<br />
said, Reverend, we can work together." Rev. Sullivan's theory about the power <strong>of</strong><br />
money to deal with persistent racial inequalities was proving to be correct. As he<br />
concludes:<br />
I found that $400,000 makes a difference in race relations in America!<br />
Progress Plaza, which is located on Broad Street, one <strong>of</strong> Philadelphia's main<br />
thoroughfares, was dedicated in 1968 before a crowd <strong>of</strong> 10,000 well-wishers. In some<br />
sense, the shopping center was the culmination <strong>of</strong> the Progress Movement's multiple<br />
goals. Because it was a major construction project, it created a large number <strong>of</strong><br />
construction jobs for participants in the OIC program. Through an agreement negotiated<br />
with Progress Plaza's chain store tenants, the shopping center also made numerous<br />
management job opportunities available to African Americans. To fulfill another one <strong>of</strong><br />
the Progress Movement's primary goals - to encourage the development <strong>of</strong> black-owned<br />
businesses - ZNPCT created an Entrepreneurial Training Center at Progress Plaza.<br />
With major funding from the Ford Foundation, the center was able to <strong>of</strong>fer managerial<br />
and entrepreneurial skills training to hundreds <strong>of</strong> area residents. Today, over half <strong>of</strong> the<br />
16 stores in Progress Plaza are black-owned businesses.<br />
Another one <strong>of</strong> the Progress Movement's major goals was to address the social needs<br />
<strong>of</strong> North Philadelphia's community residents. To this end, ZNPCT built a comprehensive<br />
Human Services Center that centralizes essential services so that they are easily<br />
accessible to area residents. Zion's role was to develop the property and lease it at<br />
below-market rent to nonpr<strong>of</strong>it and governmental entities whose programs fulfill<br />
ZNPCT's charitable mission. Located adjacent to Progress Plaza, the Center currently<br />
houses a Social Security Administration <strong>of</strong>fice, an unemployment compensation <strong>of</strong>fice,<br />
a police training academy, and a health service center run by Temple University.<br />
In the 1980s, Progress Plaza was taken over by Wendell Whitlock <strong>of</strong> Progress<br />
Investment Associates, who is now the chairman emeritus. In 2018, Progress Plaza<br />
celebrated its 50-year anniversary with commemorations from local<br />
politician Congressman Dwight Evans who was influenced by Leon Sullivan's thinking in<br />
his book "Build, Brother, Build."<br />
Sullivan Principles As a Response to Apartheid<br />
In 1971, Sullivan joined the General Motors Board <strong>of</strong> Directors and became the<br />
first African-American on the board <strong>of</strong> a major corporation. He went on to serve<br />
on General Motors' board for over 20 years. In 1977, Sullivan developed a code <strong>of</strong><br />
conduct for companies operating in South Africa called the Sullivan Principles, as an<br />
alternative to complete disinvestment. As part <strong>of</strong> the Board <strong>of</strong> Directors at General<br />
Motors Sullivan lobbied GM and other large corporations to voluntarily withdrawal from<br />
doing business in South Africa while the system <strong>of</strong> apartheid was still in effect.<br />
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In 1988, Sullivan retired from Zion Baptist Church. Sullivan was determined to provide a<br />
model <strong>of</strong> self-help and empowerment to the people <strong>of</strong> Africa. He began using his talent<br />
for bringing world leaders together to find solutions to international issues through the<br />
establishment <strong>of</strong> the International Foundation for Education and Self-Help (IFESH) in<br />
order to establish and maintain programs and activities in the areas <strong>of</strong> agriculture,<br />
business and economic development, democracy and governance, education and<br />
health. <strong>The</strong>se programs would in turn help governments in sub-Saharan Africa reduce<br />
poverty and unemployment and build civil societies. To further expand human rights and<br />
economic development to all communities, Sullivan created the Global Sullivan<br />
Principles <strong>of</strong> Social Responsibility in 1997. In 1999, the Global Sullivan Principles were<br />
issued at the United Nations. This expanded code calls for multinational companies to<br />
take an active role in the advancement <strong>of</strong> human rights and social justice. <strong>The</strong>n United<br />
Nations Secretary-General K<strong>of</strong>i Annan had this to say about Sullivan's contributions:<br />
It shows how much one individual can do to change lives and societies for the better ...<br />
He was known and respected throughout the world for the bold and innovative role he<br />
played in the global campaign to dismantle the system <strong>of</strong> apartheid in South Africa.<br />
Leon H. Sullivan Summit<br />
Sullivan organized the first Summit in Abidjan, Côte d'Ivoire in 1991 as a result <strong>of</strong> a<br />
number <strong>of</strong> requests and conversations he had with African leaders seeking an honest<br />
dialog among and between leaders <strong>of</strong> African countries and government <strong>of</strong>ficials and<br />
leaders from developed countries. Since then, the biennial Leon H. Sullivan Summit has<br />
brought together the world's political and business leaders, delegates representing<br />
national and international civil and multinational organizations, and members <strong>of</strong><br />
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academic institutions in order to focus attention and resources on Africa's economic and<br />
social development. <strong>The</strong>ir mission was inspired by Rev. Leon H. Sullivan's belief that<br />
the development <strong>of</strong> Africa is a matter <strong>of</strong> global partnerships. It was particularly important<br />
to Rev. Sullivan that Africa's Diaspora and Friends <strong>of</strong> Africa are active participants in<br />
Africa's development.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Leon H Sullivan Summit is now organized by the Leon H Sullivan Foundation, an<br />
organization dedicated to expanding Leon Sullivan's vision <strong>of</strong> empowering the<br />
underprivileged, which is headed by Leon Sullivan's daughter Hope Masters.<br />
Awards and Honors<br />
Sullivan was the recipient <strong>of</strong> the following awards:<br />
<strong>The</strong> Ten Outstanding Young Americans Award, 1955<br />
<strong>The</strong> Afro-American Achievement Award, 1956<br />
<strong>The</strong> Freedom Foundation Award, 1960<br />
Life Magazine cited Sullivan as one <strong>of</strong> the 100 outstanding young adults in the<br />
United States, 1963<br />
<strong>The</strong> Russwurm Award, 1963<br />
<strong>The</strong> Philadelphia Bok Award, 1966<br />
<strong>The</strong> William Penn Award, 1967<br />
<strong>The</strong> Edwin T. Dahlberg Peace Award, 1968<br />
<strong>The</strong> Spingarn Award by the NAACP, 1971<br />
<strong>The</strong> Silver Buffalo Award by the Boy Scouts <strong>of</strong> America, 1971<br />
<strong>The</strong> Award for Greatest Public Service Benefiting the Disadvantaged, an award<br />
given out annually by Jefferson Awards, 1975.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Common Wealth Award <strong>of</strong> Distinguished Service, 1986<br />
<strong>The</strong> Four Freedoms Award by the Roosevelt Institute, 1987<br />
<strong>The</strong> Presidential Medal <strong>of</strong> Freedom, the highest civilian award that the American<br />
government can give, by President George H. W. Bush, 1991<br />
<strong>The</strong> Bishop John T. Walker Distinguished Humanitarian Service<br />
Award by Africare, 1995<br />
<strong>The</strong> Eleanor Roosevelt Award for Human Rights by President Bill Clinton, 1999<br />
<br />
In August 2000, Charleston, West Virginia city leaders changed the name <strong>of</strong><br />
Broad Street, near his boyhood home, to Leon Sullivan Way.<br />
During his lifetime he was also awarded honorary doctorate degrees from over 50<br />
colleges and universities and served as a board member <strong>of</strong> General Motors, Mellon<br />
Bank and the Boy Scouts <strong>of</strong> America.<br />
Books by Leon H. Sullivan<br />
America is theirs: And other poems (1948)<br />
Build Brother Build (1969)<br />
Alternatives to Despair (1972)<br />
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Philosophy <strong>of</strong> a Giant (1979)<br />
Moving Mountains: <strong>The</strong> Principles and Purposes <strong>of</strong> Leon Sullivan (1998)<br />
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VI. Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.<br />
Martin Luther King Jr. (January 15, 1929 – April 4, 1968) was an<br />
American Baptist minister and activist who became the most visible spokesperson and<br />
leader in the civil rights movement from 1954 until his assassination in 1968. Born<br />
in Atlanta, King is best known for advancing civil rights through nonviolence and civil<br />
disobedience, tactics his Christian beliefs and the nonviolent activism <strong>of</strong> Mahatma<br />
Gandhi helped inspire.<br />
King led the 1955 Montgomery bus boycott and in 1957 became the first president <strong>of</strong><br />
the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC). With the SCLC, he led an<br />
unsuccessful 1962 struggle against segregation in Albany, Georgia, and helped<br />
organize the nonviolent 1963 protests in Birmingham, Alabama. He also helped<br />
organize the 1963 March on Washington, where he delivered his famous "I Have a<br />
Dream" speech.<br />
On October 14, 1964, King won the Nobel Peace Prize for combating racial<br />
inequality through nonviolent resistance. In 1965, he helped organize the Selma to<br />
Montgomery marches. <strong>The</strong> following year, he and the SCLC took the movement north<br />
to Chicago to work on segregated housing. In his final years, he expanded his focus to<br />
include opposition towards poverty and the Vietnam War. He alienated many <strong>of</strong><br />
his liberal allies with a 1967 speech titled "Beyond Vietnam". J. Edgar<br />
Hoover considered him a radical and made him an object <strong>of</strong> the<br />
FBI's COINTELPRO from 1963 on. FBI agents investigated him for possible communist<br />
ties, recorded his extramarital liaisons and reported on them to government <strong>of</strong>ficials,<br />
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and on one occasion mailed King a threatening anonymous letter, which he interpreted<br />
as an attempt to make him commit suicide.<br />
In 1968, King was planning a national occupation <strong>of</strong> Washington, D.C., to be called<br />
the Poor People's Campaign, when he was assassinated on April 4 in Memphis,<br />
Tennessee. His death was followed by riots in many U.S. cities. Allegations that James<br />
Earl Ray, the man convicted <strong>of</strong> killing King, had been framed or acted in concert with<br />
government agents persisted for decades after the shooting. Sentenced to 99 years in<br />
prison for King's murder, effectively a life sentence as Ray was 41 at the time <strong>of</strong><br />
conviction, Ray served 29 years <strong>of</strong> his sentence and died from hepatitis in 1998 while in<br />
prison.<br />
King was posthumously awarded the Presidential Medal <strong>of</strong> Freedom and<br />
the Congressional Gold Medal. Martin Luther King Jr. Day was established as a holiday<br />
in numerous cities and states beginning in 1971; the holiday was enacted at the federal<br />
level by legislation signed by President Ronald Reagan in 1986. Hundreds <strong>of</strong> streets in<br />
the U.S. have been renamed in his honor, and a county in Washington State was also<br />
rededicated for him. <strong>The</strong> Martin Luther King Jr. Memorial on the National Mall in<br />
Washington, D.C., was dedicated in 2011.<br />
Early Life and Education<br />
King was born on January 15, 1929, in Atlanta, Georgia, to the Reverend Martin Luther<br />
King Sr. and Alberta Williams King. King's given name at birth was Michael King, and<br />
his father was also born Michael King, but, after a period <strong>of</strong> gradual transition on the<br />
elder King's part, he changed both his and his son's names in 1934. <strong>The</strong> senior King<br />
was inspired during a trip to Germany for that year's meeting <strong>of</strong> the Baptist World<br />
Alliance (BWA). While visiting sites associated with reformation leader, Martin Luther,<br />
attendees also witnessed the rise <strong>of</strong> Nazism. <strong>The</strong> BWA conference issued a resolution<br />
condemning anti-Semitism, and the senior King gained deepened appreciation for the<br />
power <strong>of</strong> Luther's protest. <strong>The</strong> elder King would later state that "Michael" was a mistake<br />
by the attending physician to his son's birth, and the younger King's birth certificate was<br />
altered to read "Martin Luther King Jr." in 1957. King's parents were both African-<br />
American, and he also had Irish ancestry through his paternal great-grandfather.<br />
King was a middle child, between older sister Christine King Farris and younger<br />
brother A.D. King. King sang with his church choir at the 1939 Atlanta premiere <strong>of</strong> the<br />
movie Gone with the Wind, and he enjoyed singing and music. His mother was an<br />
accomplished organist and choir leader who took him to various churches to sing, and<br />
he received attention for singing "I Want to Be More and More Like Jesus". King later<br />
became a member <strong>of</strong> the junior choir in his church.<br />
King said that his father regularly whipped him until he was 15; a neighbor reported<br />
hearing the elder King telling his son "he would make something <strong>of</strong> him even if he had<br />
to beat him to death." King saw his father's proud and fearless protests against<br />
segregation, such as King Sr. refusing to listen to a traffic policeman after being referred<br />
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to as "boy," or stalking out <strong>of</strong> a store with his son when being told by a shoe clerk that<br />
they would have to "move to the rear" <strong>of</strong> the store to be served.<br />
When King was a child, he befriended a white boy whose father owned a business near<br />
his family's home. When the boys were six, they started school: King had to attend a<br />
school for African Americans, and the other boy went to one for whites (public schools<br />
were among the facilities segregated by state law). King lost his friend because the<br />
child's father no longer wanted the boys to play together.<br />
King suffered from depression through much <strong>of</strong> his life. In his adolescent years, he<br />
initially felt resentment against whites due to the "racial humiliation" that he, his family,<br />
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and his neighbors <strong>of</strong>ten had to endure in the segregated South. At the age <strong>of</strong> 12, shortly<br />
after his maternal grandmother died, King blamed himself and jumped out <strong>of</strong> a secondstory<br />
window, but survived.<br />
King was initially skeptical <strong>of</strong> many <strong>of</strong> Christianity's claims. At the age <strong>of</strong> 13, he denied<br />
the bodily resurrection <strong>of</strong> Jesus during Sunday school. From this point, he stated,<br />
"doubts began to spring forth unrelentingly." However, he later concluded that the Bible<br />
has "many pr<strong>of</strong>ound truths which one cannot escape" and decided to enter<br />
the seminary.<br />
Growing up in Atlanta, King attended Booker T. Washington High School. He became<br />
known for his public-speaking ability and was part <strong>of</strong> the school's debate team. [19] When<br />
King was 13 years old, in 1942, he became the youngest assistant manager <strong>of</strong> a<br />
newspaper delivery station for the Atlanta Journal. During his junior year, he won first<br />
prize in an oratorical contest sponsored by the Negro Elks Club in Dublin, Georgia. On<br />
the ride home to Atlanta by bus, he and his teacher were ordered by the driver to stand<br />
so that white passengers could sit down. King initially refused but complied after his<br />
teacher told him that he would be breaking the law if he did not submit. During this<br />
incident, King said that he was "the angriest I have ever been in my life." An outstanding<br />
student, he skipped both the ninth and the twelfth grades <strong>of</strong> high school.<br />
Morehouse College<br />
During King's junior year in high school, Morehouse College—a respected historically<br />
black college—announced that it would accept any high school juniors who could pass<br />
its entrance exam. At that time, many students had abandoned further studies to enlist<br />
in World War II. Due to this, Morehouse was eager to fill its classrooms. At the age <strong>of</strong><br />
15, King passed the exam and entered Morehouse. <strong>The</strong> summer before his last year at<br />
Morehouse, in 1947, the 18-year-old King chose to enter the ministry. He had<br />
concluded that the church <strong>of</strong>fered the most assuring way to answer "an inner urge to<br />
serve humanity." King's "inner urge" had begun developing, and he made peace with<br />
the Baptist Church, as he believed he would be a "rational" minister with sermons that<br />
were "a respectful force for ideas, even social protest."<br />
Crozer <strong>The</strong>ological Seminary<br />
In 1948, King graduated at the age <strong>of</strong> 19 from Morehouse with a B.A. in sociology. He<br />
then enrolled in Crozer <strong>The</strong>ological Seminary in Chester, Pennsylvania, from which he<br />
graduated with a B.Div. degree in 1951. King's father fully supported his decision to<br />
continue his education and made arrangements for King to work with J. Pius Barbour, a<br />
family friend who pastored at Calvary Baptist Church in Chester. King became known<br />
as one <strong>of</strong> the "Sons <strong>of</strong> Calvary", an honor he shared with William Augustus Jones<br />
Jr. and Samuel D. Proctor who went on to become well-known preachers in the black<br />
church.<br />
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While attending Crozer, King was joined by Walter McCall, a former classmate at<br />
Morehouse. At Crozer, King was elected president <strong>of</strong> the student body. <strong>The</strong> African-<br />
American students <strong>of</strong> Crozer for the most part conducted their social activity on<br />
Edwards Street. King became fond <strong>of</strong> the street because a classmate had an aunt who<br />
prepared collard greens for them, which they both relished.<br />
King once reproved another student for keeping beer in his room, saying they had<br />
shared responsibility as African Americans to bear "the burdens <strong>of</strong> the Negro race." For<br />
a time, he was interested in Walter Rauschenbusch's "social gospel." In his third year at<br />
Crozer, King became romantically involved with the white daughter <strong>of</strong> an immigrant<br />
German woman who worked as a cook in the cafeteria. <strong>The</strong> daughter had been<br />
involved with a pr<strong>of</strong>essor prior to her relationship with King. King planned to marry her,<br />
but friends advised against it, saying that an interracial marriage would provoke<br />
animosity from both blacks and whites, potentially damaging his chances <strong>of</strong> ever<br />
pastoring a church in the South. King tearfully told a friend that he could not endure his<br />
mother's pain over the marriage and broke the relationship <strong>of</strong>f six months later. He<br />
continued to have lingering feelings toward the woman he left; one friend was quoted as<br />
saying, "He never recovered."<br />
King married Coretta Scott on June 18, 1953, on the lawn <strong>of</strong> her parents' house in her<br />
hometown <strong>of</strong> Heiberger, Alabama. <strong>The</strong>y became the parents <strong>of</strong> four children: Yolanda<br />
King (1955–2007), Martin Luther King III (b. 1957), Dexter Scott King (b. 1961),<br />
and Bernice King (b. 1963). During their marriage, King limited Coretta's role in the civil<br />
rights movement, expecting her to be a housewife and mother.<br />
At the age <strong>of</strong> 25 in 1954, King was called as pastor <strong>of</strong> the Dexter Avenue Baptist<br />
Church in Montgomery, Alabama.<br />
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Doctoral Studies<br />
King began doctoral studies in systematic theology at Boston University and received<br />
his Ph.D. degree on June 5, 1955, with a dissertation (initially supervised by Edgar S.<br />
Brightman and, upon the latter's death, by Lotan Harold DeWolf) titled A Comparison <strong>of</strong><br />
the Conceptions <strong>of</strong> God in the Thinking <strong>of</strong> Paul Tillich and Henry Nelson Wieman. While<br />
pursuing doctoral studies, King worked as an assistant minister at Boston's<br />
historic Twelfth Baptist Church with Rev. William Hunter Hester. Hester was an old<br />
friend <strong>of</strong> King's father, and was an important influence on King.<br />
Decades later, an academic inquiry in October 1991 concluded that portions <strong>of</strong> his<br />
dissertation had been plagiarized and he had acted improperly. However, "[d]espite its<br />
finding, the committee said that 'no thought should be given to the revocation <strong>of</strong> Dr.<br />
King's doctoral degree,' an action that the panel said would serve no purpose." <strong>The</strong><br />
committee also found that the dissertation still "makes an intelligent contribution to<br />
scholarship." A letter is now attached to the copy <strong>of</strong> King's dissertation held in the<br />
university library, noting that numerous passages were included without the appropriate<br />
quotations and citations <strong>of</strong> sources. Significant debate exists on how to interpret King's<br />
plagiarism.<br />
Montgomery Bus Boycott, 1955<br />
Rosa Parks with King, 1955<br />
In March 1955, Claudette Colvin—a fifteen-year-old<br />
black schoolgirl in Montgomery—refused to give up her<br />
bus seat to a white man in violation <strong>of</strong> Jim Crow laws,<br />
local laws in the Southern United States that<br />
enforced racial segregation. King was on the<br />
committee from the Birmingham African-American<br />
community that looked into the case; E. D.<br />
Nixon and Clifford Durr decided to wait for a better case to pursue because the incident<br />
involved a minor.<br />
Nine months later on December 1, 1955, a similar incident occurred when Rosa<br />
Parks was arrested for refusing to give up her seat on a city bus. <strong>The</strong> two incidents led<br />
to the Montgomery bus boycott, which was urged and planned by Nixon and led by<br />
King. <strong>The</strong> boycott lasted for 385 days, and the situation became so tense that King's<br />
house was bombed. King was arrested during this campaign, which concluded with a<br />
United States District Court ruling in Browder v. Gayle that ended racial segregation on<br />
all Montgomery public buses.<br />
King's role in the bus boycott transformed him into a national figure and the best-known<br />
spokesman <strong>of</strong> the civil rights movement.<br />
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Southern Christian Leadership Conference<br />
In 1957, King, Ralph Abernathy, Fred Shuttlesworth, Joseph Lowery, and other civil<br />
rights activists founded the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC). <strong>The</strong><br />
group was created to harness the moral authority and organizing power <strong>of</strong> black<br />
churches to conduct nonviolent protests in the service <strong>of</strong> civil rights reform. <strong>The</strong> group<br />
was inspired by the crusades <strong>of</strong> evangelist Billy Graham, who befriended King after he<br />
attended a 1957 Graham crusade in New York City. King led the SCLC until his<br />
death. <strong>The</strong> SCLC's 1957 Prayer Pilgrimage for Freedomwas the first time King<br />
addressed a national audience. Other civil rights leaders involved in the SCLC with King<br />
included: James Bevel, Allen Johnson, Curtis W. Harris, Walter E. Fauntroy, C. T.<br />
Vivian, Andrew Young, <strong>The</strong> Freedom Singers, Charles Evers, Cleveland<br />
Robinson, Randolph Blackwell, Annie Bell Robinson Devine, Charles Kenzie<br />
Steele, Alfred Daniel Williams King, Benjamin Hooks, Aaron Henry and Bayard Rustin.<br />
On September 20, 1958, King was signing copies <strong>of</strong> his book Stride Toward Freedom in<br />
Blumstein's department store in Harlem when he narrowly escaped death. Izola Curry—<br />
a mentally ill black woman who thought that King was conspiring against her with<br />
communists—stabbed him in the chest with a letter opener. King underwent emergency<br />
surgery with three doctors: Aubre de Lambert Maynard, Emil Naclerio and John W. V.<br />
Cordice; he remained hospitalized for several weeks. Curry was later found mentally<br />
incompetent to stand trial. In 1959, he published a short book called <strong>The</strong> Measure <strong>of</strong> A<br />
Man, which contained his sermons "What is Man?" and "<strong>The</strong> Dimensions <strong>of</strong> a Complete<br />
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Life." <strong>The</strong> sermons argued for man's need for God's love and criticized the racial<br />
injustices <strong>of</strong> Western civilization.<br />
Harry Wachtel joined King's legal advisor Clarence B. Jones in defending four ministers<br />
<strong>of</strong> the SCLC in the libel case New York Times Co. v. Sullivan; the case was litigated in<br />
reference to the newspaper advertisement "Heed <strong>The</strong>ir Rising Voices". Wachtel<br />
founded a tax-exempt fund to cover the expenses <strong>of</strong> the suit and to assist the nonviolent<br />
civil rights movement through a more effective means <strong>of</strong> fundraising. This organization<br />
was named the "Gandhi Society for Human Rights." King served as honorary president<br />
for the group. He was displeased with the pace that President Kennedy was using to<br />
address the issue <strong>of</strong> segregation. In 1962, King and the Gandhi Society produced a<br />
document that called on the President to follow in the footsteps <strong>of</strong> Abraham Lincoln and<br />
issue an executive order to deliver a blow for civil rights as a kind <strong>of</strong> Second<br />
Emancipation Proclamation. Kennedy did not execute the order.<br />
<strong>The</strong> FBI was under written directive from Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy when it<br />
began tappingKing's telephone line in the fall <strong>of</strong> 1963. Kennedy was concerned that<br />
public allegations <strong>of</strong> communists in the SCLC would derail the administration's civil<br />
rights initiatives. He warned King to discontinue these associations and later felt<br />
compelled to issue the written directive that authorized the FBI to wiretap King and other<br />
SCLC leaders. FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover feared the civil rights movement and<br />
investigated the allegations <strong>of</strong> communist infiltration. When no evidence emerged to<br />
support this, the FBI used the incidental details caught on tape over the next five years<br />
in attempts to force King out <strong>of</strong> his leadership position, in the COINTELPRO program.<br />
King believed that organized, nonviolent protest against the system <strong>of</strong> southern<br />
segregation known as Jim Crow laws would lead to extensive media coverage <strong>of</strong> the<br />
struggle for black equality and voting rights. Journalistic accounts and televised footage<br />
<strong>of</strong> the daily deprivation and indignities suffered by Southern blacks, and <strong>of</strong><br />
segregationist violence and harassment <strong>of</strong> civil rights workers and marchers, produced<br />
a wave <strong>of</strong> sympathetic public opinion that convinced the majority <strong>of</strong> Americans that the<br />
civil rights movement was the most important issue in American politics in the early<br />
1960s.<br />
King organized and led marches for blacks' right to vote, desegregation, labor rights,<br />
and other basic civil rights. Most <strong>of</strong> these rights were successfully enacted into the law<br />
<strong>of</strong> the United States with the passage <strong>of</strong> the Civil Rights Act <strong>of</strong> 1964 and the<br />
1965 Voting Rights Act.<br />
King and the SCLC put into practice many <strong>of</strong> the principles <strong>of</strong> the Christian Left and<br />
applied the tactics <strong>of</strong> nonviolent protest with great success by strategically choosing the<br />
method <strong>of</strong> protest and the places in which protests were carried out. <strong>The</strong>re were <strong>of</strong>ten<br />
dramatic stand-<strong>of</strong>fs with segregationist authorities, who sometimes turned violent.<br />
King was criticized by many groups during the course <strong>of</strong> his participation in the civil<br />
rights movement. This included opposition by more militant blacks such as Nation <strong>of</strong><br />
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Islam member Malcolm X. Stokely Carmichael was a separatist and disagreed with<br />
King's plea for racial integrationbecause he considered it an insult to a uniquely African-<br />
American culture. Omali Yeshitela urged Africans to remember the history <strong>of</strong> violent<br />
European colonization and how power was not secured by Europeans through<br />
integration, but by violence and force.<br />
Albany Movement, 1961<br />
<strong>The</strong> Albany Movement was a desegregation coalition formed in Albany, Georgia, in<br />
November 1961. In December, King and the SCLC became involved. <strong>The</strong> movement<br />
mobilized thousands <strong>of</strong> citizens for a broad-front nonviolent attack on every aspect <strong>of</strong><br />
segregation within the city and attracted nationwide attention. When King first visited on<br />
December 15, 1961, he "had planned to stay a day or so and return home after giving<br />
counsel." [67] <strong>The</strong> following day he was swept up in a mass arrest <strong>of</strong> peaceful<br />
demonstrators, and he declined bail until the city made concessions. According to King,<br />
"that agreement was dishonored and violated by the city" after he left town.<br />
King returned in July 1962 and was given the option <strong>of</strong> forty-five days in jail or a $178<br />
fine (equivalent to $1,500 in 2018); he chose jail. Three days into his sentence, Police<br />
Chief Laurie Pritchett discreetly arranged for King's fine to be paid and ordered his<br />
release. "We had witnessed persons being kicked <strong>of</strong>f lunch counter stools ... ejected<br />
from churches ... and thrown into jail ... But for the first time, we witnessed being kicked<br />
out <strong>of</strong> jail." It was later acknowledged by the King Center that Billy Graham was the one<br />
who bailed King out <strong>of</strong> jail during this time.<br />
After nearly a year <strong>of</strong> intense activism with few tangible results, the movement began to<br />
deteriorate. King requested a halt to all demonstrations and a "Day <strong>of</strong> Penance" to<br />
promote nonviolence and maintain the moral high ground. Divisions within the black<br />
community and the canny, low-key response by local government defeated<br />
efforts. Though the Albany effort proved a key lesson in tactics for King and the national<br />
civil rights movement, the national media was highly critical <strong>of</strong> King's role in the defeat,<br />
and the SCLC's lack <strong>of</strong> results contributed to a growing gulf between the organization<br />
and the more radical SNCC. After Albany, King sought to choose engagements for the<br />
SCLC in which he could control the circumstances, rather than entering into pre-existing<br />
situations.<br />
Birmingham Campaign, 1963<br />
King was arrested in 1963<br />
for protesting the treatment <strong>of</strong> blacks in Birmingham.<br />
In April 1963, the SCLC began a campaign against<br />
racial segregation and economic injustice<br />
in Birmingham, Alabama. <strong>The</strong> campaign used<br />
nonviolent but intentionally confrontational tactics,<br />
developed in part by Rev. Wyatt Tee Walker. Black<br />
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people in Birmingham, organizing with the SCLC, occupied public spaces with marches<br />
and sit-ins, openly violating laws that they considered unjust.<br />
King's intent was to provoke mass arrests and "create a situation so crisis-packed that it<br />
will inevitably open the door to negotiation." <strong>The</strong> campaign's early volunteers did not<br />
succeed in shutting down the city, or in drawing media attention to the police's actions.<br />
Over the concerns <strong>of</strong> an uncertain King, SCLC strategist James Bevel changed the<br />
course <strong>of</strong> the campaign by recruiting children and young adults to join in the<br />
demonstrations. Newsweek called this strategy a Children's Crusade.<br />
During the protests, the Birmingham Police Department, led by Eugene "Bull" Connor,<br />
used high-pressure water jets and police dogs against protesters, including children.<br />
Footage <strong>of</strong> the police response was broadcast on national television news and<br />
dominated the nation's attention, shocking many white Americans and consolidating<br />
black Americans behind the movement. Not all <strong>of</strong> the demonstrators were peaceful,<br />
despite the avowed intentions <strong>of</strong> the SCLC. In some cases, bystanders attacked the<br />
police, who responded with force. King and the SCLC were criticized for putting children<br />
in harm's way. But the campaign was a success: Connor lost his job, the "Jim Crow"<br />
signs came down, and public places became more open to blacks. King's reputation<br />
improved immensely.<br />
King was arrested and jailed early in the campaign—his 13th arrest out <strong>of</strong> 29. From his<br />
cell, he composed the now-famous Letter from Birmingham Jail that responds to calls<br />
on the movement to pursue legal channels for social change. King argues that the crisis<br />
<strong>of</strong> racism is too urgent, and the current system too entrenched: "We know through<br />
painful experience that freedom is never voluntarily given by the oppressor; it must be<br />
demanded by the oppressed." He points out that the Boston Tea Party, a celebrated act<br />
<strong>of</strong> rebellion in the American colonies, was illegal civil disobedience, and that,<br />
conversely, "everything Adolf Hitler did in Germany was 'legal'." King also expresses his<br />
frustration with white moderates and clergymen too timid to oppose an unjust system:<br />
I have almost reached the regrettable conclusion that the Negro's great stumbling block<br />
in his stride toward freedom is not the White Citizen's Councilor or the Ku Klux Klanner,<br />
but the white moderate, who is more devoted to "order" than to justice; who prefers a<br />
negative peace which is the absence <strong>of</strong> tension to a positive peace which is the<br />
presence <strong>of</strong> justice; who constantly says: "I agree with you in the goal you seek, but I<br />
cannot agree with your methods <strong>of</strong> direct action"; who paternalistic-ally believes he can<br />
set the timetable for another man's freedom; who lives by a mythical concept <strong>of</strong> time<br />
and who constantly advises the Negro to wait for a "more convenient season."<br />
St. Augustine, Florida, 1964<br />
In March 1964, King and the SCLC joined forces with Robert Hayling's thencontroversial<br />
movement in St. Augustine, Florida. Hayling's group had been affiliated<br />
with the NAACP but was forced out <strong>of</strong> the organization for advocating armed selfdefense<br />
alongside nonviolent tactics. However, the pacifist SCLC accepted them. King<br />
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and the SCLC worked to bring white Northern activists to St. Augustine, including a<br />
delegation <strong>of</strong> rabbis and the 72-year-old mother <strong>of</strong> the governor <strong>of</strong> Massachusetts, all <strong>of</strong><br />
whom were arrested. During June, the movement marched nightly through the city,<br />
"<strong>of</strong>ten facing counter demonstrations by the Klan, and provoking violence that garnered<br />
national media attention." Hundreds <strong>of</strong> the marchers were arrested and jailed. During<br />
the course <strong>of</strong> this movement, the Civil Rights Act <strong>of</strong> 1964 was passed.<br />
Selma, Alabama, 1964<br />
In December 1964, King and the SCLC joined forces with the Student Nonviolent<br />
Coordinating Committee (SNCC) in Selma, Alabama, where the SNCC had been<br />
working on voter registration for several months. A local judge issued an injunction that<br />
barred any gathering <strong>of</strong> three or more people affiliated with the SNCC, SCLC, DCVL, or<br />
any <strong>of</strong> 41 named civil rights leaders. This injunction temporarily halted civil rights activity<br />
until King defied it by speaking at Brown Chapel on January 2, 1965. During the 1965<br />
march to Montgomery, Alabama, violence by state police and others against the<br />
peaceful marchers resulted in much publicity, which made Alabama's racism visible<br />
nationwide.<br />
New York City, 1964<br />
On February 6, 1964, King delivered the inaugural speech <strong>of</strong> a lecture series initiated at<br />
the New School called "<strong>The</strong> American Race Crisis." No audio record <strong>of</strong> his speech has<br />
been found, but in August 2013, almost 50 years later, the school discovered an<br />
audiotape with 15 minutes <strong>of</strong> a question-and-answer session that followed King's<br />
address. In these remarks, King referred to a conversation he had recently had<br />
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with Jawaharlal Nehru in which he compared the sad condition <strong>of</strong> many African<br />
Americans to that <strong>of</strong> India's untouchables.<br />
March on Washington, 1963<br />
King, representing the SCLC, was among the leaders <strong>of</strong> the "Big Six" civil rights<br />
organizations who were instrumental in the organization <strong>of</strong> the March on Washington for<br />
Jobs and Freedom, which took place on August 28, 1963. <strong>The</strong> other leaders and<br />
organizations comprising the Big Six were Roy Wilkins from the National Association for<br />
the Advancement <strong>of</strong> Colored People; Whitney Young, National Urban League; A. Philip<br />
Randolph, Brotherhood <strong>of</strong> Sleeping Car Porters; John Lewis, SNCC; and James L.<br />
Farmer Jr., <strong>of</strong> the Congress <strong>of</strong> Racial Equality.<br />
Bayard Rustin's open homosexuality, support <strong>of</strong> democratic socialism, and his former<br />
ties to the Communist Party USA caused many white and African-American leaders to<br />
demand King distance himself from Rustin, which King agreed to do. However, he did<br />
collaborate in the 1963 March on Washington, for which Rustin was the primary<br />
logistical and strategic organizer. For King, this role was another which courted<br />
controversy, since he was one <strong>of</strong> the key figures who acceded to the wishes <strong>of</strong> United<br />
States President John F. Kennedy in changing the focus <strong>of</strong> the march.<br />
Kennedy initially opposed the march outright, because he was concerned it would<br />
negatively impact the drive for passage <strong>of</strong> civil rights legislation. However, the<br />
organizers were firm that the march would proceed. With the march going forward, the<br />
Kennedys decided it was important to work to ensure its success. President Kennedy<br />
was concerned the turnout would be less than 100,000. <strong>The</strong>refore, he enlisted the aid <strong>of</strong><br />
additional church leaders and Walter Reuther, president <strong>of</strong> the United Automobile<br />
Workers, to help mobilize demonstrators for the cause.<br />
<strong>The</strong> march originally was conceived as an event to dramatize the desperate condition <strong>of</strong><br />
blacks in the southern U.S. and an opportunity to place organizers' concerns and<br />
grievances squarely before the seat <strong>of</strong> power in the nation's capital. Organizers<br />
intended to denounce the federal government for its failure to safeguard the civil rights<br />
and physical safety <strong>of</strong> civil rights workers and blacks. <strong>The</strong> group acquiesced to<br />
presidential pressure and influence, and the event ultimately took on a far less strident<br />
tone. As a result, some civil rights activists felt it presented an inaccurate, sanitized<br />
pageant <strong>of</strong> racial harmony; Malcolm X called it the "Farce on Washington", and the<br />
Nation <strong>of</strong> Islam forbade its members from attending the march.<br />
<strong>The</strong> march made specific demands: an end to racial segregation in public schools;<br />
meaningful civil rights legislation, including a law prohibiting racial discrimination in<br />
employment; protection <strong>of</strong> civil rights workers from police brutality; a $2 minimum<br />
wage for all workers (equivalent to $16 in 2018); and self-government for Washington,<br />
D.C., then governed by congressional committee. Despite tensions, the march was a<br />
resounding success. More than a quarter <strong>of</strong> a million people <strong>of</strong> diverse ethnicities<br />
attended the event, sprawling from the steps <strong>of</strong> the Lincoln Memorial onto the National<br />
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Mall and around the reflecting pool. At the time, it was the largest gathering <strong>of</strong><br />
protesters in Washington, D.C.'s history.<br />
King delivered a 17-minute speech, later known as "I Have a Dream". In the speech's<br />
most famous passage—in which he departed from his prepared text, possibly at the<br />
prompting <strong>of</strong> Mahalia Jackson, who shouted behind him, "Tell them about the dream!"—<br />
King said:<br />
I say to you today, my friends, so even though we face the difficulties <strong>of</strong> today and tomorrow, I<br />
still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.<br />
I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning <strong>of</strong> its creed: 'We<br />
hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal.'<br />
I have a dream that one day on the red hills <strong>of</strong> Georgia the sons <strong>of</strong> former slaves and the sons <strong>of</strong><br />
former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table <strong>of</strong> brotherhood.<br />
I have a dream that one day even the state <strong>of</strong> Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat <strong>of</strong><br />
injustice, sweltering with the heat <strong>of</strong> oppression, will be transformed into an oasis <strong>of</strong> freedom and<br />
justice.<br />
I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be<br />
judged by the color <strong>of</strong> their skin but by the content <strong>of</strong> their character.<br />
I have a dream today.<br />
I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having<br />
his lips dripping with the words <strong>of</strong> interposition and nullification; one day right there in Alabama,<br />
little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as<br />
sisters and brothers.<br />
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I have a dream today.<br />
"I Have a Dream" came to be regarded as one <strong>of</strong> the finest speeches in the history <strong>of</strong><br />
American oratory. <strong>The</strong> March, and especially King's speech, helped put civil rights at the<br />
top <strong>of</strong> the agenda <strong>of</strong> reformers in the United States and facilitated passage <strong>of</strong> the Civil<br />
Rights Act <strong>of</strong> 1964.<br />
<strong>The</strong> original typewritten copy <strong>of</strong> the speech, including King's handwritten notes on it,<br />
was discovered in 1984 to be in the hands <strong>of</strong> George Raveling, the first African-<br />
American basketball coach <strong>of</strong> the University <strong>of</strong> Iowa. In 1963, Raveling, then 26, was<br />
standing near the podium, and immediately after the oration, impulsively asked King if<br />
he could have his copy <strong>of</strong> the speech. He got it.<br />
Selma Voting Rights Movement and "Bloody Sunday", 1965<br />
Acting on James Bevel's call for a march from Selma to Montgomery, King, Bevel, and<br />
the SCLC, in partial collaboration with SNCC, attempted to organize the march to the<br />
state's capital. <strong>The</strong> first attempt to march on March 7, 1965, was aborted because <strong>of</strong><br />
mob and police violence against the demonstrators. This day has become known<br />
as Bloody Sunday and was a major turning point in the effort to gain public support for<br />
the civil rights movement. It was the clearest demonstration up to that time <strong>of</strong> the<br />
dramatic potential <strong>of</strong> King's nonviolence strategy. King, however, was not present.<br />
On March 5, King met with <strong>of</strong>ficials in the Johnson Administration in order to request<br />
an injunction against any prosecution <strong>of</strong> the demonstrators. He did not attend the march<br />
due to church duties, but he later wrote, "If I had any idea that the state troopers would<br />
use the kind <strong>of</strong> brutality they did, I would have felt compelled to give up my church<br />
duties altogether to lead the line." Footage <strong>of</strong> police brutality against the protesters was<br />
broadcast extensively and aroused national public outrage.<br />
King next attempted to organize a march for March 9. <strong>The</strong> SCLC petitioned for an<br />
injunction in federal court against the State <strong>of</strong> Alabama; this was denied and the judge<br />
issued an order blocking the march until after a hearing. Nonetheless, King led<br />
marchers on March 9 to the Edmund Pettus Bridge in Selma, then held a short prayer<br />
session before turning the marchers around and asking them to disperse so as not to<br />
violate the court order. <strong>The</strong> unexpected ending <strong>of</strong> this second march aroused the<br />
surprise and anger <strong>of</strong> many within the local movement. <strong>The</strong> march finally went ahead<br />
fully on March 25, 1965. At the conclusion <strong>of</strong> the march on the steps <strong>of</strong> the state capitol,<br />
King delivered a speech that became known as "How Long, Not Long." In it, King stated<br />
that equal rights for African Americans could not be far away, "because the arc <strong>of</strong> the<br />
moral universe is long, but it bends toward justice" and "you shall reap what you sow".<br />
Chicago Open Housing Movement, 1966<br />
In 1966, after several successes in the south, King, Bevel, and others in the civil rights<br />
organizations took the movement to the North, with Chicago as their first destination.<br />
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King and Ralph Abernathy, both from the middle class, moved into a building at 1550 S.<br />
Hamlin Avenue, in the slums <strong>of</strong> North Lawndale on Chicago's West Side, as an<br />
educational experience and to demonstrate their support and empathy for the poor.<br />
<strong>The</strong> SCLC formed a coalition with CCCO, Coordinating Council <strong>of</strong> Community<br />
Organizations, an organization founded by Albert Raby, and the combined<br />
organizations' efforts were fostered under the aegis <strong>of</strong> the Chicago Freedom<br />
Movement. During that spring, several white couple/black couple tests <strong>of</strong> real estate<br />
<strong>of</strong>fices uncovered racial steering: discriminatory processing <strong>of</strong> housing requests by<br />
couples who were exact matches in income, background, number <strong>of</strong> children, and other<br />
attributes. Several larger marches were planned and executed: in Bogan, Belmont<br />
Cragin, Jefferson Park, Evergreen Park (a suburb southwest <strong>of</strong> Chicago), Gage<br />
Park, Marquette Park, and others.<br />
King later stated and Abernathy wrote that the movement received a worse reception in<br />
Chicago than in the South. Marches, especially the one through Marquette Park on<br />
August 5, 1966, were met by thrown bottles and screaming throngs. Rioting seemed<br />
very possible. King's beliefs militated against his staging a violent event, and he<br />
negotiated an agreement with Mayor Richard J. Daley to cancel a march in order to<br />
avoid the violence that he feared would result. King was hit by a brick during one march<br />
but continued to lead marches in the face <strong>of</strong> personal danger.<br />
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When King and his allies returned to the South, they left Jesse Jackson, a seminary<br />
student who had previously joined the movement in the South, in charge <strong>of</strong> their<br />
organization. Jackson continued their struggle for civil rights by organizing<br />
the Operation Breadbasket movement that targeted chain stores that did not deal fairly<br />
with blacks.<br />
A 1967 CIA document declassified in 2017 downplayed King's role in the "black militant<br />
situation" in Chicago, with a source stating that King "sought at least constructive,<br />
positive projects."<br />
Opposition to <strong>The</strong> Vietnam War<br />
King was long opposed to American involvement in the Vietnam War, but at first<br />
avoided the topic in public speeches in order to avoid the interference with civil rights<br />
goals that criticism <strong>of</strong> President Johnson's policies might have created. At the urging <strong>of</strong><br />
SCLC's former Director <strong>of</strong> Direct Action and now the head <strong>of</strong> the Spring Mobilization<br />
Committee to End the War in Vietnam, James Bevel, King eventually agreed to publicly<br />
oppose the war as opposition was growing among the American public.<br />
During an April 4, 1967, appearance at the New York City Riverside Church—exactly<br />
one year before his death—King delivered a speech titled "Beyond Vietnam: A Time to<br />
Break Silence." He spoke strongly against the U.S.'s role in the war, arguing that the<br />
U.S. was in Vietnam "to occupy it as an American colony" and calling the U.S.<br />
government "the greatest purveyor <strong>of</strong> violence in the world today." He also connected<br />
the war with economic injustice, arguing that the country needed serious moral change:<br />
A true revolution <strong>of</strong> values will soon look uneasily on the glaring contrast <strong>of</strong> poverty and<br />
wealth. With righteous indignation, it will look across the seas and see individual<br />
capitalists <strong>of</strong> the West investing huge sums <strong>of</strong> money in Asia, Africa and South America,<br />
only to take the pr<strong>of</strong>its out with no concern for the social betterment <strong>of</strong> the countries,<br />
and say: "This is not just."<br />
King also opposed the Vietnam War because it took money and resources that could<br />
have been spent on social welfare at home. <strong>The</strong> United States Congress was spending<br />
more and more on the military and less and less on anti-poverty programs at the same<br />
time. He summed up this aspect by saying, "A nation that continues year after year to<br />
spend more money on military defense than on programs <strong>of</strong> social uplift is approaching<br />
spiritual death." He stated that North Vietnam "did not begin to send in any large<br />
number <strong>of</strong> supplies or men until American forces had arrived in the tens <strong>of</strong><br />
thousands", and accused the U.S. <strong>of</strong> having killed a million Vietnamese, "mostly<br />
children." King also criticized American opposition to North Vietnam's land reforms.<br />
King's opposition cost him significant support among white allies, including President<br />
Johnson, Billy Graham, union leaders and powerful publishers. "<strong>The</strong> press is being<br />
stacked against me", King said, complaining <strong>of</strong> what he described as a double standard<br />
that applauded his nonviolence at home, but deplored it when applied "toward little<br />
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own Vietnamese children." Life magazine called the speech "demagogic slander that<br />
sounded like a script for Radio Hanoi", and <strong>The</strong> Washington Post declared that King<br />
had "diminished his usefulness to his cause, his country, his people."<br />
<strong>The</strong> "Beyond Vietnam" speech reflected King's evolving political advocacy in his later<br />
years, which paralleled the teachings <strong>of</strong> the progressive Highlander Research and<br />
Education Center, with which he was affiliated. King began to speak <strong>of</strong> the need for<br />
fundamental changes in the political and economic life <strong>of</strong> the nation, and more<br />
frequently expressed his opposition to the war and his desire to see a redistribution <strong>of</strong><br />
resources to correct racial and economic injustice. He guarded his language in public to<br />
avoid being linked to communism by his enemies, but in private he sometimes spoke <strong>of</strong><br />
his support for democratic socialism.<br />
In a 1952 letter to Coretta Scott, he said: "I imagine you already know that I am much<br />
more socialistic in my economic theory than capitalistic ..." In one speech, he stated that<br />
"something is wrong with capitalism" and claimed, "<strong>The</strong>re must be a better distribution<br />
<strong>of</strong> wealth, and maybe America must move toward a democratic socialism." King had<br />
read Marx while at Morehouse, but while he rejected "traditional capitalism", he also<br />
rejected communism because <strong>of</strong> its "materialistic interpretation <strong>of</strong> history" that denied<br />
religion, its "ethical relativism", and its "political totalitarianism."<br />
King also stated in "Beyond Vietnam" that "true compassion is more than flinging a coin<br />
to a beggar ... it comes to see that an edifice which produces beggars needs<br />
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estructuring." King quoted a United States <strong>of</strong>ficial who said that from Vietnam to Latin<br />
America, the country was "on the wrong side <strong>of</strong> a world revolution." King condemned<br />
America's "alliance with the landed gentry <strong>of</strong> Latin America", and said that the U.S.<br />
should support "the shirtless and barefoot people" in the Third World rather than<br />
suppressing their attempts at revolution.<br />
King's stance on Vietnam encouraged Allard K. Lowenstein, William Sloane<br />
C<strong>of</strong>fin and Norman Thomas, with the support <strong>of</strong> anti-war Democrats, to attempt to<br />
persuade King to run against President Johnson in the 1968 United States presidential<br />
election. King contemplated but ultimately decided against the proposal on the grounds<br />
that he felt uneasy with politics and considered himself better suited for his morally<br />
unambiguous role as an activist.<br />
On April 15, 1967, King participated and spoke at an anti-war march from Manhattan's<br />
Central Park to the United Nations. <strong>The</strong> march was organized by the Spring Mobilization<br />
Committee to End the War in Vietnam and initiated by its chairman, James Bevel. At the<br />
U.N. King also brought up issues <strong>of</strong> civil rights and the draft.<br />
I have not urged a mechanical fusion <strong>of</strong> the civil rights and peace movements. <strong>The</strong>re<br />
are people who have come to see the moral imperative <strong>of</strong> equality, but who cannot yet<br />
see the moral imperative <strong>of</strong> world brotherhood. I would like to see the fervor <strong>of</strong> the civilrights<br />
movement imbued into the peace movement to instill it with greater strength. And<br />
I believe everyone has a duty to be in both the civil-rights and peace movements. But<br />
for those who presently choose but one, I would hope they will finally come to see the<br />
moral roots common to both.<br />
Seeing an opportunity to unite civil rights activists and anti-war activists, Bevel<br />
convinced King to become even more active in the anti-war effort. Despite his growing<br />
public opposition towards the Vietnam War, King was also not fond <strong>of</strong> the hippie<br />
culture which developed from the anti-war movement. In his 1967 Massey Lecture, King<br />
stated:<br />
<strong>The</strong> importance <strong>of</strong> the hippies is not in their unconventional behavior, but in the fact that<br />
hundreds <strong>of</strong> thousands <strong>of</strong> young people, in turning to a flight from reality, are expressing<br />
a pr<strong>of</strong>oundly discrediting view on the society they emerge from.<br />
On January 13, 1968 (the day after President Johnson's State <strong>of</strong> the Union Address),<br />
King called for a large march on Washington against "one <strong>of</strong> history's most cruel and<br />
senseless wars."<br />
We need to make clear in this political year, to congressmen on both sides <strong>of</strong> the aisle<br />
and to the president <strong>of</strong> the United States, that we will no longer tolerate, we will no<br />
longer vote for men who continue to see the killings <strong>of</strong> Vietnamese and Americans as<br />
the best way <strong>of</strong> advancing the goals <strong>of</strong> freedom and self-determination in Southeast<br />
Asia.<br />
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Poor People's Campaign, 1968<br />
In 1968, King and the SCLC organized the "Poor People's Campaign" to address issues<br />
<strong>of</strong> economic justice. King traveled the country to assemble "a multiracial army <strong>of</strong> the<br />
poor" that would march on Washington to engage in nonviolent civil disobedience at the<br />
Capitol until Congress created an "economic bill <strong>of</strong> rights" for poor Americans.<br />
<strong>The</strong> campaign<br />
was preceded<br />
by King's final<br />
book, Where<br />
Do We Go<br />
from Here:<br />
Chaos or<br />
Community?<br />
which laid out<br />
his view <strong>of</strong> how<br />
to address<br />
social issues<br />
and poverty.<br />
King quoted<br />
from Henry<br />
George and<br />
George's<br />
book, Progress<br />
and Poverty,<br />
particularly in<br />
support <strong>of</strong><br />
a guaranteed<br />
basic income.<br />
<strong>The</strong> campaign<br />
culminated in a<br />
march on<br />
Washington,<br />
D.C.,<br />
demanding<br />
economic aid<br />
to the poorest<br />
communities <strong>of</strong><br />
the United<br />
States.<br />
King and<br />
the SCLC called on the government to invest in rebuilding America's cities. He felt that<br />
Congress had shown "hostility to the poor" by spending "military funds with alacrity and<br />
generosity." He contrasted this with the situation faced by poor Americans, claiming that<br />
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Congress had merely provided "poverty funds with miserliness." His vision was for<br />
change that was more revolutionary than mere reform: he cited systematic flaws <strong>of</strong><br />
"racism, poverty, militarism and materialism", and argued that "reconstruction <strong>of</strong> society<br />
itself is the real issue to be faced."<br />
<strong>The</strong> Poor People's Campaign was controversial even within the civil rights movement.<br />
Rustin resigned from the march, stating that the goals <strong>of</strong> the campaign were too broad,<br />
that its demands were unrealizable, and that he thought that these campaigns would<br />
accelerate the backlash and repression on the poor and the black.<br />
After King's Death<br />
<strong>The</strong> plan to set up a shantytown in Washington, D.C., was carried out soon after the<br />
April 4 assassination. Criticism <strong>of</strong> King's plan was subdued in the wake <strong>of</strong> his death, and<br />
the SCLC received an unprecedented wave <strong>of</strong> donations for the purpose <strong>of</strong> carrying it<br />
out. <strong>The</strong> campaign <strong>of</strong>ficially began in Memphis, on May 2, at the hotel where King was<br />
murdered.<br />
Thousands <strong>of</strong> demonstrators arrived on the National Mall and established a camp they<br />
called "Resurrection City." <strong>The</strong>y stayed for six weeks.<br />
Assassination and Aftermath<br />
On March 29, 1968, King went to Memphis, Tennessee, in support <strong>of</strong> the black sanitary<br />
public works employees, who were represented by AFSCME Local 1733. <strong>The</strong> workers<br />
had been on strike since March 12 for higher wages and better treatment. In one<br />
incident, black street repairmen received pay for two hours when they were sent home<br />
because <strong>of</strong> bad weather, but white employees were paid for the full day.<br />
On April 3, King addressed a rally and delivered his "I've Been to the Mountaintop"<br />
address at Mason Temple, the world headquarters <strong>of</strong> the Church <strong>of</strong> God in Christ.<br />
King's flight to Memphis had been delayed by a bomb threat against his plane. In<br />
the prophetic peroration <strong>of</strong> the last speech <strong>of</strong> his life, in reference to the bomb threat,<br />
King said the following:<br />
And then I got to Memphis. And some began to say the threats, or talk about the threats<br />
that were out. What would happen to me from some <strong>of</strong> our sick white brothers?<br />
Well, I don't know what will happen now. We've got some difficult days ahead. But it<br />
doesn't matter with me now. Because I've been to the mountaintop. And I don't mind.<br />
Like anybody, I would like to live a long life. Longevity has its place. But I'm not<br />
concerned about that now. I just want to do God's will. And He's allowed me to go up to<br />
the mountain. And I've looked over. And I've seen the promised land. I may not get<br />
there with you. But I want you to know tonight, that we, as a people, will get to the<br />
promised land. So I'm happy, tonight. I'm not worried about anything. I'm not fearing any<br />
man. Mine eyes have seen the glory <strong>of</strong> the coming <strong>of</strong> the Lord.<br />
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King was booked in Room 306 at the Lorraine Motel (owned by Walter Bailey) in<br />
Memphis. Abernathy, who was present at the assassination, testified to the United<br />
States House Select Committee on Assassinations that King and his entourage stayed<br />
at Room 306 so <strong>of</strong>ten that it was known as the "King-Abernathy suite."<br />
According to Jesse Jackson, who was present, King's last words on the balcony before<br />
his assassination were spoken to musician Ben Branch, who was scheduled to perform<br />
that night at an event King was attending: "Ben, make sure you play 'Take My Hand,<br />
Precious Lord' in the meeting tonight. Play it real pretty."<br />
King was fatally shot by James Earl Ray at 6:01 p.m., April 4, 1968, as he stood on the<br />
motel's second-floor balcony. <strong>The</strong> bullet entered through his right cheek, smashing his<br />
jaw, then traveled down his spinal cord before lodging in his shoulder.<br />
Abernathy heard the shot from inside the motel room and ran to the balcony to find King<br />
on the floor. Jackson stated after the shooting that he cradled King's head as King lay<br />
on the balcony, but this account was disputed by other colleagues <strong>of</strong> King; Jackson later<br />
changed his statement to say that he had "reached out" for King.<br />
After emergency chest surgery, King died at St. Joseph's Hospital at<br />
7:05 p.m. According to biographer Taylor Branch, King's autopsy revealed that though<br />
only 39 years old, he "had the heart <strong>of</strong> a 60 year old", which Branch attributed to the<br />
stress <strong>of</strong> 13 years in the civil rights movement.<br />
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Aftermath<br />
<strong>The</strong> assassination led to a nationwide wave <strong>of</strong> race riots in Washington,<br />
D.C., Chicago, Baltimore, Louisville, Kansas City, and dozens <strong>of</strong> other<br />
cities. Presidential candidate Robert F. Kennedy was on his way to Indianapolis for a<br />
campaign rally when he was informed <strong>of</strong> King's death. He gave a short, improvised<br />
speech to the gathering <strong>of</strong> supporters informing them <strong>of</strong> the tragedy and urging them to<br />
continue King's ideal <strong>of</strong> nonviolence. <strong>The</strong> following day, he delivered a prepared<br />
response in Cleveland. James Farmer Jr., and other civil rights leaders also called for<br />
non-violent action, while the more militant Stokely Carmichael called for a more forceful<br />
response. <strong>The</strong> city <strong>of</strong> Memphis quickly settled the strike on terms favorable to the<br />
sanitation workers.<br />
President Lyndon B. Johnson declared April 7 a national day <strong>of</strong> mourning for the civil<br />
rights leader. Vice President Hubert Humphrey attended King's funeral on behalf <strong>of</strong> the<br />
President, as there were fears that Johnson's presence might incite protests and<br />
perhaps violence. At his widow's request, King's last sermon at Ebenezer Baptist<br />
Church was played at the funeral, a recording <strong>of</strong> his "Drum Major" sermon, given on<br />
February 4, 1968. In that sermon, King made a request that at his funeral no mention <strong>of</strong><br />
his awards and honors be made, but that it be said that he tried to "feed the hungry",<br />
"clothe the naked", "be right on the [Vietnam] war question", and "love and serve<br />
humanity."<br />
His good friend Mahalia Jackson sang his favorite hymn, "Take My Hand, Precious<br />
Lord", at the funeral.<br />
Two months after King's death, James Earl Ray—who was on the loose from a previous<br />
prison escape—was captured at London Heathrow Airport while trying to leave England<br />
on a false Canadian passport. He was using the alias Ramon George Sneyd on his way<br />
to white-ruled Rhodesia. Ray was quickly extradited to Tennessee and charged with<br />
King's murder. He confessed to the assassination on March 10, 1969, though he<br />
recanted this confession three days later. On the advice <strong>of</strong> his attorney Percy Foreman,<br />
Ray pleaded guilty to avoid a trial conviction and thus the possibility <strong>of</strong> receiving the<br />
death penalty. He was sentenced to a 99-year prison term. Ray later claimed a man he<br />
met in Montreal, Quebec, with the alias "Raoul" was involved and that the assassination<br />
was the result <strong>of</strong> a conspiracy. He spent the remainder <strong>of</strong> his life attempting,<br />
unsuccessfully, to withdraw his guilty plea and secure the trial he never had. Ray died in<br />
1998 at age 70.<br />
Allegations <strong>of</strong> Conspiracy<br />
Ray's lawyers maintained he was a scapegoat similar to the way that John F. Kennedy's<br />
assassin Lee Harvey Oswald is seen by conspiracy theorists. Supporters <strong>of</strong> this<br />
assertion said that Ray's confession was given under pressure and that he had been<br />
threatened with the death penalty. <strong>The</strong>y admitted that Ray was a thief and burglar, but<br />
claimed that he had no record <strong>of</strong> committing violent crimes with a weapon. However,<br />
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prison records in different U.S. cities have shown that he was incarcerated on numerous<br />
occasions for charges <strong>of</strong> armed robbery. In a 2008 interview with CNN, Jerry Ray, the<br />
younger brother <strong>of</strong> James Earl Ray, claimed that James was smart and was sometimes<br />
able to get away with armed robbery. Jerry Ray said that he had assisted his brother on<br />
one such robbery. "I never been with nobody as bold as he is," Jerry said. "He just<br />
walked in and put that gun on somebody, it was just like it's an everyday thing."<br />
Those suspecting a conspiracy in the assassination point to the two<br />
successive ballistics tests which proved that a rifle similar to Ray's Remington Game<br />
master had been the murder weapon. Those tests did not implicate Ray's specific<br />
rifle. Witnesses near King at the moment <strong>of</strong> his death said that the shot came from<br />
another location. <strong>The</strong>y said that it came from behind thick shrubbery near the boarding<br />
house—which had been cut away in the days following the assassination—and not from<br />
the boarding house window. However, Ray's fingerprints were found on various objects<br />
(a rifle, a pair <strong>of</strong> binoculars, articles <strong>of</strong> clothing, a newspaper) that were left in the<br />
bathroom where it was determined the gunfire came from. [200] An examination <strong>of</strong> the rifle<br />
containing Ray's fingerprints also determined that at least one shot was fired from the<br />
firearm at the time <strong>of</strong> the assassination.<br />
In 1997, King's son Dexter Scott King met with Ray, and publicly supported Ray's efforts<br />
to obtain a new trial.<br />
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Two years later, King's widow Coretta Scott King and the couple's children won<br />
a wrongful death claim against Loyd Jowers and "other unknown co-conspirators."<br />
Jowers claimed to have received $100,000 to arrange King's assassination. <strong>The</strong> jury <strong>of</strong><br />
six whites and six blacks found in favor <strong>of</strong> the King family, finding Jowers to be complicit<br />
in a conspiracy against King and that government agencies were party to the<br />
assassination. William F. Pepper represented the King family in the trial.<br />
In 2000, the U.S. Department <strong>of</strong> Justice completed the investigation into Jowers' claims<br />
but did not find evidence to support allegations about conspiracy. <strong>The</strong> investigation<br />
report recommended no further investigation unless some new reliable facts are<br />
presented. A sister <strong>of</strong> Jowers admitted that he had fabricated the story so he could<br />
make $300,000 from selling the story, and she in turn corroborated his story in order to<br />
get some money to pay her income tax.<br />
In 2002, <strong>The</strong> New York Times reported that a church minister, Rev. Ronald Denton<br />
Wilson, claimed his father, Henry Clay Wilson—not James Earl Ray—assassinated<br />
King. He stated, "It wasn't a racist thing; he thought Martin Luther King was connected<br />
with communism, and he wanted to get him out <strong>of</strong> the way." Wilson provided no<br />
evidence to back up his claims.<br />
King researchers David Garrow and Gerald Posner disagreed with William F. Pepper's<br />
claims that the government killed King. In 2003, Pepper published a book about the long<br />
investigation and trial, as well as his representation <strong>of</strong> James Earl Ray in his bid for a<br />
trial, laying out the evidence and criticizing other accounts. King's friend and colleague,<br />
James Bevel, also disputed the argument that Ray acted alone, stating, "<strong>The</strong>re is no<br />
way a ten-cent white boy could develop a plan to kill a million-dollar black man." In<br />
2004, Jesse Jackson stated:<br />
Legacy<br />
<strong>The</strong> fact is there were saboteurs to disrupt the march. And within our own organization,<br />
we found a very key person who was on the government payroll. So infiltration within,<br />
saboteurs from without and the press attacks. ... I will never believe that James Earl Ray<br />
had the motive, the money and the mobility to have done it himself. Our government was<br />
very involved in setting the stage for and I think the escape route for James Earl Ray.<br />
King's main legacy was to secure progress on civil rights in the U.S. Just days after<br />
King's assassination, Congress passed the Civil Rights Act <strong>of</strong> 1968. Title VIII <strong>of</strong> the Act,<br />
commonly known as the Fair Housing Act, prohibited discrimination in housing and<br />
housing-related transactions on the basis <strong>of</strong> race, religion, or national origin (later<br />
expanded to include sex, familial status, and disability). This legislation was seen as a<br />
tribute to King's struggle in his final years to combat residential discrimination in the U.S.<br />
Internationally, King's legacy includes influences on the Black Consciousness<br />
Movement and civil rights movement in South Africa. King's work was cited by and<br />
served as an inspiration for South African leader Albert Lutuli, who fought for racial<br />
justice in his country and was later awarded the Nobel Prize. <strong>The</strong> day following King's<br />
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assassination, school teacher Jane Elliott conducted her first "Blue Eyes/Brown Eyes"<br />
exercise with her class <strong>of</strong> elementary school students in Riceville, Iowa. Her purpose<br />
was to help them understand King's death as it related to racism, something they little<br />
understood as they lived in a predominantly white community.<br />
King has become a national icon in the history <strong>of</strong> American liberalism and American<br />
progressivism. King also influenced Irish politician and activist John Hume. Hume, the<br />
former leader <strong>of</strong> the Social Democratic and Labor Party, cited King's legacy as<br />
quintessential to the Northern Irish civil rights movement and the signing <strong>of</strong> the Good<br />
Friday Agreement, calling him "one <strong>of</strong> my great heroes <strong>of</strong> the century."<br />
King's wife Coretta Scott King<br />
followed in her husband's footsteps<br />
and was active in matters <strong>of</strong> social<br />
justice and civil rights until her<br />
death in 2006. <strong>The</strong> same year that<br />
Martin Luther King was<br />
assassinated, she established the<br />
King Center in Atlanta, Georgia,<br />
dedicated to preserving his legacy<br />
and the work <strong>of</strong> championing<br />
nonviolent conflict resolution and<br />
tolerance worldwide. <strong>The</strong>ir son,<br />
Dexter King, serves as the center's<br />
chairman. Daughter Yolanda King, who died in 2007, was a motivational speaker,<br />
author and founder <strong>of</strong> Higher Ground Productions, an organization specializing in<br />
diversity training.<br />
Even within the King family, members disagree about his religious and political views<br />
about gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgender people. King's widow Coretta publicly said<br />
that she believed her husband would have supported gay rights. However, his youngest<br />
child, Bernice King, has said publicly that he would have been opposed to gay marriage.<br />
On February 4, 1968, at the Ebenezer Baptist Church, in speaking about how he wished<br />
to be remembered after his death, King stated:<br />
I'd like somebody to mention that day that Martin Luther King Jr. tried to give his life<br />
serving others. I'd like for somebody to say that day that Martin Luther King Jr. tried to<br />
love somebody.<br />
I want you to say that day that I tried to be right on the war question. I want you to be able<br />
to say that day that I did try to feed the hungry. I want you to be able to say that day that I<br />
did try in my life to clothe those who were naked. I want you to say on that day that I did<br />
try in my life to visit those who were in prison. And I want you to say that I tried to love<br />
and serve humanity.<br />
Yes, if you want to say that I was a drum major. Say that I was a drum major for justice.<br />
Say that I was a drum major for peace. I was a drum major for righteousness. And all <strong>of</strong><br />
the other shallow things will not matter. I won't have any money to leave behind. I won't<br />
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have the fine and luxurious things <strong>of</strong> life to leave behind. But I just want to leave a<br />
committed life behind.<br />
Martin Luther King Jr. Day<br />
Beginning in 1971, cities such as St. Louis, Missouri, and states established annual<br />
holidays to honor King. At the White House Rose Garden on November 2, 1983,<br />
President Ronald Reagan signed a bill creating a federal holiday to honor King.<br />
Observed for the first time on January 20, 1986, it is called Martin Luther King Jr. Day.<br />
Following President George H. W. Bush's 1992 proclamation, the holiday is observed<br />
on the third Monday <strong>of</strong> January each year, near the time <strong>of</strong> King's birthday.<br />
On January 17, 2000, for the first time, Martin Luther King Jr. Day was <strong>of</strong>ficially<br />
observed in all fifty U.S. states. Arizona (1992), New Hampshire (1999) and Utah (2000)<br />
were the last three states to recognize the holiday. Utah previously celebrated the<br />
holiday at the same time but under the name Human Rights Day.<br />
Liturgical Commemorations<br />
King is remembered as a martyr by the Episcopal Church in the United States <strong>of</strong><br />
America with an annual feast day on the anniversary <strong>of</strong> his death, April<br />
4. <strong>The</strong> Evangelical Lutheran Church in America commemorates King liturgically on the<br />
anniversary <strong>of</strong> his birth, January 15.<br />
UK legacy and <strong>The</strong> Martin Luther King Peace Committee<br />
Banner at the 2012<br />
Republican National Convention<br />
In the United Kingdom, <strong>The</strong> Northumbria and<br />
Newcastle Universities Martin Luther King Peace<br />
Committee exists to honor King's legacy, as<br />
represented by his final visit to the UK to receive an<br />
honorary degree from Newcastle University in<br />
1967. <strong>The</strong> Peace Committee operates out <strong>of</strong> the chaplaincies <strong>of</strong> the city's two<br />
universities, Northumbria and Newcastle, both <strong>of</strong> which remain centers for the study <strong>of</strong><br />
Martin Luther King and the US civil rights movement. Inspired by King's vision, it<br />
undertakes a range <strong>of</strong> activities across the UK as it seeks to "build cultures <strong>of</strong> peace."<br />
In 2017, Newcastle University unveiled a bronze statue <strong>of</strong> King to celebrate the 50th<br />
anniversary <strong>of</strong> his honorary doctorate ceremony. <strong>The</strong> Students Union also voted to<br />
rename their bar 'Luthers'.<br />
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Ideas, Influences, and Political Stances<br />
Religion<br />
King at the 1963 Civil Rights March in Washington, D.C.<br />
As a Christian minister, King's main influence was Jesus Christ and the Christian<br />
gospels, which he would almost always quote in his religious meetings, speeches at<br />
church, and in public discourses. King's faith was strongly based in Jesus'<br />
commandment <strong>of</strong> loving your neighbor as yourself, loving God above all, and loving<br />
your enemies, praying for them and blessing them. His nonviolent thought was also<br />
based in the injunction to turn the other cheek in the Sermon on the Mount, and Jesus'<br />
teaching <strong>of</strong> putting the sword back into its place (Matthew 26:52). In his famous Letter<br />
from Birmingham Jail, King urged action consistent with what he describes as Jesus'<br />
"extremist" love, and also quoted numerous other Christian pacifist authors, which was<br />
very usual for him. In another sermon, he stated:<br />
Before I was a civil rights leader, I was a preacher <strong>of</strong> the Gospel. This was my first<br />
calling and it still remains my greatest commitment. You know, actually all that I do in<br />
civil rights I do because I consider it a part <strong>of</strong> my ministry. I have no other ambitions in<br />
life but to achieve excellence in the Christian ministry. I don't plan to run for any political<br />
<strong>of</strong>fice. I don't plan to do anything but remain a preacher. And what I'm doing in this<br />
struggle, along with many others, grows out <strong>of</strong> my feeling that the preacher must be<br />
concerned about the whole man.<br />
In his speech "I've Been to the Mountaintop", he stated that he just wanted to do God's<br />
will.<br />
Nonviolence<br />
King worked alongside Quakers<br />
such as Bayard Rustin to develop non-violent tactics.<br />
Veteran African-American civil rights activist Bayard<br />
Rustin was King's first regular advisor on nonviolence. King<br />
was also advised by the white activists Harris<br />
W<strong>of</strong>ford and Glenn Smiley. Rustin and Smiley came from<br />
the Christian pacifist tradition, and W<strong>of</strong>ford and Rustin both<br />
studied Gandhi's teachings. Rustin had applied nonviolence<br />
with the Journey <strong>of</strong> Reconciliation campaign in the 1940s, and<br />
W<strong>of</strong>ford had been promoting Gandhism to Southern blacks<br />
since the early 1950s.<br />
King had initially known little about Gandhi and rarely used the term "nonviolence"<br />
during his early years <strong>of</strong> activism in the early 1950s. King initially believed in and<br />
practiced self-defense, even obtaining guns in his household as a means <strong>of</strong> defense<br />
against possible attackers. <strong>The</strong> pacifists guided King by showing him the alternative<br />
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<strong>of</strong> nonviolent resistance, arguing that this would be a better means to accomplish his<br />
goals <strong>of</strong> civil rights than self-defense. King then vowed to no longer personally use<br />
arms.<br />
In the aftermath <strong>of</strong> the boycott, King wrote Stride Toward Freedom, which included the<br />
chapter Pilgrimage to Nonviolence. King outlined his understanding <strong>of</strong> nonviolence,<br />
which seeks to win an opponent to friendship, rather than to humiliate or defeat him.<br />
<strong>The</strong> chapter draws from an address by W<strong>of</strong>ford, with Rustin and Stanley Levison also<br />
providing guidance and ghostwriting.<br />
King was inspired by Mahatma Gandhi and his success with nonviolent activism, and as<br />
a theology student, King described Gandhi as being one <strong>of</strong> the "individuals who greatly<br />
reveal the working <strong>of</strong> the Spirit <strong>of</strong> God". King had "for a long time ... wanted to take a trip<br />
to India." With assistance from Harris W<strong>of</strong>ford, the American Friends Service<br />
Committee, and other supporters, he was able to fund the journey in April 1959. <strong>The</strong> trip<br />
to India affected King, deepening his understanding <strong>of</strong> nonviolent resistance and his<br />
commitment to America's struggle for civil rights. In a radio address made during his<br />
final evening in India, King reflected, "Since being in India, I am more convinced than<br />
ever before that the method <strong>of</strong> nonviolent resistance is the most potent weapon<br />
available to oppressed people in their struggle for justice and human dignity."<br />
King's admiration <strong>of</strong> Gandhi's nonviolence did not diminish in later years. He went so far<br />
as to hold up his example when receiving the Nobel Peace Prize in 1964, hailing the<br />
"successful precedent" <strong>of</strong> using nonviolence "in a magnificent way by Mohandas K.<br />
Gandhi to challenge the might <strong>of</strong> the British Empire ... He struggled only with the<br />
weapons <strong>of</strong> truth, soul force, non-injury and courage."<br />
Another influence for King's nonviolent method was Henry David Thoreau's essay On<br />
Civil Disobedience and its theme <strong>of</strong> refusing to cooperate with an evil system. He also<br />
was greatly influenced by the works <strong>of</strong> Protestant theologians Reinhold Niebuhr and<br />
Paul Tillich, and said that Walter Rauschenbusch's Christianity and the Social Crisis left<br />
an "indelible imprint" on his thinking by giving him a theological grounding for his social<br />
concerns. King was moved by Rauschenbusch's vision <strong>of</strong> Christians spreading social<br />
unrest in "perpetual but friendly conflict" with the state, simultaneously critiquing it and<br />
calling it to act as an instrument <strong>of</strong> justice. He was apparently unaware <strong>of</strong> the American<br />
tradition <strong>of</strong> Christian pacifism exemplified by Adin Ballou and William Lloyd<br />
Garrison King frequently referred to Jesus' Sermon on the Mountas central for his<br />
work. King also sometimes used the concept <strong>of</strong> "agape" (brotherly Christian<br />
love). However, after 1960, he ceased employing it in his writings.<br />
Even after renouncing his personal use <strong>of</strong> guns, King had a complex relationship with<br />
the phenomenon <strong>of</strong> self-defense in the movement. He publicly discouraged it as a<br />
widespread practice, but acknowledged that it was sometimes necessary. Throughout<br />
his career King was frequently protected by other civil rights activists who carried arms,<br />
such as Colonel Stone Johnson, Robert Hayling, and the Deacons for Defense and<br />
Justice.<br />
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Activism and Involvement with Native Americans<br />
King was an avid supporter <strong>of</strong> Native American rights. Native Americans were also<br />
active supporters <strong>of</strong> King's civil rights movement which included the active participation<br />
<strong>of</strong> Native Americans. In fact, the Native American Rights Fund (NARF) was patterned<br />
after the NAACP's Legal Defense and Education Fund. <strong>The</strong> National Indian Youth<br />
Council (NIYC) was especially supportive in King's campaigns especially the Poor<br />
People's Campaign in 1968. In King's book "Why We Can't Wait" he writes:<br />
Our nation was born in genocide when it embraced the doctrine that the original<br />
American, the Indian, was an inferior race. Even before there were large numbers <strong>of</strong><br />
Negroes on our shores, the scar <strong>of</strong> racial hatred had already disfigured colonial society.<br />
From the sixteenth century forward, blood flowed in battles over racial supremacy. We<br />
are perhaps the only nation which tried as a matter <strong>of</strong> national policy to wipe out its<br />
indigenous population. Moreover, we elevated that tragic experience into a noble<br />
crusade. Indeed, even today we have not permitted ourselves to reject or to feel<br />
remorse for this shameful episode. Our literature, our films, our drama, our folklore all<br />
exalt it.<br />
King assisted Native American people in south Alabama in the late 1950s. At that time<br />
the remaining Creek in Alabama were trying to completely desegregate schools in their<br />
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area. <strong>The</strong> South had so many seemingly outlandish racial problems: In this case, lightcomplexioned<br />
Native children were allowed to ride school buses to previously all white<br />
schools, while dark-skinned Native children from the same band were barred from riding<br />
the same buses. Tribal leaders, upon hearing <strong>of</strong> King's desegregation campaign in<br />
Birmingham, Alabama, contacted him for assistance. He promptly responded and<br />
through his intervention the problem was quickly resolved.<br />
In September 1959, King flew from Los Angeles, California, to Tucson, Arizona. After<br />
giving a speech at the University <strong>of</strong> Arizona on the ideals <strong>of</strong> using nonviolent methods in<br />
creating social change. He put into words his belief that one must not use force in this<br />
struggle "but match the violence <strong>of</strong> his opponents with his suffering." King then went to<br />
Southside Presbyterian a predominantly Native American church, and was fascinated<br />
by their photos. On the spur <strong>of</strong> the moment Dr. King wanted to go to an Indian<br />
Reservation to meet the people so Reverend Casper Glenn took King to the Papago<br />
Indian Reservation. At the reservation King met with all the tribal leaders, and others on<br />
the reservation then ate with them. King then visited another Presbyterian church near<br />
the reservation, and preached there attracting a Native American crowd. He later<br />
returned to Old Pueblo in March 1962 where he preached again to a Native American<br />
congregation, and then went on to give another speech at the University <strong>of</strong><br />
Arizona. King would continue to attract the attention <strong>of</strong> Native Americans throughout the<br />
civil rights movement. During the 1963 March on Washington there was a sizable Native<br />
American contingent, including many from South Dakota, and many from the Navajo<br />
nation. Native Americans were also active participants in the Poor People's<br />
Campaign in 1968.<br />
King was a major inspiration along with the civil rights movement which inspired<br />
the Native American rights movement <strong>of</strong> the 1960s and many <strong>of</strong> its leaders. John<br />
Echohawk a member <strong>of</strong> the Pawnee tribe and the executive director and one <strong>of</strong> the<br />
founders <strong>of</strong> the Native American Rights Fund stated:<br />
Politics<br />
Inspired by Dr. King, who was advancing the civil rights agenda <strong>of</strong> equality under the<br />
laws <strong>of</strong> this country, we thought that we could also use the laws to advance our<br />
Indianship, to live as tribes in our territories governed by our own laws under the<br />
principles <strong>of</strong> tribal sovereignty that had been with us ever since 1831. We believed that<br />
we could fight for a policy <strong>of</strong> self-determination that was consistent with U.S. law and that<br />
we could govern our own affairs, define our own ways and continue to survive in this<br />
society.<br />
As the leader <strong>of</strong> the SCLC, King maintained a policy <strong>of</strong> not publicly endorsing a U.S.<br />
political party or candidate: "I feel someone must remain in the position <strong>of</strong> nonalignment,<br />
so that he can look objectively at both parties and be the conscience <strong>of</strong><br />
both—not the servant or master <strong>of</strong> either." In a 1958 interview, he expressed his view<br />
that neither party was perfect, saying, "I don't think the Republican party is a party full <strong>of</strong><br />
the almighty God nor is the Democratic party. <strong>The</strong>y both have weaknesses ... And I'm<br />
not inextricably bound to either party." King did praise Democratic Senator Paul<br />
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Douglas <strong>of</strong> Illinois as being the "greatest <strong>of</strong> all senators" because <strong>of</strong> his fierce advocacy<br />
for civil rights causes over the years.<br />
King critiqued both parties' performance on promoting racial equality:<br />
Actually, the Negro has been betrayed by both the Republican and the Democratic<br />
party. <strong>The</strong> Democrats have betrayed him by capitulating to the whims and caprices <strong>of</strong><br />
the Southern Dixiecrats. <strong>The</strong> Republicans have betrayed him by capitulating to the<br />
blatant hypocrisy <strong>of</strong> reactionary right wing northern Republicans. And this coalition <strong>of</strong><br />
southern Dixiecrats and right wing reactionary northern Republicans defeats every bill<br />
and every move towards liberal legislation in the area <strong>of</strong> civil rights.<br />
Although King never publicly supported a political party or candidate for president, in a<br />
letter to a civil rights supporter in October 1956 he said that he was undecided as to<br />
whether he would vote for Adlai Stevenson or Dwight Eisenhower, but that "In the past I<br />
always voted the Democratic ticket." In his autobiography, King says that in 1960 he<br />
privately voted for Democratic candidate John F. Kennedy: "I felt that Kennedy would<br />
make the best president. I never came out with an endorsement. My father did, but I<br />
never made one." King adds that he likely would have made an exception to his nonendorsement<br />
policy for a second Kennedy term, saying "Had President Kennedy lived, I<br />
would probably have endorsed him in 1964."<br />
In 1964, King urged his supporters "and all people <strong>of</strong> goodwill" to vote against<br />
Republican Senator Barry Goldwater for president, saying that his election "would be a<br />
tragedy, and certainly suicidal almost, for the nation and the world."<br />
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King supported the ideals <strong>of</strong> democratic socialism, although he was reluctant to speak<br />
directly <strong>of</strong> this support due to the anti-communist sentiment being projected throughout<br />
the United States at the time, and the association <strong>of</strong> socialism with communism. King<br />
believed that capitalism could not adequately provide the basic necessities <strong>of</strong> many<br />
American people, particularly the African-American community.<br />
Compensation<br />
King stated that black Americans, as well as other disadvantaged Americans, should be<br />
compensated for historical wrongs. In an interview conducted for Playboy in 1965, he<br />
said that granting black Americans only equality could not realistically close the<br />
economic gap between them and whites. King said that he did not seek a full restitution<br />
<strong>of</strong> wages lost to slavery, which he believed impossible, but proposed a government<br />
compensatory program <strong>of</strong> $50 billion over ten years to all disadvantaged groups.<br />
He posited that "the money spent would be more than amply justified by the benefits<br />
that would accrue to the nation through a spectacular decline in school dropouts, family<br />
breakups, crime rates, illegitimacy, swollen relief rolls, rioting and other social evils." He<br />
presented this idea as an application <strong>of</strong> the common law regarding settlement <strong>of</strong> unpaid<br />
labor, but clarified that he felt that the money should not be spent exclusively on blacks.<br />
He stated, "It should benefit the disadvantaged <strong>of</strong> all races."<br />
Family Planning<br />
On being awarded the Planned Parenthood Federation <strong>of</strong> America's Margaret Sanger<br />
Award on May 5, 1966, King said:<br />
Recently, the press has been filled with reports <strong>of</strong> sightings <strong>of</strong> flying saucers. While we<br />
need not give credence to these stories, they allow our imagination to speculate on how<br />
visitors from outer space would judge us. I am afraid they would be stupefied at our<br />
conduct. <strong>The</strong>y would observe that for death planning we spend billions to<br />
create engines and strategies for war. <strong>The</strong>y would also observe that we spend millions to<br />
prevent death by disease and other causes. Finally they would observe that we spend<br />
paltry sums for population planning, even though its spontaneous growth is an urgent<br />
threat to life on our planet. Our visitors from outer space could be forgiven if they reported<br />
home that our planet is inhabited by a race <strong>of</strong> insane men whose future is bleak and<br />
uncertain.<br />
<strong>The</strong>re is no human circumstance more tragic than the persisting existence <strong>of</strong> a harmful<br />
condition for which a remedy is readily available. Family planning, to relate population<br />
to world resources, is possible, practical and necessary. Unlike plagues <strong>of</strong> the dark<br />
ages or contemporary diseases we do not yet understand, the modern plague<br />
<strong>of</strong> overpopulation is soluble by means we have discovered and with resources we<br />
possess.<br />
What is lacking is not sufficient knowledge <strong>of</strong> the solution but universal consciousness <strong>of</strong><br />
the gravity <strong>of</strong> the problem and education <strong>of</strong> the billions who are its victims ...<br />
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State Surveillance and Coercion<br />
FBI Surveillance and Wiretapping<br />
Memo describing FBI attempts to disrupt the Poor People's<br />
Campaign with fraudulent claims about King—part <strong>of</strong><br />
the COINTELPRO campaign against the anti-war and civil rights<br />
movements<br />
FBI director J. Edgar Hoover personally ordered<br />
surveillance <strong>of</strong> King, with the intent to undermine his<br />
power as a civil rights leader. According to the Church<br />
Committee, a 1975 investigation by the U.S. Congress,<br />
"From December 1963 until his death in 1968, Martin<br />
Luther King Jr. was the target <strong>of</strong> an intensive campaign<br />
by the Federal Bureau <strong>of</strong> Investigation to 'neutralize'<br />
him as an effective civil rights leader."<br />
In the fall <strong>of</strong> 1963, the FBI received authorization from Attorney General Robert F.<br />
Kennedy to proceed with wiretapping <strong>of</strong> King's phone lines. <strong>The</strong> Bureau informed<br />
President John F. Kennedy. He and his brother unsuccessfully tried to persuade King to<br />
dissociate himself from Stanley Levison, a New York lawyer who had been involved with<br />
Communist Party USA. Although Robert Kennedy only gave written approval for limited<br />
wiretapping <strong>of</strong> King's telephone lines "on a trial basis, for a month or so", Hoover<br />
extended the clearance so his men were "unshackled" to look for evidence in any areas<br />
<strong>of</strong> King's life they deemed worthy.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Bureau placed wiretaps on the home and <strong>of</strong>fice phone lines <strong>of</strong> Levison and King,<br />
and bugged King's rooms in hotels as he traveled across the country. In 1967, Hoover<br />
listed the SCLC as a black nationalist hate group, with the instructions: "No opportunity<br />
should be missed to exploit through counterintelligence techniques the organizational<br />
and personal conflicts <strong>of</strong> the leaderships <strong>of</strong> the groups ... to insure the targeted group is<br />
disrupted, ridiculed, or discredited."<br />
NSA Monitoring <strong>of</strong> King's Communications<br />
In a secret operation code-named "Minaret", the National Security Agency (NSA)<br />
monitored the communications <strong>of</strong> leading Americans, including King, who criticized the<br />
U.S. war in Vietnam. A review by the NSA itself concluded that Minaret was<br />
"disreputable if not outright illegal."<br />
Allegations <strong>of</strong> Communism<br />
For years, Hoover had been suspicious about potential influence <strong>of</strong> communists in<br />
social movements such as labor unions and civil rights. Hoover directed the FBI to track<br />
King in 1957, and the SCLC as it was established (it did not have a full-time executive<br />
director until 1960). <strong>The</strong> investigations were largely superficial until 1962, when the FBI<br />
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learned that one <strong>of</strong> King's most trusted advisers was New York City lawyer Stanley<br />
Levison.<br />
<strong>The</strong> FBI feared Levison was working as an "agent <strong>of</strong> influence" over King, in spite <strong>of</strong> its<br />
own reports in 1963 that Levison had left the Party and was no longer associated in<br />
business dealings with them. Another King lieutenant, Hunter Pitts O'Dell, was also<br />
linked to the Communist Party by sworn testimony before the House Un-American<br />
Activities Committee (HUAC). However, by 1976 the FBI had acknowledged that it had<br />
not obtained any evidence that King himself or the SCLC were actually involved with<br />
any communist organizations.<br />
For his part, King adamantly denied having any connections to communism. In a<br />
1965 Playboy interview, he stated that "there are as many Communists in this freedom<br />
movement as there are Eskimos in Florida." He argued that Hoover was "following the<br />
path <strong>of</strong> appeasement <strong>of</strong> political powers in the South" and that his concern for<br />
communist infiltration <strong>of</strong> the civil rights movement was meant to "aid and abet the<br />
salacious claims <strong>of</strong> southern racists and the extreme right-wing elements." Hoover did<br />
not believe King's pledge <strong>of</strong> innocence and replied by saying that King was "the most<br />
notorious liar in the country." After King gave his "I Have A Dream" speech during the<br />
March on Washington on August 28, 1963, the FBI described King as "the most<br />
dangerous and effective Negro leader in the country." It alleged that he was "knowingly,<br />
willingly and regularly cooperating with and taking guidance from communists."<br />
<strong>The</strong> attempt to prove that King was a communist was related to the feeling <strong>of</strong> many<br />
segregationists that blacks in the South were happy with their lot but had been stirred<br />
up by "communists" and "outside agitators." However, the 1950s and '60s civil rights<br />
movement arose from activism within the black community dating back to before World<br />
War I. King said that "the Negro revolution is a genuine revolution, born from the same<br />
womb that produces all massive social upheavals—the womb <strong>of</strong> intolerable conditions<br />
and unendurable situations."<br />
CIA Surveillance<br />
CIA files declassified in 2017 revealed that the agency was investigating possible links<br />
between King and Communism after a Washington Post article dated November 4,<br />
1964 claimed he was invited to the Soviet Union and that Ralph Abernathy, spokesman<br />
for subject, refused to comment on the source <strong>of</strong> the invitation.<br />
Adultery<br />
Having concluded that King was dangerous due to communist infiltration, the FBI<br />
attempted to discredit King through revelations regarding his private life. FBI<br />
surveillance <strong>of</strong> King, some <strong>of</strong> it since made public, attempted to demonstrate that he<br />
also engaged in numerous extramarital affairs. Lyndon Johnson once said that King<br />
was a "hypocritical preacher."<br />
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In his 1989 autobiography And the Walls Came Tumbling Down, Ralph Abernathy<br />
stated that King had a "weakness for women", although they "all understood and<br />
believed in the biblical prohibition against sex outside <strong>of</strong> marriage. It was just that he<br />
had a particularly difficult time with that temptation." In a later interview, Abernathy said<br />
that he only wrote the term "womanizing", that he did not specifically say King<br />
had extramarital sex and that the infidelities King had were emotional rather than<br />
sexual.<br />
Abernathy criticized the media for sensationalizing the statements he wrote about King's<br />
affairs, such as the allegation that he admitted in his book that King had a sexual affair<br />
the night before he was assassinated. In his original wording, Abernathy had claimed he<br />
saw King coming out <strong>of</strong> his room with a lady when he awoke the next morning and later<br />
claimed that "he may have been in there discussing and debating and trying to get her<br />
to go along with the movement, I don't know."<br />
In his 1986 book Bearing the Cross, David Garrow wrote about a number <strong>of</strong> extramarital<br />
affairs, including one woman King saw almost daily. According to Garrow, "that<br />
relationship ... increasingly became the emotional centerpiece <strong>of</strong> King's life, but it did not<br />
eliminate the incidental couplings ... <strong>of</strong> King's travels." He alleged that King explained<br />
his extramarital affairs as "a form <strong>of</strong> anxiety reduction." Garrow asserted that King's<br />
supposed promiscuity caused him "painful and at times overwhelming guilt." King's wife<br />
Coretta appeared to have accepted his affairs with equanimity, saying once that "all that<br />
other business just doesn't have a place in the very high level relationship we<br />
enjoyed." Shortly after Bearing the Cross was released, civil rights author Howell<br />
Raines gave the book a positive review but opined that Garrow's allegations about<br />
King's sex life were "sensational" and stated that Garrow was "amassing facts rather<br />
than analyzing them."<br />
<strong>The</strong> FBI distributed reports regarding such affairs to the executive branch, friendly<br />
reporters, potential coalition partners and funding sources <strong>of</strong> the SCLC, and King's<br />
family. <strong>The</strong> bureau also sent anonymous letters to King threatening to reveal<br />
information if he did not cease his civil rights work. <strong>The</strong> FBI–King suicide letter sent to<br />
King just before he received the Nobel Peace Prize read, in<br />
part:<br />
<strong>The</strong> FBI–King suicide letter,mailed<br />
anonymously by the FBI<br />
<strong>The</strong> American public, the church organizations that have been<br />
helping—Protestants, Catholics and Jews will know you for<br />
what you are—an evil beast. So will others who have backed<br />
you. You are done. King, there is only one thing left for you to<br />
do. You know what it is. You have just 34 days in which to do<br />
(this exact number has been selected for a specific reason, it<br />
has definite practical significant). You are done. <strong>The</strong>re is but<br />
one way out for you. You better take it before your filthy fraudulent self is bared to the<br />
nation.<br />
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<strong>The</strong> letter was accompanied by a tape recording—excerpted from FBI wiretaps—<strong>of</strong><br />
several <strong>of</strong> King's extramarital liaisons. King interpreted this package as an attempt to<br />
drive him to suicide, although William Sullivan, head <strong>of</strong> the Domestic Intelligence<br />
Division at the time, argued that it may have only been intended to "convince Dr. King to<br />
resign from the SCLC." King refused to give in to the FBI's threats.<br />
In 1977, Judge John Lewis Smith Jr. ordered all known copies <strong>of</strong> the recorded<br />
audiotapes and written transcripts resulting from the FBI's electronic surveillance <strong>of</strong> King<br />
between 1963 and 1968 to be held in the National Archives and sealed from public<br />
access until 2027.<br />
Police Observation During <strong>The</strong> Assassination<br />
A fire station was located across from the Lorraine Motel, next to the boarding house in<br />
which James Earl Ray was staying. Police <strong>of</strong>ficers were stationed in the fire station to<br />
keep King under surveillance. Agents were watching King at the time he was<br />
shot. Immediately following the shooting, <strong>of</strong>ficers rushed out <strong>of</strong> the station to the motel.<br />
Marrell McCollough, an undercover police <strong>of</strong>ficer, was the first person to administer first<br />
aid to King. <strong>The</strong> antagonism between King and the FBI, the lack <strong>of</strong> an all points<br />
bulletin to find the killer, and the police presence nearby led to speculation that the FBI<br />
was involved in the assassination.<br />
Awards and Recognition<br />
King was awarded at least fifty honorary degrees from colleges and universities. [329] On<br />
October 14, 1964, King became the youngest winner <strong>of</strong> the Nobel Peace Prize, which<br />
was awarded to him for leading nonviolent resistance to racial prejudice in the U.S. In<br />
1965, he was awarded the American Liberties Medallion by the American Jewish<br />
Committee for his "exceptional advancement <strong>of</strong> the principles <strong>of</strong> human liberty." In his<br />
acceptance remarks, King said, "Freedom is one thing. You have it all or you are not<br />
free."<br />
In 1957, he was awarded the Spingarn Medal from the NAACP. Two years later, he won<br />
the Anisfield-Wolf Book Award for his book Stride Toward Freedom: <strong>The</strong> Montgomery<br />
Story. In 1966, the Planned Parenthood Federation <strong>of</strong> America awarded King<br />
the Margaret Sanger Award for "his courageous resistance to bigotry and his lifelong<br />
dedication to the advancement <strong>of</strong> social justice and human dignity." Also in 1966, King<br />
was elected as a fellow <strong>of</strong> the American Academy <strong>of</strong> Arts and Sciences. In November<br />
1967 he made a 24-hour trip to the United Kingdom to receive an honorary degree from<br />
Newcastle University, being the first African-American to be so honored by<br />
Newcastle. In a moving impromptu acceptance speech, he said:<br />
<strong>The</strong>re are three urgent and indeed great problems that we face not only in the United<br />
States <strong>of</strong> America but all over the world today. That is the problem <strong>of</strong> racism, the problem<br />
<strong>of</strong> poverty and the problem <strong>of</strong> war.<br />
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In addition to being nominated for three GRAMMY Awards, the civil rights leader<br />
posthumously won for Best Spoken Word Recording in 1971 for "Why I Oppose <strong>The</strong><br />
War In Vietnam".<br />
In 1977, the Presidential Medal <strong>of</strong> Freedom was posthumously awarded to King by<br />
President Jimmy Carter. <strong>The</strong> citation read:<br />
Martin Luther King Jr. was the conscience <strong>of</strong> his generation. He gazed upon the great<br />
wall <strong>of</strong> segregation and saw that the power <strong>of</strong> love could bring it down. From the pain<br />
and exhaustion <strong>of</strong> his fight to fulfill the promises <strong>of</strong> our founding fathers for our humblest<br />
citizens, he wrung his eloquent statement <strong>of</strong> his dream for America. He made our nation<br />
stronger because he made it better. His dream sustains us yet.<br />
King and his wife were also awarded the Congressional Gold Medal in 2004.<br />
King was second in Gallup's List <strong>of</strong> Most Widely Admired People <strong>of</strong> the 20th Century. In<br />
1963, he was named Time Person <strong>of</strong> the Year, and in 2000, he was voted sixth in an<br />
online "Person <strong>of</strong> the Century" poll by the same magazine. King placed third in<br />
the Greatest American contest conducted by the Discovery Channel and AOL.<br />
Five-Dollar Bill<br />
On April 20, 2016, Treasury Secretary Jacob Lew announced that the $5, $10, and $20<br />
bills would all undergo redesign prior to 2020. Lew said that while Lincoln would remain<br />
on the obverse <strong>of</strong> the $5 bill, the reverse would be redesigned to depict various<br />
historical events that had occurred at the Lincoln Memorial. Among the planned designs<br />
are images from King's "I Have a Dream" speech and the 1939 concert by opera<br />
singer Marian Anderson.<br />
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Works<br />
Stride Toward Freedom: <strong>The</strong> Montgomery Story (1958) ISBN 978-0-06-250490-6<br />
<strong>The</strong> Measure <strong>of</strong> a Man (1959) ISBN 978-0-8006-0877-4<br />
Strength to Love (1963) ISBN 978-0-8006-9740-2<br />
Why We Can't Wait (1964) ISBN 978-0-8070-0112-7<br />
Where Do We Go from Here: Chaos or Community? (1967) ISBN 978-0-8070-<br />
0571-2<br />
<strong>The</strong> Trumpet <strong>of</strong> Conscience (1968) ISBN 978-0-8070-0170-7<br />
A Testament <strong>of</strong> Hope: <strong>The</strong> Essential Writings and Speeches <strong>of</strong> Martin Luther<br />
King Jr. (1986) ISBN 978-0-06-250931-4<br />
<strong>The</strong> Autobiography <strong>of</strong> Martin Luther King Jr. (1998), ed. Clayborne<br />
Carson ISBN 978-0-446-67650-2<br />
"All Labor Has Dignity" (2011) ed. Michael Honey ISBN 978-0-8070-8600-1<br />
"Thou, Dear God": Prayers That Open Hearts and Spirits Collection <strong>of</strong> King's<br />
prayers. (2011), ed. Lewis Baldwin ISBN 978-0-8070-8603-2<br />
MLK: A Celebration in Word and Image Photographed by Bob Adelman,<br />
introduced by Charles Johnson ISBN 978-0-8070-0316-9<br />
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VII. Evangelist William F. Graham, Jr.<br />
William Franklin Graham Jr. (November 7, 1918 – February 21, 2018) was an<br />
American evangelist, a prominent evangelical Christian figure, and an<br />
ordained Southern Baptist minister who became well-known internationally in the late<br />
1940s. One <strong>of</strong> his biographers has placed him "among the most influential Christian<br />
leaders" <strong>of</strong> the 20th century.<br />
As a preacher, he held large indoor and outdoor rallies with sermons broadcast on radio<br />
and television; some were still being re-broadcast into the 21st century. In his six<br />
decades <strong>of</strong> television, Graham hosted annual "Crusades", evangelistic campaigns,<br />
which ran from 1947 until his retirement in 2005. He also hosted the radio show Hour <strong>of</strong><br />
Decision from 1950 to 1954. He repudiated racial segregation and insisted on racial<br />
integration for his revivals and crusades, starting in 1953; he also invited Martin Luther<br />
King Jr. to preach jointly at a revival in New York City in 1957. In addition to his religious<br />
aims, he helped shape the worldview <strong>of</strong> a huge number <strong>of</strong> people who came from<br />
different backgrounds, leading them to find a relationship between the Bibleand<br />
contemporary secular viewpoints. According to his website, Graham preached to live<br />
audiences <strong>of</strong> 210 million people in more than 185 countries and territories through<br />
various meetings, including BMS World Mission and Global Mission.<br />
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Graham was a spiritual adviser to U.S. presidents and provided spiritual counsel for<br />
every president from the 33rd, Harry S. Truman, to the 44th, Barack Obama. He was<br />
particularly close to Dwight D. Eisenhower, Lyndon B. Johnson (one <strong>of</strong> Graham's<br />
closest friends), and Richard Nixon. He was also lifelong friends with another<br />
televangelist, the founding pastor <strong>of</strong> the Crystal Cathedral, Robert Schuller, whom<br />
Graham talked into starting his own television ministry.<br />
Graham operated a variety <strong>of</strong> media and publishing outlets. According to his staff, more<br />
than 3.2 million people have responded to the invitation at Billy Graham Crusades to<br />
"accept Jesus Christ as their personal savior". Graham's evangelism was appreciated<br />
by mainline Protestant and Roman Catholic denominations as he encouraged<br />
new converts to become members <strong>of</strong> these Churches. As <strong>of</strong> 2008, Graham's estimated<br />
lifetime audience, including radio and television broadcasts, topped 2.2 billion. One<br />
special televised broadcast in 1996 alone may have reached a television audience <strong>of</strong> as<br />
many as 2.5 billion people worldwide. Because <strong>of</strong> his crusades, Graham preached the<br />
gospel to more people in person than anyone in the history <strong>of</strong> Christianity. Graham was<br />
on Gallup's list <strong>of</strong> most admired men and women 61 times, more than any man or<br />
woman in history. Grant Wacker writes that by the mid-1960s, he had become the<br />
"Great Legitimator": "By then his presence conferred status on presidents, acceptability<br />
on wars, shame on racial prejudice, desirability on decency, dishonor on indecency, and<br />
prestige on civic events".<br />
Early Life<br />
William Franklin Graham Jr. was born on November 7, 1918, in the downstairs bedroom<br />
<strong>of</strong> a farmhouse near Charlotte, North Carolina. He was <strong>of</strong> Scots-Irish descent and was<br />
the eldest <strong>of</strong> four children born to Morrow (née C<strong>of</strong>fey) and William Franklin Graham<br />
Sr., a dairy farmer. Graham was raised on a family dairy farm with his two younger<br />
sisters, Catherine Morrow and Jean and a younger brother, Melvin Thomas. When he<br />
was eight years old in 1927, the family moved about 75 yards (69 m) from their white<br />
frame house to a newly built red brick home. He was raised by his parents in<br />
the Associate Reformed Presbyterian Church. Graham attended the Sharon Grammar<br />
School. He started to read books from an early age and loved to read novels for boys,<br />
especially Tarzan. Like Tarzan, he would hang on the trees and gave the<br />
popular Tarzan yell, scaring both horses and drivers. According to his father, that yelling<br />
had led him to become a minister. When he was fourteen in 1933, Prohibition ended in<br />
December, and Graham's father forced him and his sister, Katherine, to drink beer until<br />
they got sick. This created such an aversion that Graham and his sister avoided alcohol<br />
and drugs for the rest <strong>of</strong> their lives.<br />
Graham had been turned down for membership in a local youth group for being "too<br />
worldly" when Albert McMakin, who worked on the Graham farm, persuaded him to go<br />
and see the evangelist Mordecai Ham. According to his autobiography, Graham was<br />
converted in 1934, at age 16 during a series <strong>of</strong> revival meetings in Charlotte led by<br />
Ham.<br />
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After graduating from Sharon High School in May 1936, Graham attended Bob Jones<br />
College, then located in Cleveland, Tennessee. After one semester, he found it too<br />
legalistic in both coursework and rules. At this time he was influenced and inspired by<br />
Pastor Charley Young from Eastport Bible Church. He was almost expelled, but Bob<br />
Jones Sr. warned him not to throw his life away: "At best, all you could amount to would<br />
be a poor country Baptist preacher somewhere out in the sticks ... You have a voice that<br />
pulls. God can use that voice <strong>of</strong> yours. He can use it mightily."<br />
In 1937 Graham transferred to the Florida<br />
Bible Institute in Temple Terrace, Florida,<br />
near Tampa. He preached his first sermon<br />
that year at Bostwick Baptist Church<br />
near Palatka, Florida, while still a<br />
student. In his autobiography, Graham<br />
wrote <strong>of</strong> receiving his "calling on the 18th<br />
green <strong>of</strong> the Temple Terrace Golf and<br />
Country Club", which was adjacent to the<br />
Institute campus. Reverend Billy Graham<br />
Memorial Park was later established on<br />
the Hillsborough River, directly east <strong>of</strong> the<br />
18th green and across from where Graham<br />
<strong>of</strong>ten paddled a canoe to a small island in<br />
the river, where he would practice<br />
preaching to the birds, alligators, and<br />
cypress stumps. In 1939, Graham was<br />
ordained by a group <strong>of</strong> Southern Baptist clergymen at Peniel Baptist Church in Palatka,<br />
Florida. In 1943, Graham graduated from Wheaton College in Wheaton, Illinois, with a<br />
degree in anthropology.<br />
During his time at Wheaton, Graham decided to accept the Bible as the infallible word <strong>of</strong><br />
God. Henrietta Mears <strong>of</strong> the First Presbyterian Church <strong>of</strong> Hollywood (Hollywood,<br />
California) was instrumental in helping Graham wrestle with the issue. He settled it at<br />
Forest Home Christian Camp (now called Forest Home Ministries) southeast <strong>of</strong> the Big<br />
Bear Lake area in southern California. A memorial there marks the site <strong>of</strong> Graham's<br />
decision.<br />
Family<br />
On August 13, 1943, Graham married Wheaton classmate Ruth Bell, whose parents<br />
were Presbyterian missionaries in China. Her father, L. Nelson Bell, was a general<br />
surgeon. Ruth Graham died on June 14, 2007, at the age <strong>of</strong> 87. <strong>The</strong> Grahams were<br />
married for almost 64 years.<br />
Graham and his wife had five children together: Virginia Leftwich (Gigi) Graham (b.<br />
1945), an inspirational speaker and author; Anne Graham Lotz (b. 1948), runs AnGeL<br />
ministries; Ruth Graham (b. 1950), founder and president <strong>of</strong> Ruth Graham & Friends,<br />
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leads conferences throughout the US and Canada; Franklin Graham (b. 1952), serves<br />
as president and CEO <strong>of</strong> the Billy Graham Evangelistic Association and as president<br />
and CEO <strong>of</strong> international relief organization, Samaritan's Purse; and Nelson Edman<br />
Graham (b. 1958), a pastor who runs East Gates Ministries International, which<br />
distributes Christian literature in China.<br />
At the time <strong>of</strong> his death, Graham had 19 grandchildren, including former pastor Tullian<br />
Tchividjian, 41 great-grandchildren and 6 great-great-grandchildren.<br />
<strong>Ministry</strong> Career<br />
While attending college, Graham became pastor <strong>of</strong> the United Gospel Tabernacle and<br />
also had other preaching engagements.<br />
From 1943 to 1944, Graham briefly served as pastor <strong>of</strong> the First Baptist Church<br />
in Western Springs, Illinois, which was not far from Wheaton. While there, his friend<br />
Torrey Johnson, pastor <strong>of</strong> the Midwest Bible Church in Chicago, told Graham that his<br />
radio program, Songs in the Night, was about to be canceled due to lack <strong>of</strong> funding.<br />
Consulting with the members <strong>of</strong> his church in Western Springs, Graham decided to take<br />
over Johnson's program with financial support from his congregation. Launching the<br />
new radio program on January 2, 1944, still called Songs in the Night, Graham recruited<br />
the bass-baritone George Beverly Shea as his director <strong>of</strong> radio ministry. While the radio<br />
ministry continued for many years, Graham decided to move on in early 1945.<br />
In 1948 at the age <strong>of</strong> 29, he became president <strong>of</strong> Northwestern Bible<br />
College in Minneapolis and the youngest president <strong>of</strong> a college or university in the<br />
country, from which he resigned in 1952. Graham initially intended to become<br />
a chaplain in the Armed Forces, but he contracted mumps shortly after applying for a<br />
commission.<br />
After a period <strong>of</strong> recuperation in Florida, he was hired as the first full-time evangelist <strong>of</strong><br />
the new Youth for Christ (YFC), co-founded by Torrey Johnson and the Canadian<br />
evangelist Charles Templeton. Graham traveled throughout both the United States and<br />
Europe as a YFCI evangelist. Templeton applied to Princeton <strong>The</strong>ological Seminary for<br />
an advanced theological degree and urged Graham to do so as well, but he declined as<br />
he was already serving as the president <strong>of</strong> Northwestern Bible College.<br />
Graham scheduled a series <strong>of</strong> revival meetings in Los Angeles in 1949, for which he<br />
erected circus tents in a parking lot. He attracted national media coverage, especially in<br />
the conservative Hearst chain, although Hearst and Graham never met. <strong>The</strong> crusade<br />
event ran for eight weeks – five weeks longer than planned. Graham became a national<br />
figure with heavy coverage from the wire services and national magazines.<br />
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Crusades<br />
Graham speaking<br />
at a Crusade in Oslo, Norway, 1955<br />
From the time his ministry began in 1947, Graham<br />
conducted more than 400 crusades in 185 countries<br />
and territories on six continents. <strong>The</strong> first Billy Graham<br />
Crusade, held September 13–21, 1947, in the Civic<br />
Auditorium in Grand Rapids, Michigan, was attended<br />
by 6,000 people. Graham was 28 years old. He called<br />
them crusades, after the medieval Christian forces who<br />
conquered Jerusalem. He would rent a large venue,<br />
such as a stadium, park, or street. As the sessions<br />
became larger, he arranged a group <strong>of</strong> up to 5,000 people to sing in a choir. He would<br />
preach the gospel and invite people to come forward (a practice begun by Dwight L.<br />
Moody). Such people were called inquirers and were given the chance to speak one-onone<br />
with a counselor, to clarify questions and pray together. <strong>The</strong> inquirers were <strong>of</strong>ten<br />
given a copy <strong>of</strong> the Gospel <strong>of</strong> John or a Bible study booklet. In Moscow, in 1992, onequarter<br />
<strong>of</strong> the 155,000 people in Graham's audience went forward at his call. During his<br />
crusades, he frequently used the altar call song, "Just As I Am".<br />
Graham was <strong>of</strong>fered a five-year, $1 million contract from NBC to appear on television<br />
opposite Arthur Godfrey, but he had prearranged commitments. He turned down the<br />
<strong>of</strong>fer in order to continue his touring revivals. Graham had crusades in London, which<br />
lasted 12 weeks, and a New York City crusade in Madison Square Garden in 1957,<br />
which ran nightly for 16 weeks.<br />
Student <strong>Ministry</strong><br />
Graham spoke at InterVarsity Christian Fellowship's Urbana Student Missions<br />
Conference at least nine times – in 1948, 1957, 1961, 1964, 1976, 1979, 1981, 1984,<br />
and 1987.<br />
At each Urbana conference, he challenged the thousands <strong>of</strong> attendees to make a<br />
commitment to follow Jesus Christ for the rest <strong>of</strong> their lives. He <strong>of</strong>ten quoted a six-word<br />
phrase that was reportedly written in the Bible <strong>of</strong> William Whiting Borden, the son <strong>of</strong> a<br />
wealthy silver magnate: "No reserves, no retreat, no regrets". [44] Borden had died in<br />
Egypt on his way to the mission field.<br />
Graham also held evangelistic meetings on a number <strong>of</strong> college campuses: at the<br />
University <strong>of</strong> Minnesota during Inter-Varsity's "Year <strong>of</strong> Evangelism" in 1950–51, a 4-day<br />
mission at Yale University in 1957, and a week-long series <strong>of</strong> meetings at the University<br />
<strong>of</strong> North Carolina's Carmichael Auditorium in September 1982.<br />
In 1955 he was invited by students to lead the mission to Cambridge University,<br />
arranged by the CICCU, with the London pastor-theologian John Stott as his chief<br />
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assistant. This invitation was greeted with much disapproval in the correspondence<br />
columns <strong>of</strong> <strong>The</strong> Times.<br />
Evangelistic Association<br />
In 1950, Graham founded the Billy Graham Evangelistic Association (BGEA) with its<br />
headquarters in Minneapolis. <strong>The</strong> association relocated to Charlotte, North Carolina, in<br />
1999. BGEA ministries have included:<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
Hour <strong>of</strong> Decision, a weekly radio program broadcast around the world for more<br />
than 50 years<br />
Mission television specials broadcast in almost every market in the US and<br />
Canada<br />
A syndicated newspaper column, My Answer, carried by newspapers across the<br />
United States and distributed by Tribune Content Agency<br />
Decision magazine, the <strong>of</strong>ficial publication <strong>of</strong> the association<br />
Christianity Today was started in 1956 with Carl F. H. Henry as its first editor<br />
Passageway.org, the website for a youth discipleship program created by BGEA<br />
World Wide Pictures, which has produced and distributed more than 130 films<br />
In April 2013, the Billy Graham Evangelistic Association started "My Hope With Billy<br />
Graham", the largest outreach in its history, encouraging church members to spread the<br />
gospel in small group meetings after showing a video message by Graham. "<strong>The</strong> idea is<br />
for Christians to follow the example <strong>of</strong> the disciple Matthew in the New Testament and<br />
spread the gospel in their own homes." <strong>The</strong> video, called "<strong>The</strong> Cross", is the main<br />
program in the My Hope America series and was also broadcast the week <strong>of</strong> Graham's<br />
95th birthday.<br />
Civil Rights Movement<br />
Graham's early crusades were segregated, but he began adjusting his approach in the<br />
50s. During a 1953 rally in Chattanooga, Tennessee, Graham tore down the ropes that<br />
organizers had erected in order to segregate the audience into racial sections. In his<br />
memoirs, he recounted that he told two ushers to leave the barriers down "or you can<br />
go on and have the revival without me." He warned a white audience, "we have been<br />
proud and thought we were better than any other race, any other people. Ladies and<br />
gentlemen, we are going to stumble into hell because <strong>of</strong> our pride."<br />
In 1957, Graham's stance towards integration became more publicly shown when he<br />
allowed black ministers Thomas Kilgore and Gardner C. Taylor to serve as members <strong>of</strong><br />
his New York Crusade's executive committee and invited the Rev. Martin Luther King<br />
Jr., whom he first met during the Montgomery bus boycott in 1955, to join him in the<br />
pulpit at his 16-week revival in New York City, where 2.3 million gathered at Madison<br />
Square Garden, Yankee Stadium, and Times Square to hear them. Graham recalled in<br />
his autobiography that during this time, he and King developed a close friendship and<br />
that he was eventually one <strong>of</strong> the few people who referred to King as "Mike", a<br />
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nickname which King asked only his closest friends to call him. Following King's<br />
assassination in 1968, Graham mourned that the US had lost "a social leader and a<br />
prophet". In private, Graham advised King and other members <strong>of</strong> the Southern Christian<br />
Leadership Conference (SCLC).<br />
Despite their friendship, tensions between Graham and King emerged in 1958 when the<br />
sponsoring committee <strong>of</strong> a crusade which took place in San Antonio, Texas on July 25<br />
arranged for Graham to be introduced by that state's segregationist governor, Price<br />
Daniel. On July 23, King sent a letter to Graham and informed him that allowing Daniel<br />
to speak at a crusade which occurred the night before the state's Democratic Primary<br />
"can well be interpreted as your endorsement <strong>of</strong> racial segregation and<br />
discrimination." Graham's advisor, Grady Wilson, replied to King that "even though we<br />
do not see eye to eye with him on every issue, we still love him in Christ." Though<br />
Graham's appearance with Daniel dashed King's hopes <strong>of</strong> holding joint crusades with<br />
Graham in the Deep South, the two still remained friends and King told a Canadian<br />
television audience the following year that Graham had taken a "very strong stance<br />
against segregation." Graham and King would also come to differ on the Vietnam<br />
War. After King's "Beyond Vietnam" speech denouncing US intervention in Vietnam,<br />
Graham castigated him and others for their criticism <strong>of</strong> US foreign policy.<br />
By the middle <strong>of</strong> 1960, King and Graham traveled together to the Tenth Baptist World<br />
Congress <strong>of</strong> the Baptist World Alliance. In 1963, Graham posted bail for King to be<br />
released from jail during the Birmingham campaign, according to Long (2008), and the<br />
King Center acknowledged that Graham had bailed King out <strong>of</strong> jail during the Albany<br />
Movement, although historian Steven Miller told CNN he could not find any pro<strong>of</strong> <strong>of</strong> the<br />
incident. Graham held integrated crusades in Birmingham, Alabama, on Easter 1964 in<br />
the aftermath <strong>of</strong> the bombing <strong>of</strong> the Sixteenth Street Baptist Church, and toured<br />
Alabama again in the wake <strong>of</strong> the violence that accompanied the first Selma to<br />
Montgomery march in 1965.<br />
Following his death, former SCLC <strong>of</strong>ficial and future Atlanta politician Andrew<br />
Young acknowledged his friendship with Graham and stated that Graham did in fact<br />
travel with King to the 1965 European Baptist Convention. Young also claimed that<br />
Graham had <strong>of</strong>ten invited King to his crusades in the Northern states.<br />
Graham's faith prompted his maturing view <strong>of</strong> race and segregation; he told a member<br />
<strong>of</strong> the Ku Klux Klan that integration was necessary primarily for religious reasons:<br />
"<strong>The</strong>re is no scriptural basis for segregation," Graham argued. "<strong>The</strong> ground at the foot<br />
<strong>of</strong> the cross is level, and it touches my heart when I see whites standing shoulder to<br />
shoulder with blacks at the cross."<br />
Lausanne Movement<br />
<strong>The</strong> friendship between Graham and John Stott led to a further partnership in<br />
the Lausanne Movement, <strong>of</strong> which Graham was a founder. It built on Graham's 1966<br />
World Congress on Evangelism in Berlin. In collaboration with Christianity Today,<br />
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Graham convened what TIME magazine described as "a formidable forum, possibly the<br />
widest–ranging meeting <strong>of</strong> Christians ever held" with 2,700 participants from 150<br />
nations gathering for the International Congress on World Evangelization. This took<br />
place in Lausanne, Switzerland (July 16–25, 1974), and the movement which ensued<br />
took its name from the host city. Its purpose was to strengthen the global church for<br />
world evangelization, and to engage ideological and sociological trends which bore on<br />
this. Graham invited Stott to be chief architect <strong>of</strong> the Lausanne Covenant, which issued<br />
from the Congress and which, according to Graham, "helped challenge and unite<br />
evangelical Christians in the great task <strong>of</strong> world evangelization." <strong>The</strong> movement remains<br />
a significant fruit <strong>of</strong> Graham's legacy, with a presence in nearly every nation.<br />
Multiple Roles<br />
Graham with his son, Franklin,<br />
at Cleveland Stadium, June 1994<br />
Graham played multiple roles that reinforced each<br />
other. Grant Wacker identifies eight major roles he<br />
played: preacher, icon, Southerner, entrepreneur,<br />
architect (or bridge builder), pilgrim, pastor and finally<br />
his widely recognized status as America's Protestant<br />
patriarch, on a par with Martin Luther King and Pope John Paul II.<br />
Graham as bridge builder deliberately reached into the secular world. For example, as<br />
entrepreneur he built his own pavilion for the 1964 New York World's Fair. He appeared<br />
as a guest on a 1969 Woody Allen television special, where he joined the comedian in a<br />
witty exchange on theological matters. During the Cold War, Graham-the-bridge-builder<br />
became the first evangelist <strong>of</strong> note to speak behind the Iron Curtain, addressing large<br />
crowds in countries throughout Eastern Europe and in the Soviet Union, calling for<br />
peace. During the apartheid era, Graham consistently refused to visit South Africa until<br />
its government allowed integrated seating for audiences. During his first crusade there<br />
in 1973, he openly denounced apartheid. Graham also corresponded with imprisoned<br />
South African leader Nelson Mandela during the latter's 27-year imprisonment.<br />
Billy Graham at the Feyenoord-stadion in Rotterdam, <strong>The</strong><br />
Netherlands (June 30, 1955)<br />
In 1984, he led a series <strong>of</strong> meetings in the United<br />
Kingdom summer, called Mission England, using<br />
outdoor football (soccer) grounds as venues.<br />
Graham was interested in fostering evangelism around<br />
the world. In 1983, 1986 and 2000 he sponsored,<br />
organized and paid for massive training conferences<br />
for Christian evangelists from around the world; with the largest representations <strong>of</strong><br />
nations ever held until that time. Over 157 nations were gathered in 2000 at the RAI<br />
Page 88 <strong>of</strong> 201
Convention Center in Amsterdam, the Netherlands. At one revival in Seoul, South<br />
Korea, Graham attracted more than one million people to a single service. He appeared<br />
in China in 1988 – for Ruth, this was a homecoming, since she had been born in China<br />
to missionary parents. He appeared in North Korea in 1992.<br />
On October 15, 1989, Graham received a star on the Hollywood Walk <strong>of</strong> Fame. Graham<br />
was the only minister, functioning in that capacity, to receive one.<br />
On September 22, 1991, Graham held his largest event in North America on the Great<br />
Lawn <strong>of</strong> New York's Central Park. City <strong>of</strong>ficials estimated more than 250,000 in<br />
attendance. In 1998, Graham spoke at TED (conference) to a crowd <strong>of</strong> scientists and<br />
philosophers.<br />
On September 14, 2001, only three days after the World Trade Center attacks, Graham<br />
was invited to lead a service at Washington National Cathedral, which was attended by<br />
President George W. Bush and past and present leaders. He also spoke at the<br />
memorial service following the Oklahoma City bombing in 1995. On June 24–26, 2005,<br />
Billy Graham began what he has said would be his last North American crusade, three<br />
days at the Flushing Meadows–Corona Park in New York City. But on the weekend <strong>of</strong><br />
March 11–12, 2006, Billy Graham held the "Festival <strong>of</strong> Hope" with his son, Franklin<br />
Graham. <strong>The</strong> festival was held in New Orleans, which was recovering from Hurricane<br />
Katrina.<br />
Graham prepared one last sermon, My Hope America, released on DVD and played<br />
around America and possibly worldwide between November 7–10, 2013, November 7<br />
being his 95th birthday, hoping to cause a revival.<br />
Later Life, Death, and Memorial<br />
President Donald Trump and First Lady Melania Trump honor the<br />
late Reverend Billy Graham on February 28, 2018.<br />
Graham said that his planned retirement was because<br />
<strong>of</strong> his failing health; he had suffered<br />
from hydrocephalus from 1992 on. In August 2005,<br />
Graham appeared at the groundbreaking for his library<br />
in Charlotte, North Carolina. <strong>The</strong>n 86, he used a walker<br />
during the ceremony. On July 9, 2006, he spoke at the Metro Maryland Franklin<br />
Graham Festival, held in Baltimore, Maryland, at Oriole Park at Camden Yards.<br />
In April 2010, Graham, at 91 and with substantial vision, hearing and balance loss,<br />
made a rare public appearance at the re-dedication <strong>of</strong> the renovated Billy Graham<br />
Library.<br />
<strong>The</strong>re had been controversy over Graham's proposed burial place; he announced in<br />
June 2007 that he and his wife would be buried alongside each other at the Billy<br />
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Graham Library in his hometown <strong>of</strong> Charlotte. Graham's younger son Ned had argued<br />
with older son Franklin about whether burial at a library would be appropriate. Ruth<br />
Graham had said that she wanted to be buried not in Charlotte but in the mountains at<br />
the Billy Graham Training Center at <strong>The</strong> Cove near Asheville, North Carolina, where<br />
she had lived for many years; Ned supported his mother's choice. Novelist Patricia<br />
Cornwell, a family friend, also opposed burial at the library, calling it a tourist attraction.<br />
Franklin wanted his parents to be buried at the library site. At the time <strong>of</strong> Ruth Graham's<br />
death, it was announced that they would be buried at the library site.<br />
Graham died <strong>of</strong> natural causes on February 21, 2018, at his home in Montreat, North<br />
Carolina, at the age <strong>of</strong> 99.<br />
On February 28 and March 1, 2018, Billy Graham became the fourth private citizen in<br />
United States history to lie in honor at the United States Capitol rotunda in Washington,<br />
D.C. Graham is the first religious leader to be honored. At the ceremony, Senate<br />
Majority Leader Mitch McConnell and Speaker <strong>of</strong> the House Paul Ryan called Graham<br />
"America's pastor". President Donald Trump said Graham was "an ambassador for<br />
Christ". [83] In addition, Televangelist Jim Bakker paid respect to Graham, stating he was<br />
the greatest preacher since Jesus. He also said that Graham visited him in prison.<br />
A private funeral service was held on March 2, 2018. Graham was buried beside his<br />
wife at the foot <strong>of</strong> the cross-shaped brick walkway in the Prayer Garden on the<br />
northeast side <strong>of</strong> the Billy Graham Library. Graham's pine plywood casket, handcrafted<br />
in 2006 by inmates at the Louisiana State Penitentiary, is topped with a wooden cross<br />
nailed to it by the prisoners.<br />
Politics<br />
After his close relationships with Lyndon B. Johnson and Richard Nixon, Graham tried<br />
to avoid explicit partisanship. Bailey says:<br />
He declined to sign or endorse political statements, and he distanced himself from the<br />
Christian right ... His early years <strong>of</strong> fierce opposition to communism gave way to pleas<br />
for military disarmament and attention to AIDS, poverty and environmental threats.<br />
Graham was a registered member <strong>of</strong> the Democratic Party. In 1960 he was opposed to<br />
the candidacy <strong>of</strong> John F. Kennedy, fearing that because Kennedy was a Catholic, he<br />
would be bound to follow the Pope. Graham worked "behind the scenes" to encourage<br />
influential Protestant ministers to speak out against him. Graham met with a conference<br />
<strong>of</strong> Protestant ministers in Montreux, Switzerland, during the 1960 campaign, to discuss<br />
their mobilizing congregations to defeat Kennedy. According to<br />
the PBS Frontline program, God in America(2010), Episode 5, Graham also organized a<br />
meeting in September 1960 <strong>of</strong> hundreds <strong>of</strong> Protestant ministers in Washington, D.C. to<br />
this purpose; Norman Vincent Peale led the meeting. This was shortly before Kennedy's<br />
speech on the separation <strong>of</strong> church and state in Houston, Texas, which was considered<br />
to be successful in meeting concerns <strong>of</strong> many voters. After his election, however,<br />
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Kennedy invited Graham to play golf in Palm Beach, Florida, after which Graham<br />
acknowledged Kennedy's election as an opportunity for Catholics and Protestants to<br />
come closer together. After they had discussed Jesus Christ at that meeting, the two<br />
remained in touch, meeting for the last time at a National Day <strong>of</strong> Prayer meeting in<br />
February 1963. In his autobiography, Graham claimed to have felt an "inner foreboding"<br />
in the week before Kennedy's assassination, and to have tried to contact him to say,<br />
"Don't go to Texas!"<br />
Graham leaned toward the Republicans during the presidency <strong>of</strong> Richard Nixon, whom<br />
he had met and befriended as Vice President under Dwight D. Eisenhower. He did not<br />
completely ally himself with the later religious right, saying that Jesus did not have a<br />
political party. He gave his support to various political candidates over the years.<br />
In 2007, Graham explained his refusal to join Jerry Falwell's Moral Majority in 1979,<br />
saying: "I'm for morality, but morality goes beyond sex to human freedom and social<br />
justice. We as clergy know so very little to speak with authority on the Panama Canal or<br />
superiority <strong>of</strong> armaments. Evangelists cannot be closely identified with any particular<br />
party or person. We have to stand in the middle in order to preach to all people, right<br />
and left. I haven't been faithful to my own advice in the past. I will be in the future."<br />
According to a 2006 Newsweek interview, "For Graham, politics is a secondary to the<br />
Gospel ... When Newsweek asked Graham whether ministers – whether they think <strong>of</strong><br />
themselves as evangelists, pastors or a bit <strong>of</strong> both – should spend time engaged with<br />
politics, he replied: 'You know, I think in a way that has to be up to the individual as he<br />
feels led <strong>of</strong> the Lord. A lot <strong>of</strong> things that I commented on years ago would not have been<br />
<strong>of</strong> the Lord, I'm sure, but I think you have some – like communism, or segregation, on<br />
which I think you have a responsibility to speak out.'"<br />
In 2012, Graham publicly endorsed the Republican presidential candidate, Mitt<br />
Romney. Shortly after, apparently in order to accommodate Romney, who is a Mormon,<br />
references to Mormonism as a religious cult ("A cult is any group which teaches<br />
doctrines or beliefs that deviate from the biblical message <strong>of</strong> the Christian faith.") were<br />
removed from Graham's website. Observers have questioned whether the support <strong>of</strong><br />
Republican and religious right politics on issues such as same-sex marriage coming<br />
from Graham – who stopped speaking in public or to reporters – in fact reflects the<br />
views <strong>of</strong> his son, Franklin, head <strong>of</strong> the BGEA. Franklin denied this, and said that he<br />
would continue to act as his father's spokesperson rather than allowing press<br />
conferences.<br />
Pastor to Presidents<br />
President Ronald Reagan and first lady Nancy Reagan greet<br />
Graham at the National Prayer Breakfast <strong>of</strong> 1981<br />
Graham had a personal audience with many sitting US<br />
presidents, from Harry S. Truman to Barack Obama –<br />
12 consecutive presidents. After meeting with Truman<br />
in 1950, Graham told the press he had urged the<br />
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president to counter communism in North Korea. Truman disliked him and did not speak<br />
with him for years after that meeting. Later he always treated his conversations with<br />
presidents as confidential.<br />
Truman was not fond <strong>of</strong> Graham. He wrote about Graham in his 1974<br />
autobiography Plain Speaking, "But now we've got just this one evangelist, this Billy<br />
Graham, and he's gone <strong>of</strong>f the beam. He's...well, I hadn't ought to say this, but he's one<br />
<strong>of</strong> those counterfeits I was telling you about. He claims he's a friend <strong>of</strong> all the<br />
presidents, but he was never a friend <strong>of</strong> mine when I was President. I just don't go for<br />
people like that. All he's interested in is getting his name in the paper."<br />
Graham in 1966<br />
Graham became a regular visitor during the tenure <strong>of</strong><br />
Dwight D. Eisenhower. He purportedly urged him to<br />
intervene with federal troops in the case <strong>of</strong> the Little<br />
Rock Nine to gain admission <strong>of</strong> black students to public<br />
schools. House Speaker Sam Rayburn convinced<br />
Congress to allow Graham to conduct the first religious<br />
service on the steps <strong>of</strong> the Capitol building in<br />
1952. Eisenhower asked for Graham while on<br />
his deathbed.<br />
Graham met and would become a close friend <strong>of</strong> Vice<br />
President Richard Nixon, [96][106] and supported Nixon,<br />
a Quaker, for the 1960 presidential election. He<br />
convened an August strategy session <strong>of</strong> evangelical<br />
leaders in Montreaux, Switzerland, to plan how best to oppose Nixon's Roman Catholic<br />
opponent, Senator John F. Kennedy. Though a registered Democrat, Graham also<br />
maintained firm support <strong>of</strong> aggression against the foreign threat <strong>of</strong> Communism and<br />
strongly sympathized with Nixon's views regarding American foreign policy. Thus, he<br />
was more sympathetic to Republican administrations.<br />
On December 16, 1963, U.S. President Lyndon B. Johnson, who was impressed by the<br />
way Graham had praised the work <strong>of</strong> his great-grandfather Rev. George Washington<br />
Baines, invited Graham to the White House to give him spiritual counseling. After this<br />
visit, Johnson frequently would call on Graham for more spiritual counselling as well as<br />
companionship. As Graham recalled to his biographer Frady, "I almost used the White<br />
House as a hotel when Johnson was President. He was always trying to keep me there.<br />
He just never wanted me to leave."<br />
In striking contrast with his more limited access with Truman, Eisenhower and Kennedy,<br />
Graham would not only visit the White House private quarters but would also at times<br />
kneel at Johnson's bedside and then pray with him whenever the President requested<br />
him to do so. Graham once recalled "I have never had many people do that." In addition<br />
to his White House visits, Graham would visit Johnson at Camp David and occasionally<br />
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met with the President when he retreated to his private ranch in Stonewall, Texas.<br />
Johnson would also become the first sitting President to attend one <strong>of</strong> Graham's<br />
crusades, which took place in Houston, Texas, in 1965.<br />
During the 1964 United States presidential election, supporters <strong>of</strong> Republican<br />
nominee Barry Goldwater sent an estimated 2 million telegrams to Graham's hometown<br />
<strong>of</strong> Montreat, North Carolina, and sought the preacher's endorsement. Supportive <strong>of</strong><br />
Johnson's domestic policies, and hoping to preserve his friendship with the President,<br />
Graham resisted pressure to endorse Goldwater and stayed neutral in the election.<br />
Following Johnson's election victory, Graham's role as the main White House pastor<br />
was solidified. At one point, Johnson even considered making Graham a member <strong>of</strong> his<br />
cabinet and grooming him to be his successor, though Graham insisted he had no<br />
political ambitions and wished to remain a preacher. Graham's biographer David<br />
Aikman acknowledged that the preacher was closer to Johnson than any other<br />
President he had ever known.<br />
He spent the last night <strong>of</strong> Johnson's presidency in the White House, and he stayed for<br />
the first night <strong>of</strong> Nixon's. After Nixon's victorious 1968 presidential campaign, Graham<br />
became an adviser, regularly visiting the White House and leading the president's<br />
private worship services. In a meeting they had with Golda Meir, Nixon <strong>of</strong>fered Graham<br />
the ambassadorship to Israel, but he refused.<br />
Billy Graham meeting with<br />
President Barack Obama in Montreat, April 2010<br />
In 1970, Nixon appeared at a Graham revival in East<br />
Tennessee, which they thought safe politically. It drew<br />
one <strong>of</strong> the largest crowds in Tennessee and protesters<br />
against the Vietnam War. Nixon was the first president<br />
to give a speech from an evangelist's platform. <strong>The</strong>ir<br />
friendship became strained in 1973 when Graham<br />
rebuked Nixon for his post-Watergate behavior and the pr<strong>of</strong>anity heard on<br />
the Watergate tapes. <strong>The</strong>y eventually reconciled after Nixon's resignation.<br />
Graham <strong>of</strong>ficiated at one presidential burial and one presidential funeral. He presided<br />
over the graveside services <strong>of</strong> President Lyndon B. Johnson in 1973 and took part in<br />
eulogizing the former president. Graham <strong>of</strong>ficiated at the funeral services <strong>of</strong> former First<br />
Lady Pat Nixon in 1993, and the death and state funeral <strong>of</strong> Richard Nixon in<br />
1994. During the Monica Lewinsky scandal, Graham asserted that he believed<br />
President Bill Clinton to be "a spiritual person." He was unable to attend the state<br />
funeral <strong>of</strong> Ronald Reagan on June 11, 2004, as he was recovering from hip<br />
replacement surgery. This was mentioned by George W. Bush in his eulogy.<br />
On April 25, 2010, President Barack Obama visited Graham at his home in Montreat,<br />
North Carolina, where they "had a private prayer."<br />
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Relationship with Queen Elizabeth II<br />
Graham had a friendly relationship with Queen Elizabeth II and was frequently invited<br />
by the Royal Family to special events. <strong>The</strong>y first met in 1955 and Graham preached<br />
at Windsor Chapel at the Queen's invitation during the following year. <strong>The</strong>ir friendly<br />
relationship may have been because they shared a traditional approach to the practical<br />
aspects <strong>of</strong> the Christian faith.<br />
Foreign policy Views<br />
Graham was outspoken against communism and supported the American Cold<br />
War policy, including the Vietnam War. In a 1999 speech, Graham discussed his<br />
relationship with the late North Korean leader Kim Il-sung, praising him as a "different<br />
kind <strong>of</strong> communist" and "one <strong>of</strong> the great fighters for freedom in his country against<br />
the Japanese." Graham went on to note that although he had never met Kim's son and<br />
former North Korean leader Kim Jong-il, he had "exchanged gifts with him."<br />
In 1982, Graham preached in the Soviet Union and attended a wreath-laying ceremony<br />
to honor the war dead <strong>of</strong> World War II, when the Soviets were American allies in the<br />
fight against Nazism. He voiced fear <strong>of</strong> a second holocaust, not against Jews, but "a<br />
nuclear holocaust" and advised that "our greatest contribution to world peace is to live<br />
with Christ every day."<br />
Discussion <strong>of</strong> Jews with President Nixon<br />
Controversial Views<br />
During the Watergate affair, there were suggestions that Graham had agreed with many<br />
<strong>of</strong> President Richard Nixon's antisemitic opinions, but he denied them and stressed his<br />
efforts to build bridges to the Jewish community. In 2002, the controversy was renewed<br />
when declassified "Richard Nixon tapes" confirmed remarks made by Graham to Nixon<br />
three decades earlier. Captured on the tapes, Graham agreed with Nixon that Jews<br />
control the American media, calling it a "stranglehold" during a 1972 conversation with<br />
Nixon, and suggesting that if Nixon was re-elected, they might be able to do something<br />
about it.<br />
When the tapes were made public, Graham apologized and said, "Although I have no<br />
memory <strong>of</strong> the occasion, I deeply regret comments I apparently made in an Oval Office<br />
conversation with President Nixon ... some 30 years ago. ... <strong>The</strong>y do not reflect my<br />
views and I sincerely apologize for any <strong>of</strong>fense caused by the remarks." According<br />
to Newsweek magazine, "[T]he shock <strong>of</strong> the revelation was magnified because <strong>of</strong><br />
Graham's longtime support <strong>of</strong> Israel and his refusal to join in calls for conversion <strong>of</strong> the<br />
Jews."<br />
In 2009, more Nixon tapes were released, in which Graham is heard in a 1973<br />
conversation with Nixon referring to a group <strong>of</strong> Jewish journalists and "the synagogue <strong>of</strong><br />
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Satan". A spokesman for Graham said that Graham has never been an antisemite and<br />
that the comparison (in accord with the context <strong>of</strong> the quotation in the Book <strong>of</strong><br />
Revelation) was directed specifically at those claiming to be Jews, but not holding to<br />
traditional Jewish values. However, in context <strong>of</strong> his lifetime <strong>of</strong> support <strong>of</strong> the Jews this<br />
angle is lacking some credibility.<br />
Ecumenism<br />
After a 1957 crusade in New York, some more fundamentalist Protestant Christians<br />
criticized Graham for his ecumenism, even calling him "Antichrist".<br />
Graham expressed inclusivist views, suggesting that people without explicit faith in<br />
Jesus can be saved. In a 1997 interview with Robert Schuller, Graham said<br />
I think that everybody that loves or knows Christ, whether they are conscious <strong>of</strong> it or not,<br />
they are members <strong>of</strong> the body <strong>of</strong> Christ ... [God] is calling people out <strong>of</strong> the world for his<br />
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name, whether they come from the Muslim world, or the Buddhist world or the nonbelieving<br />
world, they are members <strong>of</strong> the Body <strong>of</strong> Christ because they have been called<br />
by God. <strong>The</strong>y may not know the name <strong>of</strong> Jesus but they know in their hearts that they<br />
need something they do not have, and they turn to the only light they have, and I think<br />
that they are saved and they are going to be with us in heaven.<br />
Iain Murray, writing from a conservative Protestant standpoint, argues that "Graham's<br />
concessions are sad words from one who once spoke on the basis <strong>of</strong> biblical<br />
certainties."<br />
Views on Women<br />
In 1970, Graham stated that feminism was "an echo <strong>of</strong> our overall philosophy <strong>of</strong><br />
permissiveness" and that women did not want to be "competitive juggernauts pitted<br />
against male chauvinists". He further stated that the role <strong>of</strong> wife, mother, and<br />
homemaker was the destiny <strong>of</strong> "real womanhood" according to the Judeo-Christian<br />
ethic. Graham's assertions, published in the Ladies' Home Journal, elicited letters <strong>of</strong><br />
protest, and were <strong>of</strong>fered as rebuttal to the establishment <strong>of</strong> "<strong>The</strong> New Feminism"<br />
section <strong>of</strong> the publication added following a sit-in protest at the Journal <strong>of</strong>fices<br />
demanding female representation on the staff <strong>of</strong> the publication.<br />
Graham was well-known for his practice <strong>of</strong> not spending time alone with any woman<br />
other than his wife. This has become known as the Billy Graham rule.<br />
Billy's daughter Bunny recounts her father denying her and her sisters higher education.<br />
As reported in <strong>The</strong> Washington Post:<br />
Bunny remembers being groomed for the life <strong>of</strong> wife, homemaker, and mother. "<strong>The</strong>re<br />
was never an idea <strong>of</strong> a career for us," she said. "I wanted to go to nursing school –<br />
Wheaton had a five-year program – but Daddy said no. No reason, no explanation, just<br />
'No.' It wasn't confrontational and he wasn't angry, but when he decided, that was the<br />
end <strong>of</strong> it." She added, "He has forgotten that. Mother has not."<br />
Billy talked his future wife, Ruth, into abandoning her ambition to evangelize in Tibet in<br />
favor <strong>of</strong> staying in the United States to marry him – and that to do otherwise would be<br />
"to thwart God's obvious will." After Ruth agreed to marry Billy, he cited the Bible for<br />
claiming authority over her, saying, "then I'll do the leading and you do the following."<br />
Views on Homosexuality<br />
Graham regarded homosexuality as a sin, and in 1974 described it as "a sinister form <strong>of</strong><br />
perversion." In 1993 he said that he thought AIDS might be a "judgment" from God, but<br />
two weeks later he retracted the remark, saying, "I don't believe that, and I don't know<br />
why I said it."<br />
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Graham opposed same-sex marriage, and in 2012, he took out full-page ads in favor<br />
<strong>of</strong> North Carolina Amendment 1, which banned it in North Carolina.<br />
Graham's stated position was that he did not want to talk about homosexuality as a<br />
political issue. Corky Siemaszko, writing for NBC News, noted that after the 1993<br />
incident, Graham "largely steered clear <strong>of</strong> the subject." After his death, however, some<br />
commentators called Graham "homophobic".<br />
Awards and Honors<br />
Graham was frequently honored by surveys, including "Greatest Living American" and<br />
consistently ranked among the most admired persons in the United States and the<br />
world. [32] He appeared most frequently on Gallup's list <strong>of</strong> most admired people. On the<br />
day <strong>of</strong> his death, Graham had been on Gallup's Top 10 "Most Admired Man" list 61<br />
times, and held the highest rank <strong>of</strong> any person since the list began in 1948.<br />
In 1967, he was the first Protestant to receive an honorary degree from Belmont Abbey<br />
College, a Roman Catholic school.<br />
In 1983, he was awarded the Presidential Medal <strong>of</strong> Freedom by US President Ronald<br />
Reagan.<br />
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Graham received the Big Brother <strong>of</strong> the Year Award for his work on behalf <strong>of</strong> children.<br />
He was cited by the George Washington Carver Memorial Institute for his contributions<br />
to race relations. He received the Templeton Foundation Prize for Progress in<br />
Religion and the Sylvanus Thayer Award for his commitment to "Duty, Honor, Country".<br />
<strong>The</strong> "Billy Graham Children's Health Center" in Asheville is named after and funded by<br />
Graham.<br />
In 1999, the Gospel Music Association inducted Graham into the Gospel Music Hall <strong>of</strong><br />
Fame to recognize his contributions to Christian musicartists such as Michael W. Smith,<br />
dc Talk, Amy Grant, Jars <strong>of</strong> Clay and others who performed at the Billy Graham<br />
Crusades. Graham was the first non-musician inducted, and had also helped to<br />
revitalize interest in hymns and create new favorite songs. Singer Michael W. Smith was<br />
active in Billy Graham Crusades as well as Samaritan's Purse. Smith sang "Just As I<br />
Am" in a tribute to Graham at the 44th GMA Dove Awards. He also sang it at the<br />
memorial service honoring Graham at the United States Capitol rotunda on February<br />
28, 2018.<br />
In 2000, former First Lady Nancy Reagan presented the Ronald Reagan Freedom<br />
Award to Graham. Graham was a friend <strong>of</strong> the Reagans for years.<br />
In 2001, Queen Elizabeth II awarded him an honorary knighthood. <strong>The</strong> honor was<br />
presented to him by Sir Christopher Meyer, British Ambassador to the US at the British<br />
Embassy in Washington DC on December 6, 2001.<br />
A pr<strong>of</strong>essorial chair is named after him at the Alabama Baptist-affiliated Samford<br />
University, the Billy Graham Pr<strong>of</strong>essor <strong>of</strong> Evangelism and Church Growth. [118] His alma<br />
mater Wheaton College has an archive <strong>of</strong> his papers at the Billy Graham<br />
Center. <strong>The</strong> Southern Baptist <strong>The</strong>ological Seminary has the Billy Graham School <strong>of</strong><br />
Missions, Evangelism and <strong>Ministry</strong>. Graham has received 20 honorary degrees and<br />
refused at least that many more. In San Francisco, California, the Bill Graham Civic<br />
Auditorium is sometimes erroneously called the "Billy Graham Civic Auditorium" and<br />
falsely considered to be named in his honor, but it is actually named after the rock and<br />
roll promoter Bill Graham.<br />
On May 31, 2007, the $27 million Billy Graham Library was <strong>of</strong>ficially dedicated in<br />
Charlotte. Former presidents Jimmy Carter, George H. W. Bush, and Bill<br />
Clinton appeared to celebrate with Graham. A highway in Charlotte bears Graham's<br />
name, as does I-240 near Graham's home in Asheville.<br />
As Graham's final Crusade approached in 2005, his friend Pat Boone chose to create a<br />
song in honor <strong>of</strong> Graham, which he co-wrote and produced with David Pack and Billy<br />
Dean, who digitally combined studio recordings <strong>of</strong> various artists into what has been<br />
called a "'We Are the World'-type" production. Named "Thank You Billy Graham", the<br />
song's video was introduced by Bono, and included Faith Hill, MxPx, John Ford<br />
Coley, John Elefante, Mike Herrera, Michael McDonald, Jeffrey Osborne, LeAnn<br />
Rimes, Kenny Rogers, Connie Smith, Michael Tait and other singers, with brief<br />
Page 98 <strong>of</strong> 201
narration by Larry King, and was directed by Brian Lockwood as a tribute album. In<br />
2013, the album My Hope: Songs Inspired by the Message and Mission <strong>of</strong> Billy<br />
Graham was recorded by Amy Grant, Kari Jobe, Newsboys, Matthew<br />
West, tobyMac and other music artists with new songs to honor Graham during his My<br />
Hope America with Billy Graham outreach and the publication <strong>of</strong> his book <strong>The</strong> Reason<br />
for My Hope: Salvation. Other songs written to honor Graham include "Hero <strong>of</strong> the<br />
Faith" written by Eddie Carswell <strong>of</strong> NewSong, which became a hit, "Billy, You're My<br />
Hero" by Greg Hitchcock, "Billy Graham" by <strong>The</strong> Swirling Eddies, "Billy Graham's Bible"<br />
by Joe Nichols, "Billy Frank" by Randy Stonehill, and an original song titled "Just as I<br />
Am" by Fernando Ortega.<br />
<strong>The</strong> movie Billy: <strong>The</strong> Early Years premiered in theaters <strong>of</strong>ficially on October 10, 2008,<br />
less than one month before Graham's 90th birthday. Graham didn't comment on the<br />
film, but his son, Franklin released a critical statement on August 18, 2008, noting that<br />
the Billy Graham Evangelistic Association "has not collaborated with nor does it endorse<br />
the movie." Graham's eldest daughter Gigi praised the movie and was hired as a<br />
consultant to help promote the film.<br />
Other Honors<br />
1996 Congressional Gold Medal<br />
shows Ruth and Billy Graham in<br />
pr<strong>of</strong>ile (obverse); the Ruth and Billy<br />
Graham Children's Health Center in<br />
Asheville, North Carolina (reverse).<br />
<strong>The</strong> Salvation Army's Distinguished Service Medal<br />
Who's Who in America listing annually since 1954<br />
Freedoms Foundation Distinguished Persons Award (several years)<br />
Gold Medal Award, National Institute <strong>of</strong> Social Science, New York, 1957<br />
Annual Gutenberg Award <strong>of</strong> the Chicago Bible Society, 1962<br />
Gold Award <strong>of</strong> the George Washington Carver Memorial Institute, 1964, for<br />
contribution to race relations, presented by Senator Javits (NY)<br />
Speaker <strong>of</strong> the Year Award, awarded by Delta Sigma Rho-Tau Kappa Alpha,<br />
1965<br />
<strong>The</strong> American Academy <strong>of</strong> Achievement's Golden Plate Award, 1965 [178]<br />
Horatio Alger Award, 1965<br />
National Citizenship Award by the Military Chaplains Association <strong>of</strong> the United<br />
States <strong>of</strong> America, 1965<br />
Wisdom Award <strong>of</strong> Honor, 1965<br />
<strong>The</strong> Torch <strong>of</strong> Liberty Plaque by the Anti-Defamation League <strong>of</strong> B'nai B'rith, 1969<br />
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George Washington Honor Medal from Freedoms Foundation <strong>of</strong> Valley Forge,<br />
Pennsylvania, for his sermon "<strong>The</strong> Violent Society", 1969 (also in 1974) [171]<br />
Honored by Morality in Media for "fostering the principles <strong>of</strong> truth, taste,<br />
inspiration and love in media", 1969<br />
International Brotherhood Award from the National Conference <strong>of</strong> Christians and<br />
Jews, 1971<br />
Distinguished Service Award from the National Association <strong>of</strong> Broadcasters,<br />
1972<br />
Franciscan International Award, 1972<br />
Sylvanus Thayer Award from United States Military Academy Association <strong>of</strong><br />
Graduates at West Point (<strong>The</strong> most prestigious award the United States Military<br />
Academy gives to a US citizen), 1972<br />
Direct Selling Association's Salesman <strong>of</strong> the Decade award, 1975<br />
Philip Award from the Association <strong>of</strong> United Methodist Evangelists, 1976<br />
American Jewish Committee's First National Interreligious Award, 1977<br />
Southern Baptist Radio and Television Commission's Distinguished<br />
Communications Medal, 1977<br />
Jabotinsky Centennial Medal presented by <strong>The</strong> Jabotinsky Foundation, 1980 [174]<br />
Religious Broadcasting Hall <strong>of</strong> Fame award, 1981<br />
Templeton Foundation Prize for Progress in Religion award, 1982<br />
Presidential Medal <strong>of</strong> Freedom, the nation's highest civilian award, 1983<br />
National Religious Broadcasters Award <strong>of</strong> Merit, 1986<br />
North Carolina Award in Public Service, 1986<br />
Good Housekeeping Most Admired Men Poll, 1997, No. 1 for five years in a row<br />
and 16th time in top 10<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
Congressional Gold Medal (along with wife Ruth), highest honor Congress can<br />
bestow on a private citizen, 1996<br />
Ronald Reagan Presidential Foundation Freedom Award, for monumental and<br />
lasting contributions to the cause <strong>of</strong> freedom, 2000<br />
Honorary Knight Commander <strong>of</strong> the Order <strong>of</strong> the British Empire (KBE) for his<br />
international contribution to civic and religious life over 60 years, 2001<br />
Many honorary degrees including University <strong>of</strong> Northwestern – St. Paul,<br />
Minnesota, where Graham was once president, named its newest campus<br />
building the Billy Graham Community Life Commons. He also received honorary<br />
Doctor <strong>of</strong> Divinity degrees.<br />
Media Portrayals<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
Unbroken: Path to Redemption (2018): Played by his grandson Will Graham.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Crown (2016 – present): Netflix series, Season 2 Episode 6. Played by<br />
actor Paul Sparks.<br />
Billy: <strong>The</strong> Early Years (2008): Played by actor Armie Hammer.<br />
Man in the 5th Dimension (1964): short biographical film featuring Graham.<br />
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Works<br />
Graham's My Answer advice column appeared in newspapers for more than 60 years<br />
as <strong>of</strong> 2017.<br />
Books<br />
Graham authored the following books; many <strong>of</strong> which have become bestsellers. In the<br />
1970s, for instance, <strong>The</strong> Jesus Generation sold 200,000 copies in the first two weeks<br />
after its publication; Angels: God's Secret Agents had sales <strong>of</strong> a million copies within 90<br />
days after release; How to Be Born Again was said to have made publishing history with<br />
its first printing <strong>of</strong> 800,000 copies."<br />
Calling Youth to Christ (1947)<br />
America's Hour <strong>of</strong> Decision (1951)<br />
I Saw Your Sons at War (1953)<br />
Peace with God (1953, 1984)<br />
Freedom from the Seven Deadly Sins (1955)<br />
<strong>The</strong> Secret <strong>of</strong> Happiness (1955, 1985)<br />
Billy Graham Talks to Teenagers (1958)<br />
My Answer (1960)<br />
Billy Graham Answers Your Questions (1960)<br />
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World Aflame (1965)<br />
<strong>The</strong> Challenge (1969)<br />
<strong>The</strong> Jesus Generation (1971)<br />
Angels: God's Secret Agents (1975, 1985)<br />
How to Be Born Again (1977)<br />
<strong>The</strong> Holy Spirit (1978)<br />
Evangelist to the World (1979)<br />
Till Armageddon (1981)<br />
Approaching Ho<strong>of</strong>beats (1983)<br />
A Biblical Standard for Evangelists (1984)<br />
Unto the Hills (1986)<br />
Facing Death and the Life After (1987)<br />
Answers to Life's Problems (1988)<br />
Hope for the Troubled Heart (1991)<br />
Storm Warning (1992)<br />
Just As I Am: <strong>The</strong> Autobiography <strong>of</strong> Billy Graham (1997, 2007)<br />
Hope for Each Day (2002)<br />
<strong>The</strong> Key to Personal Peace (2003)<br />
Living in God's Love: <strong>The</strong> New York Crusade (2005)<br />
<strong>The</strong> Journey: How to Live by Faith in an Uncertain World (2006)<br />
Wisdom for Each Day (2008)<br />
Nearing Home: Life, Faith, and Finishing Well (2011)<br />
<strong>The</strong> Heaven Answer Book (2012)<br />
<strong>The</strong> Reason for My Hope: Salvation (2013)<br />
Where I Am: Heaven, Eternity, and Our Life Beyond the Now(2015)<br />
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VIII. Bishop T.D. Jakes<br />
Thomas Dexter Jakes Sr. (born June 9, 1957), known as T. D. Jakes, is a pastor,<br />
author and filmmaker. He is the pastor <strong>of</strong> <strong>The</strong> Potter's House, a nondenominational<br />
American mega-church. Jakes's church services and evangelistic<br />
sermons are broadcast on <strong>The</strong> Potter's Touch, which airs on Lightsource.com,<br />
the Trinity Broadcasting Network, Black Entertainment Television, the Daystar<br />
Television Network and <strong>The</strong> Word Network.<br />
Other aspects <strong>of</strong> Jakes's ministry include the annual festival MegaFest which draws<br />
more than 300,000 people, the annual women's conference Woman Thou Art Loosed,<br />
and gospel music recordings. He hosted the T.D. Jakes Show, a nationally syndicated<br />
talk show produced by Tegna Media and distributed by NBC, until the show's<br />
cancellation in March 2017.<br />
Early Life<br />
Jakes was born in South Charleston, West Virginia, and grew up in Vandalia, attending<br />
local Baptist churches. He spent his teenage years caring for his invalid father and<br />
working in local industries. Feeling a call to the ministry, he enrolled in West Virginia<br />
State University and began preaching part-time in local churches, but he soon dropped<br />
out <strong>of</strong> the university. He took a job at the local Union Carbide factory and continued<br />
preaching part-time. During this time he met his future wife, Serita Jamison. <strong>The</strong> couple<br />
married in May 1982. In that same year Jakes became the pastor <strong>of</strong> the Greater<br />
Emanuel Temple <strong>of</strong> Faith, a small independent Pentecostal church in Montgomery,<br />
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West Virginia, with just ten members. Over the next few years, the church grew,<br />
drawing an integrated congregation that helped increase Jakes's renown as a speaker<br />
and pastor. He moved the church twice: from Montgomery to Smithers and then to<br />
South Charleston, where the congregation grew from about 100 members to over 300.<br />
During this time, he began a radio ministry, <strong>The</strong> Master's Plan, which ran from 1982 to<br />
1985. He also became acquainted with Bishop Sherman Watkins, founder <strong>of</strong> the Higher<br />
Ground Always Abounding Assembly (an association <strong>of</strong> over 200 Pentecostal<br />
churches). Watkins ordained Jakes as a minister <strong>of</strong> the Higher Ground Assembly and<br />
encouraged him to start a church in the Charleston, West Virginia, area. Jakes also<br />
used this time to continue his education by studying through correspondence courses<br />
from Friends International Christian University, an unaccredited, online university. Jakes<br />
completed a B. A. and M.A. in 1990, and a Doctor <strong>of</strong> <strong>Ministry</strong> in Religious Studies from<br />
Friends International Christian University in 1995.<br />
After the 1990 move to Charleston, as his congregation grew, Jakes began to focus on<br />
the spiritual needs <strong>of</strong> the women in his church who had been abandoned and abused in<br />
their lives. He began a Sunday School class for them, "Woman, Thou Art Loosed," in<br />
which he encouraged them to use their past pain as a foundation for new growth. He<br />
later started a similar class for men, which he called "Manpower." In 1993, Jakes selfpublished<br />
his first book, drawing on his experiences working with the women <strong>of</strong> his<br />
congregation. Woman, Thou Art Loosed would become Jakes's signature work and a<br />
national, religious bestseller. He also began a new television ministry, Get Ready, which<br />
aired on Black Entertainment Television and the Trinity Broadcasting Network. Also in<br />
1993, Jakes moved his church yet again, to Cross Lanes, West Virginia.<br />
Jakes's ministry continued to expand, prompting the founding <strong>of</strong> the T. D. Jakes<br />
Ministries organization to oversee his work beyond the church itself. He continued to<br />
write and publish, spreading his message <strong>of</strong> spiritual healing to new audiences. In 1994,<br />
he held the first <strong>of</strong> what would become a series <strong>of</strong> conferences for ministers and their<br />
spouses, "When Shepherds Bleed."<br />
In May 1996, Jakes moved his family and his ministry again, along with fifty other<br />
families involved in his work, to Dallas, Texas. <strong>The</strong>re he purchased the former facilities<br />
<strong>of</strong> Eagle's Nest Church, a large Dallas church pastored by W. V. Grant (who at the time<br />
was facing prison time for fraud). Renaming the church <strong>The</strong> Potter's House, Jakes<br />
continued his work. <strong>The</strong> Potter's House, with a 5,000-seat auditorium and a 34-acre<br />
campus, had a congregation <strong>of</strong> 30,000.<br />
Career<br />
In 1980, at age 23, Jakes became the pastor <strong>of</strong> Greater Emanuel Temple <strong>of</strong> Faith, a<br />
storefront church in Smithers, West Virginia, with ten members. <strong>The</strong> congregation grew<br />
to encompass 100 members and was notable because it was racially integrated.<br />
In 1990, Jakes moved to South Charleston, West Virginia, and his congregation grew<br />
again, to 300 members. In 1993 he moved to Cross Lanes, West Virginia, where the<br />
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congregation grew to more than 1,100 people, <strong>of</strong> whom 60 percent were African<br />
American and 40 percent Caucasian.<br />
In 1994, T. D. Jakes Ministries was established as a non-pr<strong>of</strong>it organization that<br />
produced televised sermons and conferences. From 1995 to 1996, Jakes hosted "Get<br />
Ready," a weekly radio and television show with national distribution through<br />
syndication.<br />
In 1996, Jakes, his wife and<br />
family, and a staff <strong>of</strong> 50<br />
employees relocated to<br />
Dallas, Texas, where Jakes<br />
founded the Potter's House, a<br />
non-denominational<br />
megachurch. Located on a<br />
34-acre hilltop campus, the<br />
Potter's House features a<br />
5,000-seat auditorium, as<br />
well as <strong>of</strong>fices for employees<br />
and staff. Between 1996 and<br />
1998, church membership<br />
grew from 7,000 congregants<br />
to 14,000.<br />
In 2005, Jakes accompanied<br />
President George W.<br />
Bush on his visit to the areas<br />
devastated by Hurricane<br />
Katrina. In his book Decision<br />
Points, President Bush<br />
describes Jakes as "a kind <strong>of</strong><br />
man who puts faith into<br />
action."<br />
On January 20, 2009, Jakes<br />
led the early morning prayer<br />
service for President Barack<br />
Obama at St. John's Church in Washington, D.C., according to NBC News.<br />
In 2009, Jakes partnered with Dr. Phil McGraw, Jay McGraw, and CBS Television<br />
Distribution to launch a syndicated, secular talk show; however, due to economic issues<br />
within the syndicated television market, the program never premiered.<br />
In July 2015, Tegna, Inc. and Debmar-Mercury announced that a new secular talk show<br />
hosted by Jakes called T. D. Jakes would air a test run on Tegna stations<br />
in Atlanta, Cleveland, Dallas, and Minneapolis from August 17 to September 11,<br />
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2015. On May 10, 2016, Tegna announced that it would begin airing Jakes's show<br />
September 12 in over 50 markets across the country. On March 15, 2017, Tegna<br />
announced that T. D. Jakes was cancelled due to poor ratings and low clearances.<br />
Beliefs<br />
Although Jakes was converted and ordained within Oneness Pentecostalism, he<br />
revealed in an interview with Mark Driscoll in 2012 that he affirms the Trinity, although<br />
Jakes did not affirm the eternality <strong>of</strong> the individual persons <strong>of</strong> the Trinity which is denied<br />
by Oneness churches.<br />
Jakes is an advocate <strong>of</strong> abstinence and has made appearances advocating it on Good<br />
Morning America and Dr. Phil.<br />
Jakes has been ordained a minister <strong>of</strong> the United Pentecostal Church International.<br />
In 2015, Jakes stated that his views on homosexuality and LGBT rights are evolving.<br />
However, Jakes stated that his words were misinterpreted and that while he does not<br />
support same-sex marriage, he "respect[s] the rights that this country affords those that<br />
disagree..."<br />
Discography<br />
Woman Thou Art Loosed (1997)<br />
<strong>The</strong> Storm Is Over (2001)<br />
T. D. Jakes is also featured on Swedish DJ Steve Angello's dance/electronic<br />
track Rejoice.<br />
Awards and Accomplishments<br />
Jakes has received numerous honors, including thirteen honorary degrees and<br />
doctorates. His album A Wing and a Prayer won the "Best Gospel or Chorus Album" at<br />
the 46th Grammy Awards in 2003. He has also received Grammy and Dove Award<br />
nominations for the gospel album "Live at <strong>The</strong> Potter's House." PBS Religion and Ethics<br />
Newsweekly named Jakes among America's "Top 10 Religious Leaders." Time<br />
magazine featured Jakes on the cover <strong>of</strong> its September 17, 2001, issue with the<br />
provocative question, "Is This Man the Next Billy Graham?"<br />
On the PBS program African American Lives, Jakes had his DNA analyzed; his Y<br />
chromosome showed that he is descended from the Igbo people <strong>of</strong> Nigeria. According<br />
to his family history, it was suggested that he is also descended from them through his<br />
grandmother. Jakes was selected in Oprah's SuperSoul100 list <strong>of</strong> visionaries and<br />
influential leaders in 2016.<br />
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Writings<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
Intimacy With God<br />
Loved by<br />
Before you throw in the towel<br />
Naked And Not Ashamed?<br />
Loose That Man And Let Him Go<br />
Loose That Man And Let Him Go Work Book<br />
Positioning Yourself To Prosper<br />
Reposition Yourself: Living a Life Without Limits<br />
He-Motions: Even Strong Men Struggle<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
Help! I'm Raising My Children Alone: A Guide for Single Ladies and Those Who<br />
Sometimes Feel <strong>The</strong>y Are<br />
Ten Commandments <strong>of</strong> Working in a Hostile Environment<br />
Promises From God For Single Women<br />
Woman, Thou Art Loosed: Healing the Wounds <strong>of</strong> the Past<br />
Woman, Thou Art Loosed Devotional<br />
<strong>The</strong> Lady, Her Lover, and Her Lord<br />
Maximize the Moment : God's Action Plan for Your Life<br />
So You Call Yourself a Man?: Finally... a Devotional for Ordinary Men with<br />
Extraordinary Potential<br />
God's Leading Lady<br />
His Lady<br />
Jesus Walks (with me)<br />
Lay Aside the Weight<br />
Daddy Loves His Girls<br />
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<strong>The</strong> Greatest Investment<br />
Mama Made the Difference<br />
TD Jakes Speaks to Men<br />
Overcoming the Enemy<br />
From the Cross to Pentecost<br />
Life Overflowing: Six Pillars for Abundant Living<br />
Not Easily Broken, 2006<br />
Before You Do: Making Great Decisions That You Won't Regret, Atria Books,<br />
2008. ISBN 978-1-4165-4728-0<br />
<strong>The</strong> Memory Quilt: A Christmas Story for Our Times, 2009<br />
Let it Go: Forgive So You Can Be Forgiven, 2012<br />
Instinct: <strong>The</strong> Power To Unleash Your Inborn Drive, 2014, Hachette Book<br />
Group. ISBN 1455554049<br />
Destiny: Step Into Your Purpose, August 2015, Hachette Book Group. ISBN 978-<br />
1-4555-5397-6<br />
Soar!: Build Your Vision from the Ground Up, 2017, FaithWords<br />
Filmography<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
2004: Woman Thou Art Loosed — As himself (based on Jakes's novel <strong>of</strong> the<br />
same name)<br />
2009: Not Easily Broken — Allen (based on another Jakes novel)<br />
2011: Jumping the Broom — Reverend James<br />
2010: Munya — Reverend Brian<br />
2012: Woman Thou Art Loosed: On the 7th Day - As himself<br />
2012: Sparkle<br />
2014: Heaven Is for Real - Producer<br />
2014: Winnie Mandela - Producer<br />
2016: Miracles from Heaven - Producer<br />
2018: Faith Under Fire - Executive Producer<br />
Page 108 <strong>of</strong> 201
IX. Rev. Dr. Charles F. Stanley<br />
Charles Frazier Stanley (born September 25, 1932) is the senior pastor <strong>of</strong> First Baptist<br />
Church in Atlanta, Georgia. He is also the founder and president <strong>of</strong> In Touch<br />
Ministries and also served two one-year terms as president <strong>of</strong> the Southern Baptist<br />
Convention from 1984 to 1986. He has an evangelical and dispensationalist theology.<br />
Biography<br />
Charles Frazier Stanley<br />
was born in Dry Fork,<br />
Pittsylvania County,<br />
Virginia, just nine months<br />
before his father, Charley,<br />
died. Stanley grew up in<br />
rural Dry Fork in the<br />
outskirts <strong>of</strong> Danville. At the<br />
age <strong>of</strong> 12, Charles became<br />
a born-again Christian, and<br />
at age 14 he began his<br />
life's work in Christian<br />
ministry. Stanley received<br />
his bachelor's degree from<br />
the University<br />
<strong>of</strong><br />
Richmond. He later<br />
obtained his Masters <strong>of</strong><br />
Divinity from Southwestern<br />
Baptist <strong>The</strong>ological<br />
Seminary in Fort Worth,<br />
Texas. He received<br />
his Th.M. and Th.D. degrees in theology from Luther Rice Seminary in Florida (which<br />
later relocated to Lithonia, Georgia).<br />
Stanley joined the staff <strong>of</strong> First Baptist Church <strong>of</strong> Atlanta in 1969 and became senior<br />
pastor in 1971. As a young pastor, he was given the motivational book Think and Grow<br />
Rich. He has written, "I began to apply the principles <strong>of</strong> that book to my endeavors as a<br />
pastor, and I discovered they worked!" He also wrote, "For years, I read Think and Grow<br />
Rich every year to remind myself that the truth <strong>of</strong> God is not just for one career field. It is<br />
for all manner <strong>of</strong> work and ministry." In 1972, Stanley launched a half-hour religious<br />
television program called <strong>The</strong> Chapel Hour. <strong>The</strong> Christian Broadcasting Network began<br />
televising this show in 1978. In 1982, Stanley founded In Touch Ministries with the<br />
mission to lead people worldwide into a growing relationship with Jesus Christ and to<br />
strengthen the local church. In Touch uses tools like radio, television, magazines and<br />
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digital media to advance the Gospel as quickly as possible. Dr. Stanley decided to call<br />
the ministry In Touch, because it comes from a Living Bible he owned. During the<br />
1980s, the ministry's broadcasts were available in nearly every major American media<br />
market, usually on Sundays. In 2006, In Touch with Dr. Charles Stanley could be heard<br />
in 107 languages. Currently, it airs in more than 50 languages worldwide. In the United<br />
States, "In Touch" is broadcast on approximately 500 radio stations, 300 television<br />
stations and several satellite networks including <strong>The</strong> Inspiration Network<br />
(INSP) and Trinity Broadcasting Network. Stanley's sermons are also available on the In<br />
Touch Web site and are downloadable in the form <strong>of</strong> podcasts, along with other video<br />
and audio programming. In Touch also produces the magazine In Touch, an awardwinning<br />
publication printed in four languages. Stanley's writings and broadcasts address<br />
issues such as finances, parenting, personal crises, emotional<br />
matters, relationships and Protestant Christianity. According to the ministry Web site,<br />
"Dr. Stanley fervently believes the Bible to be the inerrant Word <strong>of</strong> God, a belief strongly<br />
reflected in his teaching."<br />
Over the course <strong>of</strong> his ministry, Stanley has developed “30 Life Principles” that have<br />
guided his life and helped him grow in his knowledge, service, and love <strong>of</strong> God. He<br />
shares these <strong>of</strong>ten, including in books, Bibles and study guides. He credits his<br />
grandfather, George Washington Stanley, with inspiring one <strong>of</strong> his most referenced<br />
principles: “Obey God and leave all the consequences to Him.” In his book Courageous<br />
Faith: My Story from a Life <strong>of</strong> Obedience, Stanley said, “Granddad told me, ‘Charles, if<br />
God tells you to run your head through a brick wall, you head for the wall, and when you<br />
get there, God will make a hole for it.’”<br />
In 2005, Stanley invited Lisa Ryan to co-host a question-and-answer segment called<br />
"Bring It Home," which aired after the sermon and advertisements. <strong>The</strong> Q&A segment<br />
was intended to help the audience better grasp the content <strong>of</strong> the sermon through the<br />
use <strong>of</strong> questions the average listener might ask. <strong>The</strong> segment was discontinued in late<br />
2006 and replaced by Stanley alone. In early 2007, Stanley began using the final<br />
segment <strong>of</strong> the "In Touch" TV and radio programs to teach on his "30 Life Principles."<br />
Related materials and teaching are available online through InTouch.org's "Life<br />
Principles Center."<br />
In addition to his work in Christian ministry, Stanley is an avid photographer. Much <strong>of</strong> his<br />
photographic work is featured in the In Touch magazine, as well as in other materials<br />
printed by the ministry (such as the In Touch wall and desk calendars).<br />
Family<br />
Charles Stanley's divorce from his wife Anna in 2000, after several years <strong>of</strong> separation,<br />
caused a minor controversy in the Southern Baptist Convention. <strong>The</strong> matter was<br />
complicated by reports that Stanley had said he would resign as pastor if he became<br />
divorced. At the time, he did not believe his separation would result in divorce. However,<br />
when it did, the members <strong>of</strong> his church overwhelmingly voted to keep him on as pastor.<br />
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According to First Baptist Atlanta's bylaws, Stanley will be able to keep his post as long<br />
as he does not remarry.<br />
Charles Stanley's son Andy Stanley is the pastor <strong>of</strong> North Point Community Church in<br />
nearby Alpharetta, Georgia. Stanley also has a daughter named Becky, whom Stanley<br />
has occasionally mentioned in his sermons.<br />
Stanley's wife <strong>of</strong> more than 40 years, Anna J. Stanley, originally filed for divorce on<br />
June 22, 1993, following their separation in spring <strong>of</strong> 1992. <strong>The</strong> two <strong>of</strong> them agreed that<br />
Anna would amend the lawsuit to seek a legal separation instead ("separate<br />
maintenance"), while seeking reconciliation. She again filed for divorce on March 20,<br />
1995. Even though this was not the end <strong>of</strong> the marriage, the Moody Radio Network<br />
station in Atlanta (then-WAFS) took Stanley's daily broadcast <strong>of</strong>f the air during that time,<br />
as managers concluded that there was no sign <strong>of</strong> reconciliation. <strong>The</strong> Stanleys were<br />
legally separated at the time that divorce papers were filed for the last time on February<br />
16, 2000. A judge signed the final divorce decree on May 11, 2000.<br />
Anna Johnson Stanley died on<br />
November 10, 2014.<br />
Bibliography<br />
Filled Life ISBN 0785277471<br />
1980: Making <strong>The</strong> Bible<br />
Clear with Fred L.<br />
Lowery ISBN 0-961079223<br />
1982: Handle With<br />
Prayer ISBN 0-89693-963-4<br />
1985: How to Listen to<br />
God ISBN 0-8407-9041-4<br />
1985: Confronting Casual<br />
Christianity ISBN 0-8054-<br />
5022-X<br />
<br />
1986: How to Keep Your Kids<br />
on Your Team ISBN 0-7852-<br />
7351-4<br />
1989: How to Handle<br />
Adversity ISBN 0-7852-6418-<br />
3<br />
<br />
1990: Eternal Security: Can<br />
You Be Sure? ISBN 0-7852-<br />
6417-5<br />
1991: <strong>The</strong> Gift <strong>of</strong><br />
Forgiveness ISBN 0-7852-<br />
6415-9<br />
<br />
1992: <strong>The</strong> Wonderful Spirit-<br />
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1995: <strong>The</strong> Love <strong>of</strong> God ISBN 1-56476-532-6<br />
1995: <strong>The</strong> Source <strong>of</strong> My Strength ISBN 0-7852-0569-1<br />
1999: A Touch <strong>of</strong> His Power: Meditations on God's Awesome Power ISBN 0-310-<br />
21492-0<br />
2000: Success God's Way ISBN 0-7852-6590-2<br />
2000: Into His Presence: An In Touch Devotional ISBN 0-7852-8013-8<br />
2001: <strong>The</strong> Gift <strong>of</strong> Love ISBN 0-7852-6618-6<br />
2001: Our Unmet Needs ISBN 0-7852-7796-X<br />
2002: Walking Wisely ISBN 0-7852-7298-4<br />
2002: Winning the War Within ISBN 0-7852-6416-7<br />
2003: Finding Peace ISBN 0-7852-7297-6<br />
2003: God is in Control ISBN 0-8499-5739-7<br />
2004: When the Enemy Strikes ISBN 0-7852-8788-4<br />
2005: Charles Stanley's Life Principles Bible ISBN 1-4185-0572-2<br />
2005: Living in the Power <strong>of</strong> the Holy Spirit ISBN 0-7852-6512-0<br />
2005: Living the Extraordinary Life : 9 Principles to Discover It ISBN 0-7852-<br />
6611-9<br />
2006: Discover Your Destiny ISBN 0-7852-6369-1<br />
2006: Pathways to His Presence: A Daily Devotional ISBN 0-7852-2163-8<br />
2007: Landmines in the Path <strong>of</strong> the Believer: Avoiding the Hidden<br />
Dangers ISBN 1-4002-0090-3<br />
2008: In Step with God ISBN 1-4002-0091-1<br />
2008: Stuck in Reverse ISBN 1-4002-0094-6<br />
2008: <strong>The</strong> Power <strong>of</strong> God's Love: A 31 Day Devotional to Encounter the Father's<br />
Greatest Gift ISBN 1-4002-0093-8<br />
2008: When Your Children Hurt ISBN 1-4002-0098-9<br />
2010: How to Reach Your Full Potential for God ISBN 978-1-4002-0092-4<br />
2011: Turning the Tide: Real Hope Real Change ISBN 978-1-4516-26407<br />
2012: Prayer: <strong>The</strong> Ultimate Conversation ISBN 978-1-4391-9065-4<br />
2013: Man <strong>of</strong> God: Leading Your Family by Allowing God to Lead You ISBN 978-<br />
1-4347-0547-1<br />
2013: Emotions: Confront the Lies. Conquer with Truth. ISBN 978-1-4767-5206-8<br />
2013: Walking with God: Thoughts on His Indwelling Spirit, Volume<br />
2 ISBN 0529108968<br />
2014: Walking with God: Knowing God Through Prayer, Volume<br />
3 ISBN 0785206965<br />
2015: Waiting on God: Strength for Today and Hope for Tomorrow ISBN 978-1-<br />
4767-9403-7<br />
2015: Christmas: <strong>The</strong> Gift for Every Heart ISBN 9780718042172<br />
2016: Courageous Faith: My Story from a Life <strong>of</strong> Obedience ISBN 978-1-5011-<br />
3269-8<br />
<br />
<br />
2017: Finding God’s Blessings in Brokenness: How Pain Reveals His Deepest<br />
Love ISBN 9780310084129<br />
2017: Standing Strong: How to Storm-Pro<strong>of</strong> Your Life with God’s Timeless<br />
Truths ISBN 9781501177392<br />
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Television<br />
Year Title Notes<br />
1972 <strong>The</strong> Chapel Hour Host<br />
1983–1985 <strong>The</strong> Breakfast Club Host<br />
1990–pres. In Touch with Dr. Charles Stanley Host<br />
2002 TBN's Praise the Lord Guest<br />
2011 19 Kids and Counting Episode: "Donating Duggars"<br />
2012 Monica's Closeups Guest<br />
Awards and Honors<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
1988: National Religious Broadcaster’s Hall <strong>of</strong> Fame<br />
1989: Named Clergyman <strong>of</strong> the Year by Religious Heritage <strong>of</strong> America<br />
1989: NRB named In Touch with Television Producer <strong>of</strong> the Year<br />
1999: In Touch named Radio Program <strong>of</strong> the Year<br />
2017: Thomas Nelson Publishing recognizes Dr. Stanley for selling more than<br />
3.5 million copies <strong>of</strong> his books<br />
Page 113 <strong>of</strong> 201
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X. Hon. Nelson R. Mandela<br />
Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela (/mænˈdɛlə/; Xhosa: [xolíɬaɬa mandɛ ːla]; 18 July 1918 – 5<br />
December 2013) was a South African anti-apartheid revolutionary, political leader, and<br />
philanthropist who served as President <strong>of</strong> South Africa from 1994 to 1999. He was the<br />
country's first black head <strong>of</strong> state and the first elected in a fully<br />
representative democratic election. His government focused on dismantling the legacy<br />
<strong>of</strong> apartheid by tackling institutionalized racism and fostering racial reconciliation.<br />
Ideologically an African nationalist and socialist, he served as President <strong>of</strong> the African<br />
National Congress (ANC) party from 1991 to 1997.<br />
A Xhosa, Mandela was born to the <strong>The</strong>mbu royal family in Mvezo, British South Africa.<br />
He studied law at the University <strong>of</strong> Fort Hare and the University <strong>of</strong> Witwatersrand before<br />
working as a lawyer in Johannesburg. <strong>The</strong>re he became involved in anti-colonial and<br />
African nationalist politics, joining the ANC in 1943 and co-founding its Youth League in<br />
1944. After the National Party's white-only government established apartheid, a system<br />
<strong>of</strong> racial segregation that privileged whites, he and the ANC committed themselves to its<br />
overthrow. Mandela was appointed President <strong>of</strong> the ANC's Transvaal branch, rising to<br />
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prominence for his involvement in the 1952 Defiance Campaign and the 1955 Congress<br />
<strong>of</strong> the People. He was repeatedly arrested for seditious activities and was<br />
unsuccessfully prosecuted in the 1956 Treason Trial. Influenced by Marxism, he<br />
secretly joined the banned South African Communist Party (SACP). Although initially<br />
committed to non-violent protest, in association with the SACP he co-founded the<br />
militant Umkhonto we Sizwe in 1961 and led a sabotage campaign against the<br />
government. He was arrested and imprisoned in 1962, and subsequently sentenced to<br />
life imprisonment for conspiring to overthrow the state following the Rivonia Trial.<br />
Mandela served 27 years in prison, split between Robben Island, Pollsmoor Prison,<br />
and Victor Verster Prison. Amid growing domestic and international pressure, and with<br />
fears <strong>of</strong> a racial civil war, President F. W. de Klerk released him in 1990. Mandela and<br />
de Klerk led efforts to negotiate an end to apartheid, which resulted in the 1994<br />
multiracial general election in which Mandela led the ANC to victory and became<br />
president. Leading a broad coalition government which promulgated a new constitution,<br />
Mandela emphasised reconciliation between the country's racial groups and created<br />
the Truth and Reconciliation Commission to investigate past human rightsabuses.<br />
Economically, Mandela's administration retained its predecessor's liberal framework<br />
despite his own socialist beliefs, also introducing measures to encourage land<br />
reform, combat poverty, and expand healthcare services. Internationally, he acted as<br />
mediator in the Pan Am Flight 103 bombing trial and served as Secretary-General <strong>of</strong><br />
the Non-Aligned Movement from 1998 to 1999. He declined a second presidential term,<br />
and in 1999 was succeeded by his deputy, Thabo Mbeki. Mandela became an elder<br />
statesman and focused on combating poverty and HIV/AIDS through the<br />
charitable Nelson Mandela Foundation.<br />
Mandela was a controversial figure for much <strong>of</strong> his life. Although critics on<br />
the right denounced him as a communist terrorist and those on the far-left deemed him<br />
too eager to negotiate and reconcile with apartheid's supporters, he gained international<br />
acclaim for his activism. Widely regarded as an icon <strong>of</strong> democracy and social justice, he<br />
received more than 250 honours—including the Nobel Peace Prize—and became the<br />
subject <strong>of</strong> a cult <strong>of</strong> personality. He is held in deep respect within South Africa, where he<br />
is <strong>of</strong>ten referred to by his Xhosa clan name, Madiba, and described as the "Father <strong>of</strong><br />
the Nation".<br />
Childhood: 1918–1934<br />
Early Life<br />
Mandela was born on 18 July 1918 in the village <strong>of</strong> Mvezo in Umtata, then part <strong>of</strong> South<br />
Africa's Cape Province. Given the forename Rolihlahla, a Xhosa term colloquially<br />
meaning "troublemaker", in later years he became known by his clan name, Madiba. His<br />
patrilineal great-grandfather, Ngubengcuka, was king <strong>of</strong> the <strong>The</strong>mbu people in<br />
the Transkeian Territories <strong>of</strong> South Africa's modern Eastern Capeprovince. One <strong>of</strong><br />
Ngubengcuka's sons, named Mandela, was Nelson's grandfather and the source <strong>of</strong> his<br />
surname. Because Mandela was the king's child by a wife <strong>of</strong> the Ixhiba clan, a so-called<br />
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"Left-Hand House", the descendants <strong>of</strong> his cadet branch <strong>of</strong> the royal family<br />
were morganatic, ineligible to inherit the throne but recognised as hereditary royal<br />
councillors.<br />
Nelson Mandela's father, Gadla Henry Mphakanyiswa Mandela (1880–1928), was a<br />
local chief and councillor to the monarch; he was appointed to the position in 1915, after<br />
his predecessor was accused <strong>of</strong> corruption by a governing white magistrate. In 1926,<br />
Gadla was also sacked for corruption, but<br />
Nelson was told that his father had lost<br />
his job for standing up to the magistrate's<br />
unreasonable demands. A devotee <strong>of</strong> the<br />
god Qamata, Gadla was a polygamist<br />
with four wives, four sons and nine<br />
daughters, who lived in different villages.<br />
Nelson's mother was Gadla's third wife,<br />
Nosekeni Fanny, daughter <strong>of</strong> Nkedama <strong>of</strong><br />
the Right Hand House and a member <strong>of</strong><br />
the amaMpemvu clan <strong>of</strong> the Xhosa.<br />
No one in my family had ever attended<br />
school ... On the first day <strong>of</strong> school my<br />
teacher, Miss Mdingane, gave each <strong>of</strong> us<br />
an English name. This was the custom<br />
among Africans in those days and was<br />
undoubtedly due to the British bias <strong>of</strong> our<br />
education. That day, Miss Mdingane told me that my new name was Nelson. Why this<br />
particular name I have no idea.<br />
—Mandela, 1994<br />
Mandela later stated that his early life was dominated by traditional <strong>The</strong>mbu custom and<br />
taboo. He grew up with two sisters in his mother's kraal in the village <strong>of</strong> Qunu, where he<br />
tended herds as a cattle-boy and spent much time outside with other boys. Both his<br />
parents were illiterate, but being a devout Christian, his mother sent him to a<br />
local Methodist school when he was about seven. Baptized a Methodist, Mandela was<br />
given the English forename <strong>of</strong> "Nelson" by his teacher. When Mandela was about nine,<br />
his father came to stay at Qunu, where he died <strong>of</strong> an undiagnosed ailment which<br />
Mandela believed to be lung disease. Feeling "cut adrift", he later said that he inherited<br />
his father's "proud rebelliousness" and "stubborn sense <strong>of</strong> fairness".<br />
Mandela's mother took him to the "Great Place" palace at Mqhekezweni, where he was<br />
entrusted to the guardianship <strong>of</strong> the <strong>The</strong>mbu regent, Chief Jongintaba Dalindyebo.<br />
Although he did not see his mother again for many years, Mandela felt that Jongintaba<br />
and his wife Noengland treated him as their own child, raising him alongside their son,<br />
Justice, and daughter, Nomafu. As Mandela attended church services every Sunday<br />
with his guardians, Christianity became a significant part <strong>of</strong> his life. He attended a<br />
Methodist mission school located next to the palace, where he studied English, Xhosa,<br />
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history and geography. He developed a love <strong>of</strong> African history, listening to the tales told<br />
by elderly visitors to the palace, and was influenced by the anti-imperialist rhetoric <strong>of</strong> a<br />
visiting chief, Joyi. At the time he nevertheless considered the European colonialists not<br />
as oppressors but as benefactors who had brought education and other benefits to<br />
southern Africa. Aged 16, he, Justice and several other boys travelled to Tyhalarha to<br />
undergo the ulwaluko circumcision ritual that symbolically marked their transition from<br />
boys to men; afterwards he was given the name Dalibunga.<br />
Clarkebury, Healdtown, and Fort Hare: 1934–1940<br />
Photograph <strong>of</strong> Mandela, taken in Umtata in 1937<br />
Intending to gain skills needed to become a privy councillor for<br />
the <strong>The</strong>mbu royal house, in 1933 Mandela began his<br />
secondary education at Clarkebury Methodist High School<br />
in Engcobo, a Western-style institution that was the largest<br />
school for black Africans in <strong>The</strong>mbuland. Made to socialise<br />
with other students on an equal basis, he claimed that he lost<br />
his "stuck up" attitude, becoming best friends with a girl for the<br />
first time; he began playing sports and developed his lifelong<br />
love <strong>of</strong> gardening. He completed his Junior Certificate in two<br />
years, and in 1937 moved to Healdtown, the Methodist college<br />
in Fort Beaufort attended by most <strong>The</strong>mbu royalty, including Justice. <strong>The</strong> headmaster<br />
emphasized the superiority <strong>of</strong> English culture and government, but Mandela became<br />
increasingly interested in native African culture, making his first non-Xhosa friend, a<br />
speaker <strong>of</strong> Sotho, and coming under the influence <strong>of</strong> one <strong>of</strong> his favourite teachers, a<br />
Xhosa who broke taboo by marrying a Sotho. Mandela spent much <strong>of</strong> his spare time at<br />
Healdtown as a long-distance runner and boxer, and in his second year he became<br />
a prefect.<br />
With Jongintaba's backing, in 1939 Mandela began work on a BA degree at<br />
the University <strong>of</strong> Fort Hare, an elite black institution in Alice, Eastern Cape, with around<br />
150 students. <strong>The</strong>re he studied English, anthropology, politics, native administration,<br />
and Roman Dutch law in his first year, desiring to become an interpreter or clerk in<br />
the Native Affairs Department. Mandela stayed in the Wesley House dormitory,<br />
befriending his own kinsman, K. D. Matanzima, as well as Oliver Tambo, who became a<br />
close friend and comrade for decades to come. He took up ballroom dancing, performed<br />
in a drama society play about Abraham Lincoln, and gave Bible classes in the local<br />
community as part <strong>of</strong> the Student Christian Association. Although he had friends<br />
connected to the African National Congress (ANC) who wanted South Africa to be<br />
independent <strong>of</strong> the British Empire, Mandela avoided any involvement with the antiimperialist<br />
movement, and became a vocal supporter <strong>of</strong> the British war effort when<br />
the Second World War broke out. He helped to found a first-year students' house<br />
committee which challenged the dominance <strong>of</strong> the second-years, and at the end <strong>of</strong> his<br />
first year became involved in a Students' Representative Council (SRC) boycott against<br />
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the quality <strong>of</strong> food, for which he was suspended from the university; he never returned<br />
to complete his degree.<br />
Arriving in Johannesburg: 1941–1943<br />
Returning to Mqhekezweni in December 1940, Mandela found that Jongintaba<br />
had arranged marriages for him and Justice; dismayed, they fled<br />
to Johannesburg via Queenstown, arriving in April 1941. Mandela found work as a night<br />
watchman at Crown Mines, his "first sight <strong>of</strong> South African capitalism in action", but was<br />
fired when the induna (headman) discovered that he was a runaway. He stayed with a<br />
cousin in George Goch Township, who introduced Mandela to realtor and ANC<br />
activist Walter Sisulu. <strong>The</strong> latter secured Mandela a job as an articled clerk at the law<br />
firm <strong>of</strong> Witkin, Sidelsky and Eidelman, a company run by Lazar Sidelsky, a liberal Jew<br />
sympathetic to the ANC's cause. At the firm, Mandela befriended Gaur Radebe—a<br />
Xhosa member <strong>of</strong> the ANC and Communist Party—and Nat Bregman, a<br />
Jewish communist who became his first white friend. Mandela attended Communist<br />
Party gatherings, where he was impressed that Europeans, Africans, Indians,<br />
and Coloreds mixed as equals. He later stated that he did not join the Party because<br />
its atheism conflicted with his Christian faith, and because he saw the South African<br />
struggle as being racially based rather than as class warfare. To continue his higher<br />
education, Mandela signed up to a University <strong>of</strong> South Africa correspondence course,<br />
working on his bachelor's degree at night.<br />
Earning a small wage, Mandela rented a room in the house <strong>of</strong> the Xhoma family in<br />
the Alexandra township; despite being rife with poverty, crime and pollution, Alexandra<br />
always remained a special place for him. Although embarrassed by his poverty, he<br />
briefly dated a Swazi woman before unsuccessfully courting his landlord's daughter. To<br />
save money and be closer to downtown Johannesburg, Mandela moved into the<br />
compound <strong>of</strong> the Witwatersrand Native Labor Association, living among miners <strong>of</strong><br />
various tribes; as the compound was visited by various chiefs, he once met the Queen<br />
Regent <strong>of</strong> Basutoland. In late 1941, Jongintaba visited Johannesburg—there forgiving<br />
Mandela for running away—before returning to <strong>The</strong>mbuland, where he died in the<br />
winter <strong>of</strong> 1942. Mandela and Justice arrived a day late for the funeral. After he passed<br />
his BA exams in early 1943, Mandela returned to Johannesburg to follow a political path<br />
as a lawyer rather than become a privy councillor in <strong>The</strong>mbuland. He later stated that<br />
he experienced no epiphany, but that he "simply found [himself] doing so, and could not<br />
do otherwise."<br />
Revolutionary Activity<br />
Law Studies and <strong>The</strong> ANC Youth League: 1943–1949<br />
Mandela began studying law at the University <strong>of</strong> the Witwatersrand, where he was the<br />
only black African student and faced racism. <strong>The</strong>re, he befriended liberal and<br />
communist European, Jewish, and Indian students, among them Joe Slovo and Ruth<br />
First. Becoming increasingly politicized, in August 1943 Mandela marched in support <strong>of</strong><br />
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a successful bus boycott to reverse fare rises. Joining the ANC, he was increasingly<br />
influenced by Sisulu, spending time with other activists at Sisulu's Orlando house,<br />
including his old friend Oliver Tambo. In 1943, Mandela met Anton Lembede, an ANC<br />
member affiliated with the "Africanist" branch <strong>of</strong> African nationalism, which was<br />
virulently opposed to a racially united front against colonialism and imperialism or to an<br />
alliance with the communists. Despite his friendships with non-blacks and communists,<br />
Mandela embraced Lembede's views, believing that black Africans should be entirely<br />
independent in their struggle for political self-determination. Deciding on the need for a<br />
youth wing to mass-mobilise Africans in opposition to their subjugation, Mandela was<br />
among a delegation that approached ANC President Alfred Bitini Xuma on the subject<br />
at his home in Sophiatown; the African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL) was<br />
founded on Easter Sunday 1944 in the Bantu Men's Social Centre, with Lembede as<br />
President and Mandela as a member <strong>of</strong> its executive committee.<br />
Mandela and Evelyn in July 1944, at Walter and Albertina Sisulu's<br />
wedding party in the Bantu Men's Social Centre.<br />
At Sisulu's house, Mandela met Evelyn Mase, a trainee<br />
nurse and ANC activist from Engcobo, Transkei.<br />
Entering a relationship and marrying in October 1944,<br />
they initially lived with her relatives until moving into a<br />
rented house in the township <strong>of</strong> Orlando in early<br />
1946. <strong>The</strong>ir first child, Madiba "<strong>The</strong>mbi" <strong>The</strong>mbekile,<br />
was born in February 1945; a daughter, Makaziwe,<br />
was born in 1947 but died <strong>of</strong> meningitis nine months<br />
later. Mandela enjoyed home life, welcoming his<br />
mother and his sister, Leabie, to stay with him. In early 1947, his three years <strong>of</strong> articles<br />
ended at Witkin, Sidelsky and Eidelman, and he decided to become a full-time student,<br />
subsisting on loans from the Bantu Welfare Trust.<br />
In July 1947, Mandela rushed Lembede, who was ill, to hospital, where he died; he was<br />
succeeded as ANCYL president by the more moderate Peter Mda, who agreed to cooperate<br />
with communists and non-blacks, appointing Mandela ANCYL<br />
secretary. Mandela disagreed with Mda's approach, and in December 1947 supported<br />
an unsuccessful measure to expel communists from the ANCYL, considering their<br />
ideology un-African. In 1947, Mandela was elected to the executive committee <strong>of</strong> the<br />
ANC's Transvaal Province branch, serving under regional president C. S. Ramohanoe.<br />
When Ramohanoe acted against the wishes <strong>of</strong> the committee by co-operating with<br />
Indians and communists, Mandela was one <strong>of</strong> those who forced his resignation.<br />
In the South African general election in 1948, in which only whites were permitted to<br />
vote, the Afrikaner-dominated Herenigde Nasionale Partyunder Daniel François<br />
Malan took power, soon uniting with the Afrikaner Party to form the National Party.<br />
Openly racialist, the party codified and expanded racial segregation with new apartheid<br />
legislation. Gaining increasing influence in the ANC, Mandela and his party cadre allies<br />
began advocating direct action against apartheid, such as boycotts and strikes,<br />
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influenced by the tactics already employed by South Africa's Indian community. Xuma<br />
did not support these measures and was removed from the presidency in a vote <strong>of</strong> no<br />
confidence, replaced by James Moroka and a more militant executive committee<br />
containing Sisulu, Mda, Tambo, and Godfrey Pitje. Mandela later related that he and his<br />
colleagues had "guided the ANC to a more radical and revolutionary path." Having<br />
devoted his time to politics, Mandela failed his final year at Witwatersrand three times;<br />
he was ultimately denied his degree in December 1949.<br />
Defiance Campaign and Transvaal ANC Presidency: 1950–1954<br />
<strong>The</strong> ANC's tricolour flag; black for the people, green for the land,<br />
and gold for the resources <strong>of</strong> Africa<br />
Mandela took Xuma's place on the ANC national<br />
executive in March 1950, and that same year was<br />
elected national president <strong>of</strong> the ANCYL. In March, the<br />
Defend Free Speech Convention was held in<br />
Johannesburg, bringing together African, Indian, and<br />
communist activists to call a May Day general strike in protest against apartheid and<br />
white minority rule. Mandela opposed the strike because it was multi-racial and not<br />
ANC-led, but a majority <strong>of</strong> black workers took part, resulting in increased police<br />
repression and the introduction <strong>of</strong> the Suppression <strong>of</strong> Communism Act, 1950, affecting<br />
the actions <strong>of</strong> all protest groups. At the ANC national conference <strong>of</strong> December 1951, he<br />
continued arguing against a racially united front, but was outvoted.<br />
<strong>The</strong>reafter, Mandela rejected Lembede's Africanism and embraced the idea <strong>of</strong> a multiracial<br />
front against apartheid. Influenced by friends like Moses Kotane and by the Soviet<br />
Union's support for wars <strong>of</strong> national liberation, his mistrust <strong>of</strong> communism broke down<br />
and he began reading literature by Karl Marx, Vladimir Lenin, and Mao Zedong,<br />
eventually embracing the Marxist philosophy <strong>of</strong> dialectical materialism. Commenting on<br />
communism, he later stated that he "found [himself] strongly drawn to the idea <strong>of</strong> a<br />
classless society which, to [his] mind, was similar to traditional African culture where life<br />
was shared and communal." In April 1952, Mandela began work at the H.M. Basner law<br />
firm, which was owned by a communist, although his increasing commitment to work<br />
and activism meant he spent less time with his family.<br />
In 1952, the ANC began preparation for a joint Defiance Campaign against apartheid<br />
with Indian and communist groups, founding a National Voluntary Board to recruit<br />
volunteers. <strong>The</strong> campaign was designed to follow the path <strong>of</strong> nonviolent<br />
resistance influenced by Mahatma Gandhi; some supported this for ethical reasons, but<br />
Mandela instead considered it pragmatic. At a Durban rally on 22 June, Mandela<br />
addressed an assembled crowd <strong>of</strong> 10,000, initiating the campaign protests, for which he<br />
was arrested and briefly interned in Marshall Square prison. <strong>The</strong>se events established<br />
Mandela as one <strong>of</strong> the best-known black political figures in South Africa. With further<br />
protests, the ANC's membership grew from 20,000 to 100,000; the government<br />
responded with mass arrests and introduced the Public Safety Act, 1953 to<br />
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permit martial law. In May, authorities banned Transvaal ANC President J. B.<br />
Marks from making public appearances; unable to maintain his position, he<br />
recommended Mandela as his successor. Although Africanists opposed his candidacy,<br />
Mandela was elected regional president in October.<br />
Mandela's former home in the Johannesburg<br />
township <strong>of</strong> Soweto<br />
In July 1952, Mandela was arrested under the<br />
Suppression <strong>of</strong> Communism Act and stood trial as one<br />
<strong>of</strong> the 21 accused—among them Moroka, Sisulu,<br />
and Yusuf Dadoo—in Johannesburg. Found guilty <strong>of</strong><br />
"statutory communism", a term that the government<br />
used to describe most opposition to apartheid, their sentence <strong>of</strong> nine months' hard<br />
labour was suspended for two years. In December, Mandela was given a six-month ban<br />
from attending meetings or talking to more than one individual at a time, making his<br />
Transvaal ANC presidency impractical, and during this period the Defiance Campaign<br />
petered out. In September 1953, Andrew Kunene read out Mandela's "No Easy Walk to<br />
Freedom" speech at a Transvaal ANC meeting; the title was taken from a quote by<br />
Indian independence leader Jawaharlal Nehru, a seminal influence on Mandela's<br />
thought. <strong>The</strong> speech laid out a contingency plan for a scenario in which the ANC was<br />
banned. This Mandela Plan, or M-Plan, involved dividing the organization into a cell<br />
structure with a more centralized leadership.<br />
Mandela obtained work as an attorney for the firm Terblanche and Briggish, before<br />
moving to the liberal-run Helman and Michel, passing qualification exams to become a<br />
full-fledged attorney. In August 1953, Mandela and Tambo opened their own law<br />
firm, Mandela and Tambo, operating in downtown Johannesburg. <strong>The</strong> only African-run<br />
law firm in the country, it was popular with aggrieved blacks, <strong>of</strong>ten dealing with cases<br />
<strong>of</strong> police brutality.<br />
Disliked by the authorities, the firm was forced to relocate to a remote location after their<br />
<strong>of</strong>fice permit was removed under the Group Areas Act; as a result, their clientele<br />
dwindled. As a lawyer <strong>of</strong> aristocratic heritage, Mandela was part <strong>of</strong> Johannesburg's elite<br />
black middle-class, and accorded much respect from the black community. Although a<br />
second daughter, Makaziwe Phumia, was born in May 1954, Mandela's relationship with<br />
Evelyn became strained, and she accused him <strong>of</strong> adultery. He may have had affairs<br />
with ANC member Lillian Ngoyi and secretary Ruth Mompati; various individuals close<br />
to Mandela in this period have stated that the latter bore him a child. Disgusted by her<br />
son's behavior, Nosekeni returned to Transkei, while Evelyn embraced the Jehovah's<br />
Witnesses and rejected Mandela's preoccupation with politics.<br />
Congress <strong>of</strong> the People and the Treason Trial: 1955–1961<br />
We, the people <strong>of</strong> South Africa, declare for all our country and the world to know:<br />
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That South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white, and that no government<br />
can justly claim authority unless it is based on the will <strong>of</strong> the people.<br />
—Opening words <strong>of</strong> the Freedom Charter<br />
After taking part in the unsuccessful protest to prevent the forced relocation <strong>of</strong> all black<br />
people from the Sophiatown suburb <strong>of</strong> Johannesburg in February 1955, Mandela<br />
concluded that violent action would prove necessary to end apartheid and white minority<br />
rule. On his advice, Sisulu requested weaponry from the People's Republic <strong>of</strong> China,<br />
which was denied. Although the Chinese government supported the anti-apartheid<br />
struggle, they believed the movement insufficiently prepared for guerrilla warfare. With<br />
the involvement <strong>of</strong> the South African Indian Congress, the Colored People's Congress,<br />
the South African Congress <strong>of</strong> Trade Unions and the Congress <strong>of</strong> Democrats, the ANC<br />
planned a Congress <strong>of</strong> the People, calling on all South Africans to send in proposals for<br />
a post-apartheid era. Based on the responses, a Freedom Charter was drafted by Rusty<br />
Bernstein, calling for the creation <strong>of</strong> a democratic, non-racialist state with<br />
the nationalisation <strong>of</strong> major industry. <strong>The</strong> charter was adopted at a June 1955<br />
conference in Kliptown; 3,000 delegates attended the event, which was forcibly closed<br />
down by police. <strong>The</strong> tenets <strong>of</strong> the Freedom Charter remained important for Mandela,<br />
and in 1956 he described it as "an inspiration to the people <strong>of</strong> South Africa".<br />
Following the end <strong>of</strong> a second ban in September 1955, Mandela went on a working<br />
holiday to Transkei to discuss the implications <strong>of</strong> the Bantu Authorities Act, 1951 with<br />
local tribal leaders, also visiting his mother and Noengland before proceeding to Cape<br />
Town. In March 1956 he received his third ban on public appearances, restricting him to<br />
Johannesburg for five years, but he <strong>of</strong>ten defied it. Mandela's marriage broke down and<br />
Evelyn left him, taking their children to live with her brother. Initiating divorce<br />
proceedings in May 1956, she claimed that Mandela had physically abused her; he<br />
denied the allegations, and fought for custody <strong>of</strong> their children. She withdrew her<br />
petition <strong>of</strong> separation in November, but Mandela filed for divorce in January 1958; the<br />
divorce was finalised in March, with the children placed in Evelyn's care. During the<br />
divorce proceedings, he began courting a social worker, Winnie Madikizela, whom he<br />
married in Bizana in June 1958. She later became involved in ANC activities, spending<br />
several weeks in prison. Together they had two children: Zenani, born in February 1959,<br />
and Zindziswa, born in December 1960.<br />
An apartheid sign; apartheid legislation<br />
impacted all areas <strong>of</strong> life<br />
In December 1956, Mandela was arrested alongside<br />
most <strong>of</strong> the ANC national executive, and accused <strong>of</strong><br />
"high treason" against the state. Held in Johannesburg<br />
Prison amid mass protests, they underwent a<br />
preparatory examination before being granted bail. <strong>The</strong><br />
defense's refutation began in January 1957, overseen<br />
by defense lawyer Vernon Berrangé, and continued<br />
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until the case was adjourned in September. In January 1958, Oswald Pirow was<br />
appointed to prosecute the case, and in February the judge ruled that there was<br />
"sufficient reason" for the defendants to go on trial in the Transvaal Supreme Court. <strong>The</strong><br />
formal Treason Trial began in Pretoria in August 1958, with the defendants successfully<br />
applying to have the three judges—all linked to the governing National Party—replaced.<br />
In August, one charge was dropped, and in October the prosecution withdrew its<br />
indictment, submitting a reformulated version in November which argued that the ANC<br />
leadership committed high treason by advocating violent revolution, a charge the<br />
defendants denied.<br />
In April 1959, Africanists dissatisfied with the ANC's united front approach founded<br />
the Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC); Mandela disagreed with the PAC's racially<br />
exclusionary views, describing them as "immature" and "naïve". Both parties took part in<br />
an anti-pass campaign in early 1960, in which Africans burned the passes that they<br />
were legally obliged to carry. One <strong>of</strong> the PAC-organised demonstrations was fired upon<br />
by police, resulting in the deaths <strong>of</strong> 69 protesters in the Sharpeville massacre. <strong>The</strong><br />
incident brought international condemnation <strong>of</strong> the government and resulted in rioting<br />
throughout South Africa, with Mandela publicly burning his pass in solidarity.<br />
Responding to the unrest, the government implemented state <strong>of</strong> emergency measures,<br />
declaring martial law and banning the ANC and PAC; in March, they arrested Mandela<br />
and other activists, imprisoning them for five months without charge in the unsanitary<br />
conditions <strong>of</strong> the Pretoria Local prison. Imprisonment caused problems for Mandela and<br />
his co-defendants in the Treason Trial; their lawyers could not reach them, and so it was<br />
decided that the lawyers would withdraw in protest until the accused were freed from<br />
prison when the state <strong>of</strong> emergency was lifted in late August 1960. Over the following<br />
months, Mandela used his free time to organize an All-In African Conference<br />
near Pietermaritzburg, Natal, in March 1961, at which 1,400 anti-apartheid delegates<br />
met, agreeing on a stay-at-home strike to mark 31 May, the day South Africa became a<br />
republic. On 29 March 1961, six years after the Treason Trial began, the judges<br />
produced a verdict <strong>of</strong> not guilty, ruling that there was insufficient evidence to convict the<br />
accused <strong>of</strong> "high treason", since they had advocated neither communism nor violent<br />
revolution; the outcome embarrassed the government.<br />
MK, the SACP, and African Tour: 1961–62<br />
Thatched room at Liliesleaf Farm,<br />
where Mandela hid<br />
Disguised as a chauffeur, Mandela travelled around<br />
the country incognito, organizing the ANC's new cell<br />
structure and the planned mass stay-at-home strike.<br />
Referred to as the "Black Pimpernel" in the press—a<br />
reference to Emma Orczy's 1905 novel <strong>The</strong> Scarlet<br />
Pimpernel—a warrant for his arrest was put out by the<br />
police. Mandela held secret meetings with reporters, and after the government failed to<br />
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prevent the strike, he warned them that many anti-apartheid activists would soon resort<br />
to violence through groups like the PAC's Poqo. He believed that the ANC should form<br />
an armed group to channel some <strong>of</strong> this violence in a controlled direction, convincing<br />
both ANC leader Albert Luthuli—who was morally opposed to violence—and allied<br />
activist groups <strong>of</strong> its necessity.<br />
Inspired by the actions <strong>of</strong> Fidel Castro's 26th <strong>of</strong> July Movement in the Cuban<br />
Revolution, in 1961 Mandela, Sisulu, and Slovo co-founded Umkhonto we<br />
Sizwe ("Spear <strong>of</strong> the Nation", abbreviated MK). Becoming chairman <strong>of</strong> the militant<br />
group, Mandela gained ideas from literature on guerrilla warfare by Marxist militants<br />
Mao and Che Guevara as well as from the military theorist Carl von<br />
Clausewitz. Although initially declared <strong>of</strong>ficially separate from the ANC so as not to taint<br />
the latter's reputation, MK was later widely recognized as the party's armed wing. Most<br />
early MK members were white communists who were able to conceal Mandela in their<br />
homes; after hiding in communist Wolfie Kodesh's flat in Berea, Mandela moved to the<br />
communist-owned Liliesleaf Farm in Rivonia, there joined by Raymond Mhlaba, Slovo,<br />
and Bernstein, who put together the MK constitution. Although in later life Mandela<br />
denied, for political reasons, ever being a member <strong>of</strong> the Communist Party, historical<br />
research published in 2011 strongly suggested that he had joined in the late 1950s or<br />
early 1960s. This was confirmed by both the SACP and the ANC after Mandela's death.<br />
According to the SACP, he was not only a member <strong>of</strong> the party, but also served on its<br />
Central Committee.<br />
We <strong>of</strong> Umkhonto have always sought to achieve liberation without bloodshed and civil<br />
clash. We hope, even at this late hour, that our first actions will awaken everyone to a<br />
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ealization <strong>of</strong> the dangerous situation to which Nationalist policy is leading. We hope<br />
that we will bring the Government and its supporters to their senses before it is too late,<br />
so that both government and its policies can be changed before matters reach the<br />
desperate stage <strong>of</strong> civil war.<br />
—Statement released by MK to announce the start <strong>of</strong> their sabotage campaign<br />
Operating through a cell structure, MK planned to carry out acts <strong>of</strong> sabotage that would<br />
exert maximum pressure on the government with minimum casualties; they sought to<br />
bomb military installations, power plants, telephone lines, and transport links at night,<br />
when civilians were not present. Mandela stated that they chose sabotage because it<br />
was the least harmful action, did not involve killing, and <strong>of</strong>fered the best hope for racial<br />
reconciliation afterwards; he nevertheless acknowledged that should this have failed<br />
then guerrilla warfare might have been necessary. Soon after ANC leader Luthuli was<br />
awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, MK publicly announced its existence with 57 bombings<br />
on Dingane's Day (16 December) 1961, followed by further attacks on New Year's Eve.<br />
<strong>The</strong> ANC decided to send Mandela as a delegate to the February 1962 meeting <strong>of</strong> the<br />
Pan-African Freedom Movement for East, Central and Southern Africa (PAFMECSA)<br />
in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. Leaving South Africa in secret via Bechuanaland, on his way<br />
Mandela visited Tanganyika and met with its president, Julius Nyerere. Arriving in<br />
Ethiopia, Mandela met with Emperor Haile Selassie I, and gave his speech after<br />
Selassie's at the conference. After the symposium, he travelled to Cairo, Egypt,<br />
admiring the political reforms <strong>of</strong> President Gamal Abdel Nasser, and then went to Tunis,<br />
Tunisia, where President Habib Bourguiba gave him £5,000 for weaponry. He<br />
proceeded to Morocco, Mali, Guinea, Sierra Leone, Liberia, and Senegal, receiving<br />
funds from Liberian President William Tubman and Guinean President Ahmed Sékou<br />
Touré. He left Africa for London, England, where he met anti-apartheid activists,<br />
reporters, and prominent politicians. Upon returning to Ethiopia, he began a six-month<br />
course in guerrilla warfare, but completed only two months before being recalled to<br />
South Africa by the ANC's leadership.<br />
Imprisonment<br />
Arrest and Rivonia trial: 1962–1964<br />
On 5 August 1962, police captured Mandela along with fellow activist Cecil<br />
Williams near Howick. Many MK members suspected that the authorities had been<br />
tipped <strong>of</strong>f with regard to Mandela's whereabouts, although Mandela himself gave these<br />
ideas little credence. In later years, Donald Rickard, a former American diplomat<br />
revealed that the Central Intelligence Agency, who feared Mandela's associations with<br />
communists, had informed the South African police <strong>of</strong> his location. Jailed in<br />
Johannesburg's Marshall Square prison, Mandela was charged with inciting workers'<br />
strikes and leaving the country without permission. Representing himself with Slovo as<br />
legal advisor, Mandela intended to use the trial to showcase "the ANC's moral<br />
opposition to racism" while supporters demonstrated outside the court. Moved<br />
to Pretoria, where Winnie could visit him, he began correspondence studies for<br />
a Bachelor <strong>of</strong> Laws (LLB) degree from the University <strong>of</strong> London International<br />
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Programmes. His hearing began in October, but he disrupted proceedings by wearing a<br />
traditional kaross, refusing to call any witnesses, and turning his plea <strong>of</strong> mitigation into a<br />
political speech. Found guilty, he was sentenced to five years' imprisonment; as he left<br />
the courtroom, supporters sang "Nkosi Sikelel iAfrika".<br />
I have fought against white domination, and I have fought against black domination. I<br />
have cherished the ideal <strong>of</strong> a democratic and free society in which all persons will live<br />
together in harmony and with equal opportunities. It is an ideal which I hope to live for<br />
and to see realised. But if it needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die.<br />
—Mandela's Rivonia Trial Speech, 1964<br />
In July 1963, police raided Liliesleaf Farm, arresting those they found there and<br />
uncovering paperwork documenting MK's activities, some <strong>of</strong> which mentioned Mandela.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Rivonia Trial began at Pretoria Supreme Court in October, with Mandela and his<br />
comrades charged with four counts <strong>of</strong> sabotage and conspiracy to violently overthrow<br />
the government; their chief prosecutor was Percy Yutar. Judge Quartus de Wet soon<br />
threw out the prosecution's case for insufficient evidence, but Yutar reformulated the<br />
charges, presenting his new case from December 1963 until February 1964, calling 173<br />
witnesses and bringing thousands <strong>of</strong> documents and photographs to the trial.<br />
Although four <strong>of</strong> the accused denied involvement with MK, Mandela and the other five<br />
accused admitted sabotage but denied that they had ever agreed to initiate guerrilla war<br />
against the government. <strong>The</strong>y used the trial to highlight their political cause; at the<br />
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opening <strong>of</strong> the defense's proceedings, Mandela gave his three-hour "I Am Prepared to<br />
Die" speech. That speech—which was inspired by Castro's "History Will Absolve Me"—<br />
was widely reported in the press despite <strong>of</strong>ficial censorship. <strong>The</strong> trial gained<br />
international attention; there were global calls for the release <strong>of</strong> the accused from<br />
the United Nations and World Peace Council, while the University <strong>of</strong> London<br />
Union voted Mandela to its presidency. On 12 June 1964, justice De Wet found<br />
Mandela and two <strong>of</strong> his co-accused guilty on all four charges; although the prosecution<br />
had called for the death sentence to be applied, the judge instead condemned them<br />
to life imprisonment.<br />
Robben Island: 1964–1982<br />
Mandela and his co-accused were transferred from Pretoria to the prison on Robben<br />
Island, remaining there for the next 18 years. Isolated from non-political prisoners in<br />
Section B, Mandela was imprisoned in a damp concrete cell measuring 8 feet (2.4 m) by<br />
7 feet (2.1 m), with a straw mat on which to sleep. Verbally and physically harassed by<br />
several white prison wardens, the Rivonia Trial prisoners spent their days breaking<br />
rocks into gravel, until being reassigned in January 1965 to work in a lime quarry.<br />
Mandela was initially forbidden to wear sunglasses, and the glare from the lime<br />
permanently damaged his eyesight. At night, he worked on his LLB degree which he<br />
was obtaining from the University <strong>of</strong> London through a correspondence course<br />
with Wolsey Hall, Oxford, but newspapers were forbidden, and he was locked in solitary<br />
confinement on several occasions for the possession <strong>of</strong> smuggled news clippings. He<br />
was initially classified as the lowest grade <strong>of</strong> prisoner, Class D, meaning that he was<br />
permitted one visit and one letter every six months, although all mail was heavily<br />
censored.<br />
Lime quarry on Robben Island where Mandela and other<br />
prisoners were forced to carry out hard labor<br />
<strong>The</strong> political prisoners took part in work and hunger<br />
strikes—the latter considered largely ineffective by<br />
Mandela—to improve prison conditions, viewing this as<br />
a microcosm <strong>of</strong> the anti-apartheid struggle. ANC<br />
prisoners elected him to their four-man "High Organ"<br />
along with Sisulu, Govan Mbeki, and Raymond<br />
Mhlaba, and he involved himself in a group<br />
representing all political prisoners (including Eddie Daniels) on the island, Ulundi,<br />
through which he forged links with PAC and Yu Chi Chan Club members. Initiating the<br />
"University <strong>of</strong> Robben Island", whereby prisoners lectured on their own areas <strong>of</strong><br />
expertise, he debated socio-political topics with his comrades.<br />
Though attending Christian Sunday services, Mandela studied Islam. He also<br />
studied Afrikaans, hoping to build a mutual respect with the warders and convert them<br />
to his cause. Various <strong>of</strong>ficial visitors met with Mandela, most significantly the liberal<br />
parliamentary representative Helen Suzman <strong>of</strong> the Progressive Party, who championed<br />
Mandela's cause outside <strong>of</strong> prison. In September 1970, he met British Labor<br />
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Party politician Dennis Healey. South African Minister <strong>of</strong> Justice Jimmy Kruger visited in<br />
December 1974, but he and Mandela did not get along with each other. His mother<br />
visited in 1968, dying shortly after, and his firstborn son <strong>The</strong>mbi died in a car accident<br />
the following year; Mandela was forbidden from attending either funeral. His wife was<br />
rarely able to see him, being regularly imprisoned for political activity, and his daughters<br />
first visited in December 1975. Winnie was released from prison in 1977 but was forcibly<br />
settled in Brandfort and remained unable to see him.<br />
From 1967 onwards, prison conditions improved; black prisoners were given trousers<br />
rather than shorts, games were permitted, and the standard <strong>of</strong> their food was raised. In<br />
1969, an escape plan for Mandela was developed by Gordon Bruce, but it was<br />
abandoned after the conspiracy was infiltrated by an agent <strong>of</strong> the South African Bureau<br />
<strong>of</strong> State Security (BOSS), who hoped to see Mandela shot during the escape. In 1970,<br />
Commander Piet Badenhorst became commanding <strong>of</strong>ficer. Mandela, seeing an<br />
increase in the physical and mental abuse <strong>of</strong> prisoners, complained to visiting judges,<br />
who had Badenhorst reassigned. He was replaced by Commander Willie Willemse, who<br />
developed a co-operative relationship with Mandela and was keen to improve prison<br />
standards.<br />
<strong>The</strong> inside <strong>of</strong> Mandela's prison cell<br />
as it was when he was imprisoned<br />
in 1964 and his open cell window<br />
facing the prison yard on Robben<br />
Island, now a national and World<br />
Heritage Site. Mandela's cell later<br />
contained more furniture, including<br />
a bed from around 1973.<br />
By 1975, Mandela had become a Class A prisoner, which allowed him greater numbers<br />
<strong>of</strong> visits and letters. He corresponded with anti-apartheid activists like Mangosuthu<br />
Buthelezi and Desmond Tutu. That year, he began his autobiography, which was<br />
smuggled to London, but remained unpublished at the time; prison authorities<br />
discovered several pages, and his LLB study privileges were revoked for four<br />
years. Instead, he devoted his spare time to gardening and reading until the authorities<br />
permitted him to resume his LLB degree studies in 1980.<br />
By the late 1960s, Mandela's fame had been eclipsed by Steve Biko and the Black<br />
Consciousness Movement (BCM). Seeing the ANC as ineffectual, the BCM called for<br />
militant action, but following the Soweto uprising <strong>of</strong> 1976, many BCM activists were<br />
imprisoned on Robben Island. Mandela tried to build a relationship with these young<br />
radicals, although he was critical <strong>of</strong> their racialism and contempt for white anti-apartheid<br />
activists. Renewed international interest in his plight came in July 1978, when he<br />
celebrated his 60th birthday. He was awarded an honorary doctorate in Lesotho,<br />
the Jawaharlal Nehru Award for International Understanding in India in 1979, and<br />
the Freedom <strong>of</strong> the City <strong>of</strong> Glasgow, Scotland in 1981. In March 1980, the slogan "Free<br />
Mandela!" was developed by journalist Percy Qoboza, sparking an international<br />
campaign that led the UN Security Council to call for his release. Despite increasing<br />
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foreign pressure, the government refused, relying on its Cold War allies US<br />
President Ronald Reagan and UK Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher; both considered<br />
Mandela's ANC a terrorist organisation sympathetic to communism, and supported its<br />
suppression.<br />
Pollsmoor Prison: 1982–1988<br />
In April 1982, Mandela was transferred to Pollsmoor Prison in Tokai, Cape Town, along<br />
with senior ANC leaders Walter Sisulu, Andrew Mlangeni, Ahmed Kathrada, and<br />
Raymond Mhlaba; they believed that they were being isolated to remove their influence<br />
on younger activists at Robben Island. Conditions at Pollsmoor were better than at<br />
Robben Island, although Mandela missed the camaraderie and scenery <strong>of</strong> the island.<br />
Getting on well with Pollsmoor's commanding <strong>of</strong>ficer, Brigadier Munro, Mandela was<br />
permitted to create a ro<strong>of</strong> garden; he also read voraciously and corresponded widely,<br />
now permitted 52 letters a year. He was appointed patron <strong>of</strong> the multi-racial United<br />
Democratic Front(UDF), founded to combat reforms implemented by South African<br />
President P. W. Botha. Botha's National Party government had permitted Colored and<br />
Indian citizens to vote for their own parliaments, which had control over education,<br />
health, and housing, but black Africans were excluded from the system; like Mandela,<br />
the UDF saw this as an attempt to divide the anti-apartheid movement on racial lines.<br />
Bust <strong>of</strong> Mandela erected on London's South Bank by the Greater<br />
London Council administration <strong>of</strong> Ken Livingstone in 1985<br />
<strong>The</strong> early 1980s witnessed an escalation <strong>of</strong> violence<br />
across the country, and many predicted civil war. This<br />
was accompanied by economic stagnation as various<br />
multinational banks—under pressure from an<br />
international lobby—had stopped investing in South<br />
Africa. Numerous banks and Thatcher asked Botha to<br />
release Mandela—then at the height <strong>of</strong> his<br />
international fame—to defuse the volatile situation.<br />
Although considering Mandela a dangerous "arch-<br />
Marxist", in February 1985 Botha <strong>of</strong>fered him a release<br />
from prison if he "unconditionally rejected violence as a<br />
political weapon". Mandela spurned the <strong>of</strong>fer, releasing<br />
a statement through his daughter Zindzi stating, "What<br />
freedom am I being <strong>of</strong>fered while the organization <strong>of</strong><br />
the people [ANC] remains banned? Only free men can<br />
negotiate. A prisoner cannot enter into contracts."<br />
In 1985, Mandela underwent surgery on an enlarged prostate gland, before being given<br />
new solitary quarters on the ground floor. He was met by "seven eminent persons", an<br />
international delegation sent to negotiate a settlement, but Botha's government refused<br />
to co-operate, calling a state <strong>of</strong> emergency in June and initiating a police crackdown on<br />
unrest. <strong>The</strong> anti-apartheid resistance fought back, with the ANC committing 231 attacks<br />
in 1986 and 235 in 1987. <strong>The</strong> violence escalated as the government used the army and<br />
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police to combat the resistance, and provided covert support for vigilante groups and<br />
the Zulu nationalist movement Inkatha, which was involved in an increasingly violent<br />
struggle with the ANC. Mandela requested talks with Botha but was denied, instead<br />
secretly meeting with Minister <strong>of</strong> Justice Kobie Coetsee in 1987, and having a further 11<br />
meetings over the next three years. Coetsee organized negotiations between Mandela<br />
and a team <strong>of</strong> four government figures starting in May 1988; the team agreed to the<br />
release <strong>of</strong> political prisoners and the legalization <strong>of</strong> the ANC on the condition that they<br />
permanently renounce violence, break links with the Communist Party, and not insist<br />
on majority rule. Mandela rejected these conditions, insisting that the ANC would only<br />
end its armed activities when the government renounced violence.<br />
Mandela's 70th birthday in July 1988 attracted international attention, including a tribute<br />
concert at London's Wembley Stadium that was televised and watched by an estimated<br />
200 million viewers. Although presented globally as a heroic figure, he faced personal<br />
problems when ANC leaders informed him that Winnie had set herself up as head <strong>of</strong> a<br />
gang, the "Mandela United Football Club", which had been responsible for torturing and<br />
killing opponents—including children—in Soweto. Though some encouraged him to<br />
divorce her, he decided to remain loyal until she was found guilty by trial.<br />
Victor Verster Prison and release: 1988–1990<br />
"Free Mandela" protest in East Berlin, 1986<br />
Recovering from tuberculosis exacerbated by the damp conditions in his cell, in<br />
December 1988 Mandela was moved to Victor Verster Prison near Paarl. He was<br />
housed in the relative comfort <strong>of</strong> a warder's house with a personal cook, and used the<br />
time to complete his LLB degree. While there, he was permitted many visitors and<br />
organised secret communications with exiled ANC leader Oliver Tambo.<br />
In 1989, Botha suffered a stroke; although he would retain the state presidency, he<br />
stepped down as leader <strong>of</strong> the National Party, to be replaced by F. W. de Klerk. In a<br />
surprise move, Botha invited Mandela to a meeting over tea in July 1989, an invitation<br />
Mandela considered genial. Botha was replaced as state president by de Klerk six<br />
weeks later; the new president believed that apartheid was unsustainable and released<br />
a number <strong>of</strong> ANC prisoners. Following the fall <strong>of</strong> the Berlin Wall in November 1989, de<br />
Klerk called his cabinet together to debate legalising the ANC and freeing Mandela.<br />
Although some were deeply opposed to his plans, de Klerk met with Mandela in<br />
December to discuss the situation, a meeting both men considered friendly, before<br />
legalising all formerly banned political parties in February 1990 and announcing<br />
Mandela's unconditional release. Shortly thereafter, for the first time in 20 years,<br />
photographs <strong>of</strong> Mandela were allowed to be published in South Africa.<br />
Leaving Victor Verster Prison on 11 February, Mandela held Winnie's hand in front <strong>of</strong><br />
amassed crowds and the press; the event was broadcast live across the world. Driven<br />
to Cape Town's City Hall through crowds, he gave a speech declaring his commitment<br />
to peace and reconciliation with the white minority, but made it clear that the ANC's<br />
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armed struggle was not over, and would continue as "a purely defensive action against<br />
the violence <strong>of</strong> apartheid". He expressed hope that the government would agree to<br />
negotiations, so that "there may no longer be the need for the armed struggle", and<br />
insisted that his main focus was to bring peace to the black majority and give them the<br />
right to vote in national and local elections. Staying at Tutu's home, in the following days<br />
Mandela met with friends, activists, and press, giving a speech to an estimated 100,000<br />
people at Johannesburg's Soccer City.<br />
End <strong>of</strong> Apartheid<br />
Early negotiations: 1990–91<br />
Luthuli House in Johannesburg, which<br />
became the ANC headquarters in 1991<br />
Mandela proceeded on an African tour, meeting supporters<br />
and politicians in Zambia, Zimbabwe, Namibia, Libya and<br />
Algeria, and continuing to Sweden, where he was reunited<br />
with Tambo, and London, where he appeared at the Nelson<br />
Mandela: An International Tribute for a Free South<br />
Africa concert at Wembley Stadium in Wembley<br />
Park. Encouraging foreign countries to support sanctions<br />
against the apartheid government, in France he was<br />
welcomed by President François Mitterrand, in Vatican City<br />
by Pope John Paul II, and in the United Kingdom by Thatcher.<br />
In the United States, he met President George H.W. Bush,<br />
addressed both Houses <strong>of</strong> Congress and visited eight cities, being particularly popular<br />
among the African-American community. In Cuba, he became friends with President<br />
Castro, whom he had long admired. He met President R. Venkataraman in India,<br />
President Suharto in Indonesia, Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad in Malaysia, and<br />
Prime Minister Bob Hawke in Australia. He visited Japan, but not the Soviet Union, a<br />
longtime ANC supporter.<br />
In May 1990, Mandela led a multiracial ANC delegation into preliminary negotiations<br />
with a government delegation <strong>of</strong> 11 Afrikaner men. Mandela impressed them with his<br />
discussions <strong>of</strong> Afrikaner history, and the negotiations led to the Groot Schuur Minute, in<br />
which the government lifted the state <strong>of</strong> emergency. In August, Mandela—recognising<br />
the ANC's severe military disadvantage—<strong>of</strong>fered a ceasefire, the Pretoria Minute, for<br />
which he was widely criticized by MK activists. He spent much time trying to unify and<br />
build the ANC, appearing at a Johannesburg conference in December attended by 1600<br />
delegates, many <strong>of</strong> whom found him more moderate than expected. At the ANC's July<br />
1991 national conference in Durban, Mandela admitted that the party had faults and<br />
announced his aim to build a "strong and well-oiled task force" for securing majority<br />
rule. At the conference, he was elected ANC President, replacing the ailing Tambo, and<br />
a 50-strong multiracial, mixed gendered national executive was elected.<br />
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Mandela was given an <strong>of</strong>fice in the newly purchased ANC headquarters at Shell House,<br />
Johannesburg, and moved into Winnie's large Soweto home. <strong>The</strong>ir marriage was<br />
increasingly strained as he learned <strong>of</strong> her affair with Dali Mp<strong>of</strong>u, but he supported her<br />
during her trial for kidnapping and assault. He gained funding for her defense from the<br />
International Defense and Aid Fund for Southern Africa and from Libyan<br />
leader Muammar Gaddafi, but in June 1991 she was found guilty and sentenced to six<br />
years in prison, reduced to two on appeal. On 13 April 1992, Mandela publicly<br />
announced his separation from Winnie. <strong>The</strong> ANC forced her to step down from the<br />
national executive for misappropriating ANC funds; Mandela moved into the mostly<br />
white Johannesburg suburb <strong>of</strong> Houghton.<br />
Mandela's prospects for a peaceful transition were further damaged by an increase in<br />
"black-on-black" violence, particularly between ANC and Inkatha supporters<br />
in KwaZulu-Natal, which resulted in thousands <strong>of</strong> deaths. Mandela met with Inkatha<br />
leader Buthelezi, but the ANC prevented further negotiations on the issue. Mandela<br />
argued that there was a "third force" within the state intelligence services fuelling the<br />
"slaughter <strong>of</strong> the people" and openly blamed de Klerk—whom he increasingly<br />
distrusted—for the Sebokeng massacre. In September 1991, a national peace<br />
conference was held in Johannesburg at which Mandela, Buthelezi and de Klerk signed<br />
a peace accord, though the violence continued.<br />
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CODESA talks: 1991–92<br />
<strong>The</strong> Convention for a Democratic South Africa (CODESA) began in December 1991 at<br />
the Johannesburg World Trade Centre, attended by 228 delegates from 19 political<br />
parties. Although Cyril Ramaphosa led the ANC's delegation, Mandela remained a key<br />
figure, and after de Klerk used the closing speech to condemn the ANC's violence, he<br />
took to the stage to denounce de Klerk as the "head <strong>of</strong> an illegitimate, discredited<br />
minority regime". Dominated by the National Party and ANC, little negotiation was<br />
achieved. CODESA 2 was held in May 1992, at which de Klerk insisted that postapartheid<br />
South Africa must use a federal system with a rotating presidency to ensure<br />
the protection <strong>of</strong> ethnic minorities; Mandela opposed this, demanding a unitary<br />
system governed by majority rule. Following the Boipatong massacre <strong>of</strong> ANC activists<br />
by government-aided Inkatha militants, Mandela called <strong>of</strong>f the negotiations, before<br />
attending a meeting <strong>of</strong> the Organization <strong>of</strong> African Unity in Senegal, at which he called<br />
for a special session <strong>of</strong> the UN Security Council and proposed that a UN peacekeeping<br />
force be stationed in South Africa to prevent "state terrorism". Calling for domestic mass<br />
action, in August the ANC organised the largest-ever strike in South African history, and<br />
supporters marched on Pretoria.<br />
De Klerk and Mandela shake hands<br />
at the World Economic Forum, 1992<br />
Following the Bisho massacre, in which 28 ANC<br />
supporters and one soldier were shot dead by<br />
the Ciskei Defense Force during a protest march,<br />
Mandela realized that mass action was leading to<br />
further violence and resumed negotiations in<br />
September. He agreed to do so on the conditions that<br />
all political prisoners be released, that Zulu traditional weapons be banned, and that<br />
Zulu hostels would be fenced <strong>of</strong>f, the latter two measures intended to prevent further<br />
Inkatha attacks; de Klerk reluctantly agreed. <strong>The</strong> negotiations agreed that a multiracial<br />
general election would be held, resulting in a five-year coalition government <strong>of</strong> national<br />
unity and a constitutional assembly that gave the National Party continuing influence.<br />
<strong>The</strong> ANC also conceded to safeguarding the jobs <strong>of</strong> white civil servants; such<br />
concessions brought fierce internal criticism. <strong>The</strong> duo agreed on an interim<br />
constitution based on a liberal democratic model, guaranteeing separation <strong>of</strong> powers,<br />
creating a constitutional court, and including a US-style bill <strong>of</strong> rights; it also divided the<br />
country into nine provinces, each with its own premier and civil service, a concession<br />
between de Klerk's desire for federalism and Mandela's for unitary government.<br />
<strong>The</strong> democratic process was threatened by the Concerned South Africans Group<br />
(COSAG), an alliance <strong>of</strong> black ethnic-secessionist groups like Inkatha and far-right<br />
Afrikaner parties; in June 1993, one <strong>of</strong> the latter—the Afrikaner<br />
Weerstandsbeweging (AWB)—attacked the Kempton Park World Trade<br />
Centre. Following the murder <strong>of</strong> ANC activist Chris Hani, Mandela made a publicised<br />
speech to calm rioting, soon after appearing at a mass funeral in Soweto for Tambo,<br />
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who had died <strong>of</strong> a stroke. In July 1993, both Mandela and de Klerk visited the US,<br />
independently meeting President Bill Clinton and each receiving the Liberty<br />
Medal. Soon after, Mandela and de Klerk were jointly awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in<br />
Norway. Influenced by Thabo Mbeki, Mandela began meeting with big business figures,<br />
and played down his support for nationalization, fearing that he would scare away<br />
much-needed foreign investment. Although criticized by socialist ANC members, he had<br />
been encouraged to embrace private enterprise by members <strong>of</strong> the Chinese and<br />
Vietnamese Communist parties at the January 1992 World Economic Forum in<br />
Switzerland.<br />
General election: 1994<br />
Mandela casting his vote in the 1994 election<br />
With the election set for 27 April 1994, the ANC began<br />
campaigning, opening 100 election <strong>of</strong>fices and orchestrating<br />
People's Forums across the country at which Mandela could<br />
appear, as a popular figure with great status among black<br />
South Africans. <strong>The</strong> ANC campaigned on a Reconstruction<br />
and Development Program (RDP) to build a million houses in<br />
five years, introduce universal free education and extend<br />
access to water and electricity. <strong>The</strong> party's slogan was "a<br />
better life for all", although it was not explained how this<br />
development would be funded. With the exception <strong>of</strong><br />
the Weekly Mail and the New Nation, South Africa's press<br />
opposed Mandela's election, fearing continued ethnic strife, instead supporting the<br />
National or Democratic Party. Mandela devoted much time to fundraising for the ANC,<br />
touring North America, Europe and Asia to meet wealthy donors, including former<br />
supporters <strong>of</strong> the apartheid regime. He also urged a reduction in the voting age from 18<br />
to 14; rejected by the ANC, this policy became the subject <strong>of</strong> ridicule.<br />
Concerned that COSAG would undermine the election, particularly in the wake <strong>of</strong><br />
the conflict in Bophuthatswana and the Shell House massacre—incidents <strong>of</strong> violence<br />
involving the AWB and Inkatha, respectively—Mandela met with Afrikaner politicians<br />
and generals, including P. W. Botha, Pik Botha and Constand Viljoen, persuading many<br />
to work within the democratic system. With de Klerk, he also convinced Inkatha's<br />
Buthelezi to enter the elections rather than launch a war <strong>of</strong> secession. As leaders <strong>of</strong> the<br />
two major parties, de Klerk and Mandela appeared on a televised debate; although de<br />
Klerk was widely considered the better speaker at the event, Mandela's <strong>of</strong>fer to shake<br />
his hand surprised him, leading some commentators to deem it a victory for<br />
Mandela. <strong>The</strong> election went ahead with little violence, although an AWB cell killed 20<br />
with car bombs. As widely expected, the ANC won a sweeping victory, taking 63% <strong>of</strong><br />
the vote, just short <strong>of</strong> the two-thirds majority needed to unilaterally change the<br />
constitution. <strong>The</strong> ANC was also victorious in seven provinces, with Inkatha and the<br />
National Party each taking another. Mandela voted at the Ohlange High School in<br />
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Durban, and though the ANC's victory assured his election as President, he publicly<br />
accepted that the election had been marred by instances <strong>of</strong> fraud and sabotage.<br />
Presidency <strong>of</strong> South Africa: 1994–1999<br />
<strong>The</strong> newly elected National Assembly's first act was to formally elect Mandela as South<br />
Africa's first black chief executive. His inauguration took place in Pretoria on 10 May<br />
1994, televised to a billion viewers globally. <strong>The</strong> event was attended by four thousand<br />
guests, including world leaders from a wide range <strong>of</strong> geographic and ideological<br />
backgrounds. Mandela headed a Government <strong>of</strong> National Unity dominated by the<br />
ANC—which had no experience <strong>of</strong> governing by itself—but containing representatives<br />
from the National Party and Inkatha. Under the Interim Constitution, Inkatha and the<br />
National Party were entitled to seats in the government by virtue <strong>of</strong> winning at least 20<br />
seats. In keeping with earlier agreements, both de Klerk and Thabo Mbeki were given<br />
the position <strong>of</strong> Deputy President. Although Mbeki had not been his first choice for the<br />
job, Mandela grew to rely heavily on him throughout his presidency, allowing him to<br />
shape policy details. Moving into the presidential <strong>of</strong>fice at Tuynhuys in Cape Town,<br />
Mandela allowed de Klerk to retain the presidential residence in the Groote<br />
Schuur estate, instead settling into the nearby Westbrooke manor, which he renamed<br />
"Genadendal", meaning "Valley <strong>of</strong> Mercy" in Afrikaans. Retaining his Houghton home,<br />
he also had a house built in his home village <strong>of</strong> Qunu, which he visited regularly,<br />
walking around the area, meeting with locals, and judging tribal disputes.<br />
Aged 76, he faced various ailments, and although exhibiting continued energy, he felt<br />
isolated and lonely. He <strong>of</strong>ten entertained celebrities, such as Michael Jackson, Whoopi<br />
Goldberg, and the Spice Girls, and befriended ultra-rich businessmen, like Harry<br />
Oppenheimer <strong>of</strong> Anglo-American. He also met with Queen Elizabeth II on her March<br />
1995 state visit to South Africa, which earned him strong criticism from ANC anticapitalists.<br />
Despite his opulent surroundings, Mandela lived simply, donating a third <strong>of</strong><br />
his R 552,000 annual income to the Nelson Mandela Children's Fund, which he had<br />
founded in 1995. Although dismantling press censorship, speaking out in favour<br />
<strong>of</strong> freedom <strong>of</strong> the press, and befriending many journalists, Mandela was critical <strong>of</strong> much<br />
<strong>of</strong> the country's media, noting that it was overwhelmingly owned and run by middleclass<br />
whites and believing that it focused too heavily on scaremongering about crime.<br />
In December 1994, Mandela published Long Walk to Freedom, an autobiography based<br />
around a manuscript he had written in prison, augmented by interviews conducted with<br />
American journalist Richard Stengel. In late 1994, he attended the 49th conference <strong>of</strong><br />
the ANC in Bloemfontein, at which a more militant national executive was elected,<br />
among them Winnie Mandela; although she expressed an interest in reconciling, Nelson<br />
initiated divorce proceedings in August 1995. By 1995, he had entered into a<br />
relationship with Graça Machel, a Mozambican political activist 27 years his junior who<br />
was the widow <strong>of</strong> former president Samora Machel. <strong>The</strong>y had first met in July 1990<br />
when she was still in mourning, but their friendship grew into a partnership, with Machel<br />
accompanying him on many <strong>of</strong> his foreign visits. She turned down Mandela's first<br />
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marriage proposal, wanting to retain some independence and dividing her time between<br />
Mozambique and Johannesburg.<br />
National Reconciliation<br />
Gracious but steely, [Mandela] steered a country in turmoil toward a negotiated<br />
settlement: a country that days before its first democratic election remained violent,<br />
riven by divisive views and personalities. He endorsed national reconciliation, an idea<br />
he did not merely foster in the abstract, but performed with panache and conviction in<br />
reaching out to former adversaries. He initiated an era <strong>of</strong> hope that, while not longlasting,<br />
was nevertheless decisive, and he garnered the highest international<br />
recognition and affection.<br />
—Rita Barnard, <strong>The</strong> Cambridge Companion to Nelson Mandela<br />
Presiding over the transition from apartheid minority rule to a multicultural democracy,<br />
Mandela saw national reconciliation as the primary task <strong>of</strong> his presidency. Having seen<br />
other post-colonial African economies damaged by the departure <strong>of</strong> white elites,<br />
Mandela worked to reassure South Africa's white population that they were protected<br />
and represented in "the Rainbow Nation". Although his Government <strong>of</strong> National Unity<br />
would be dominated by the ANC, he attempted to create a broad coalition by appointing<br />
de Klerk as Deputy President and appointing other National Party <strong>of</strong>ficials as ministers<br />
for Agriculture, Energy, Environment, and Minerals and Energy, as well as naming<br />
Buthelezi as Minister for Home Affairs. <strong>The</strong> other cabinet positions were taken by ANC<br />
members, many <strong>of</strong> whom—like Joe Modise, Alfred Nzo, Joe Slovo, Mac<br />
Maharaj and Dullah Omar—had long been comrades <strong>of</strong> Mandela, although others, such<br />
as Tito Mboweni and Jeff Radebe, were far younger. Mandela's relationship with de<br />
Klerk was strained; Mandela thought that de Klerk was intentionally provocative, and de<br />
Klerk felt that he was being intentionally humiliated by the president. In January 1995,<br />
Mandela heavily chastised him for awarding amnesty to 3,500 police <strong>of</strong>ficers just before<br />
the election, and later criticised him for defending former Minister <strong>of</strong> Defence Magnus<br />
Malan when the latter was charged with murder.<br />
Mandela personally met with senior figures <strong>of</strong> the apartheid regime, including Hendrik<br />
Verwoerd's widow, Betsie Schoombie, and lawyer Percy Yutar, also laying a wreath by<br />
the statue <strong>of</strong> Afrikaner hero Daniel <strong>The</strong>ron. Emphasising personal forgiveness and<br />
reconciliation, he announced that "courageous people do not fear forgiving, for the sake<br />
<strong>of</strong> peace." He encouraged black South Africans to get behind the previously hated<br />
national rugby team, the Springboks, as South Africa hosted the 1995 Rugby World<br />
Cup. Mandela wore a Springbok shirt at the final against New Zealand, and after the<br />
Springboks won the match, Mandela presented the trophy to captain Francois Pienaar,<br />
an Afrikaner. This was widely seen as a major step in the reconciliation <strong>of</strong> white and<br />
black South Africans; as de Klerk later put it, "Mandela won the hearts <strong>of</strong> millions <strong>of</strong><br />
white rugby fans." Mandela's efforts at reconciliation assuaged the fears <strong>of</strong> whites, but<br />
also drew criticism from more militant blacks. Among the latter was his estranged wife,<br />
Winnie, who accused the ANC <strong>of</strong> being more interested in appeasing the white<br />
community than in helping the black majority.<br />
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Mandela oversaw the formation <strong>of</strong> a Truth and Reconciliation Commission to investigate<br />
crimes committed under apartheid by both the government and the ANC, appointing<br />
Tutu as its chair. To prevent the creation <strong>of</strong> martyrs, the Commission granted individual<br />
amnesties in exchange for testimony <strong>of</strong> crimes committed during the apartheid era.<br />
Dedicated in February 1996, it held two years <strong>of</strong> hearings detailing rapes, torture,<br />
bombings, and assassinations, before issuing its final report in October 1998. Both de<br />
Klerk and Mbeki appealed to have parts <strong>of</strong> the report suppressed, though only de<br />
Klerk's appeal was successful. Mandela praised the Commission's work, stating that it<br />
"had helped us move away from the past to concentrate on the present and the future".<br />
Domestic Programs<br />
Houses in Soweto constructed under the RDP program<br />
Mandela's administration inherited a country with a<br />
huge disparity in wealth and services between white<br />
and black communities. Of a population <strong>of</strong> 40 million,<br />
around 23 million lacked electricity or adequate<br />
sanitation, and 12 million lacked clean water supplies,<br />
with 2 million children not in school and a third <strong>of</strong> the population illiterate. <strong>The</strong>re was<br />
33% unemployment, and just under half <strong>of</strong> the population lived below the poverty<br />
line. Government financial reserves were nearly depleted, with a fifth <strong>of</strong> the national<br />
budget being spent on debt repayment, meaning that the extent <strong>of</strong> the promised<br />
Reconstruction and Development Program (RDP) was scaled back, with none <strong>of</strong> the<br />
proposed nationalization or job creation. In 1996, the RDP was replaced with a new<br />
policy, Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR), which maintained South<br />
Africa's mixed economy but placed an emphasis on economic growth through a<br />
framework <strong>of</strong> market economics and the encouragement <strong>of</strong> foreign investment; many in<br />
the ANC derided it as a neo-liberal policy that did not address social inequality, no<br />
matter how Mandela defended it. In adopting this approach, Mandela's government<br />
adhered to the "Washington consensus" advocated by the World Bank and International<br />
Monetary Fund.<br />
Under Mandela's presidency, welfare spending increased by 13% in 1996/97, 13% in<br />
1997/98, and 7% in 1998/99. <strong>The</strong> government introduced parity in grants for<br />
communities, including disability grants, child maintenance grants, and old-age<br />
pensions, which had previously been set at different levels for South Africa's different<br />
racial groups. In 1994, free healthcare was introduced for children under six and<br />
pregnant women, a provision extended to all those using primary level public sector<br />
health care services in 1996. By the 1999 election, the ANC could boast that due to<br />
their policies, 3 million people were connected to telephone lines, 1.5 million children<br />
were brought into the education system, 500 clinics were upgraded or constructed,<br />
2 million people were connected to the electricity grid, water access was extended to<br />
3 million people, and 750,000 houses were constructed, housing nearly 3 million<br />
people.<br />
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Mandela on a visit to Brazil in 1998<br />
<strong>The</strong> Land Reform Act 3 <strong>of</strong> 1996 safeguarded the rights<br />
<strong>of</strong> labour tenants living on farms where they grew<br />
crops or grazed livestock. This legislation ensured that<br />
such tenants could not be evicted without a court order<br />
or if they were over the age <strong>of</strong> 65. Recognising that<br />
arms manufacturing was a key industry for the South<br />
African economy, Mandela endorsed the trade in<br />
weapons but brought in tighter regulations<br />
surrounding Armscor to ensure that South African<br />
weaponry was not sold to authoritarian regimes. Under<br />
Mandela's administration, tourism was increasingly<br />
promoted, becoming a major sector <strong>of</strong> the South<br />
African economy.<br />
Critics like Edwin Cameron accused Mandela's<br />
government <strong>of</strong> doing little to stem the HIV/AIDS<br />
pandemic in the country; by 1999, 10% <strong>of</strong> South<br />
Africa's population were HIV positive. Mandela later admitted that he had personally<br />
neglected the issue, in part due to public reticence in discussing issues surrounding sex<br />
in South Africa, and that he had instead left the issue for Mbeki to deal with. Mandela<br />
also received criticism for failing to sufficiently combat crime; South Africa had one <strong>of</strong><br />
the world's highest crime rates, and the activities <strong>of</strong> international crime syndicates in the<br />
country grew significantly throughout the decade. Mandela's administration was also<br />
perceived as having failed to deal with the problem <strong>of</strong> corruption.<br />
Further problems were caused by the exodus <strong>of</strong> thousands <strong>of</strong> skilled white South<br />
Africans from the country, who were escaping the increasing crime rates, higher taxes,<br />
and the impact <strong>of</strong> positive discrimination toward blacks in employment. This exodus<br />
resulted in a brain drain, and Mandela criticized those who left. At the same time, South<br />
Africa experienced an influx <strong>of</strong> millions <strong>of</strong> illegal migrants from poorer parts <strong>of</strong> Africa;<br />
although public opinion toward these illegal immigrants was generally unfavorable,<br />
characterizing them as disease-spreading criminals who were a drain on resources,<br />
Mandela called on South Africans to embrace them as "brothers and sisters".<br />
Foreign Affairs<br />
Mandela expressed the view that "South Africa's future foreign relations [should] be<br />
based on our belief that human rights should be the core <strong>of</strong> international<br />
relations". Following the South African example, Mandela encouraged other nations to<br />
resolve conflicts through diplomacy and reconciliation. In September 1998, Mandela<br />
was appointed Secretary-General <strong>of</strong> the Non-Aligned Movement, who held their annual<br />
conference in Durban. He used the event to criticise the "narrow, chauvinistic interests"<br />
<strong>of</strong> the Israeli government in stalling negotiations to end the Israeli–Palestinian<br />
conflict and urged India and Pakistan to negotiate to end the Kashmir conflict, for which<br />
he was criticized by both Israel and India. Inspired by the region's economic boom,<br />
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Mandela sought greater economic relations with East Asia, in particular with Malaysia,<br />
although this was prevented by the 1997 Asian financial crisis. He extended diplomatic<br />
recognition to the People's Republic <strong>of</strong> China (PRC), who were growing as an economic<br />
force, and initially also to Taiwan, who were already longstanding investors in the South<br />
African economy. However, under pressure from the PRC, in November 1996 he cut<br />
recognition <strong>of</strong> Taiwan, and in May 1999 paid an <strong>of</strong>ficial visit to Beijing.<br />
Mandela with US President Bill Clinton. Despite publicly criticizing<br />
him on several occasions, Mandela liked Clinton, and personally<br />
supported him during his impeachment proceedings.<br />
Mandela attracted controversy for his close relationship<br />
with Indonesian president Suharto, whose regime was<br />
responsible for mass human rights abuses, although<br />
on a July 1997 visit to Indonesia he privately urged<br />
Suharto to withdraw from the occupation <strong>of</strong> East Timor. He also faced similar criticism<br />
from the West for his government's trade links to Syria, Cuba, and Libya, and for his<br />
personal friendships with Castro and Gaddafi. Castro visited in 1998 to widespread<br />
popular acclaim, and Mandela met Gaddafi in Libya to award him the Order <strong>of</strong> Good<br />
Hope. When Western governments and media criticized these visits, Mandela<br />
lambasted such criticism as having racist undertones, and stated that "the enemies <strong>of</strong><br />
countries in the West are not our enemies." Mandela hoped to resolve the long-running<br />
dispute between Libya and the US and Britain over bringing to trial the two<br />
Libyans, Abdelbaset al-Megrahi and Lamin Khalifah Fhimah, who were indicted in<br />
November 1991 and accused <strong>of</strong> sabotaging Pan Am Flight 103. Mandela proposed that<br />
they be tried in a third country, which was agreed to by all parties; governed by Scots<br />
law, the trial was held at Camp Zeist in the Netherlands in April 1999, and found one <strong>of</strong><br />
the two men guilty.<br />
Mandela echoed Mbeki's calls for an "African Renaissance", and was greatly concerned<br />
with issues on the continent. He took a s<strong>of</strong>t diplomatic approach to removing Sani<br />
Abacha's military junta in Nigeria but later became a leading figure in calling for<br />
sanctions when Abacha's regime increased human rights violations. In 1996, he was<br />
appointed Chairman <strong>of</strong> the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and<br />
initiated unsuccessful negotiations to end the First Congo War in Zaire. He also played<br />
a key role as a mediator in the ethnic conflict between Tutsi and Hutu political groups in<br />
the Burundian Civil War, helping to initiate a settlement which brought increased<br />
stability to the country but did not end the ethnic violence.<br />
In South Africa's first post-apartheid military operation, troops were ordered in<br />
September 1998 into Lesotho to protect the government <strong>of</strong> Prime Minister Pakalitha<br />
Mosisili after a disputed election prompted opposition uprisings. <strong>The</strong> action was not<br />
authorized by Mandela himself, who was out <strong>of</strong> the country at the time, but by Buthelezi,<br />
who was serving as acting president during Mandela's absence.<br />
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Withdrawing from Politics<br />
In the latter part <strong>of</strong> his presidency, Mandela<br />
increasingly relied on his Deputy President, Thabo Mbeki (pictured)<br />
<strong>The</strong> new Constitution <strong>of</strong> South Africa was agreed upon by<br />
parliament in May 1996, enshrining a series <strong>of</strong> institutions to<br />
place checks on political and administrative authority within a<br />
constitutional democracy. De Klerk opposed the implementation<br />
<strong>of</strong> this constitution, and that month he and the National Party<br />
withdrew from the coalition government in protest, claiming that<br />
the ANC were not treating them as equals. <strong>The</strong> ANC took over<br />
the cabinet positions formerly held by the Nationalists, with Mbeki<br />
becoming sole Deputy President. Inkatha remained part <strong>of</strong> the<br />
coalition, and when both Mandela and Mbeki were out <strong>of</strong> the<br />
country in September 1998, Buthelezi was appointed "Acting President", marking an<br />
improvement in his relationship with Mandela.<br />
Although Mandela had <strong>of</strong>ten governed decisively in his first two years as President, he<br />
had subsequently increasingly delegated duties to Mbeki, retaining only a close<br />
personal supervision <strong>of</strong> intelligence and security measures. During a 1997 visit to<br />
London, he said that "the ruler <strong>of</strong> South Africa, the de facto ruler, is Thabo Mbeki" and<br />
that he was "shifting everything to him".<br />
Mandela stepped down as ANC President at the party's December 1997 conference. He<br />
hoped that Ramaphosa would succeed him, believing Mbeki to be too inflexible and<br />
intolerant <strong>of</strong> criticism, but the ANC elected Mbeki regardless. Mandela and the<br />
Executive supported Jacob Zuma, a Zulu who had been imprisoned on Robben Island,<br />
as Mbeki's replacement for Deputy President. Zuma's candidacy was challenged by<br />
Winnie, whose populist rhetoric had gained her a strong following within the party,<br />
although Zuma defeated her in a landslide victory vote at the election.<br />
Mandela's relationship with Machel had intensified; in February 1998, he publicly stated<br />
that he was "in love with a remarkable lady", and under pressure from Tutu, who urged<br />
him to set an example for young people, he organized a wedding for his 80th birthday,<br />
in July that year. <strong>The</strong> following day, he held a grand party with many foreign dignitaries.<br />
Although the 1996 constitution allowed the president to serve two consecutive five-year<br />
terms, Mandela had never planned to stand for a second term in <strong>of</strong>fice. He gave his<br />
farewell speech to Parliament on 29 March 1999 when it adjourned prior to the 1999<br />
general elections, after which he retired. Although opinion polls in South Africa showed<br />
wavering support for both the ANC and the government, Mandela himself remained<br />
highly popular, with 80% <strong>of</strong> South Africans polled in 1999 expressing satisfaction with<br />
his performance as president.<br />
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Retirement<br />
Continued Activism and Philanthropy: 1999–2004<br />
Mandela visiting the<br />
London School <strong>of</strong> Economics in 2000<br />
Retiring in June 1999, Mandela aimed to lead a quiet<br />
family life, divided between Johannesburg and Qunu.<br />
Although he set about authoring a sequel to his first<br />
autobiography, to be titled <strong>The</strong> Presidential Years, it<br />
was abandoned before publication. Mandela found<br />
such seclusion difficult and reverted to a busy public life involving daily program <strong>of</strong><br />
tasks, meetings with world leaders and celebrities, and—when in Johannesburg—<br />
working with the Nelson Mandela Foundation, founded in 1999 to focus on rural<br />
development, school construction, and combating HIV/AIDS.<br />
Although he had been heavily criticized for failing to do enough to fight the HIV/AIDS<br />
pandemic during his presidency, he devoted much <strong>of</strong> his time to the issue following his<br />
retirement, describing it as "a war" that had killed more than "all previous wars";<br />
affiliating himself with the Treatment Action Campaign, he urged Mbeki's government to<br />
ensure that HIV-positive South Africans had access to anti-retrovirals. Meanwhile,<br />
Mandela was successfully treated for prostate cancer in July 2001.<br />
In 2002, Mandela inaugurated the Nelson Mandela Annual Lecture, and in 2003<br />
the Mandela Rhodes Foundation was created at Rhodes House, University <strong>of</strong> Oxford, to<br />
provide postgraduate scholarships to African students. <strong>The</strong>se projects were followed by<br />
the Nelson Mandela Centre <strong>of</strong> Memory and the 46664 campaign against HIV/AIDS. He<br />
gave the closing address at the XIII International AIDS Conference in Durban in<br />
2000, and in 2004, spoke at the XV International AIDS Conference in Bangkok,<br />
Thailand, calling for greater measures to tackle tuberculosis as well as<br />
HIV/AIDS. Mandela publicised AIDS as the cause <strong>of</strong> his son Makgatho's death in<br />
January 2005, to defy the stigma about discussing the disease.<br />
Publicly, Mandela became more vocal in criticizing Western powers. He strongly<br />
opposed the 1999 NATO intervention in Kosovo and called it an attempt by the world's<br />
powerful nations to police the entire world. In 2003, he spoke out against the plans for<br />
the US and UK to launch a war in Iraq, describing it as "a tragedy" and lambasting US<br />
President George W. Bush and UK Prime Minister Tony Blair for undermining the UN,<br />
saying, "All that (Mr. Bush) wants is Iraqi oil". He attacked the US more generally,<br />
asserting that it had committed more "unspeakable atrocities" across the world than any<br />
other nation, citing the atomic bombing <strong>of</strong> Japan; this attracted international<br />
controversy, although he later improved his relationship with Blair. Retaining an interest<br />
in Libyan-UK relations, he visited Megrahi in Barlinnie prison and spoke out against the<br />
conditions <strong>of</strong> his treatment, referring to them as "psychological persecution".<br />
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"Retiring from Retirement": 2004–2013<br />
In June 2004, aged 85 and amid failing health, Mandela announced that he was "retiring<br />
from retirement" and retreating from public life, remarking, "Don't call me, I will call<br />
you." Although continuing to meet with close friends and family, the Foundation<br />
discouraged invitations for him to appear at public events and denied most interview<br />
requests.<br />
Nelson Mandela and President George W. Bush<br />
in the Oval Office, May 2005<br />
He retained some involvement in international affairs.<br />
In 2005, he founded the Nelson Mandela Legacy<br />
Trust, travelling to the US to speak before<br />
the Brookings Institution and the NAACP on the need<br />
for economic assistance to Africa. He spoke with US<br />
Senator Hillary Clinton and President George W. Bush and first met the then-<br />
Senator Barack Obama. Mandela also encouraged Zimbabwean President Robert<br />
Mugabe to resign over growing human rights abuses in the country. When this proved<br />
ineffective, he spoke out publicly against Mugabe in 2007, asking him to step down<br />
"with residual respect and a modicum <strong>of</strong> dignity." That year, Mandela, Machel, and<br />
Desmond Tutu convened a group <strong>of</strong> world leaders in Johannesburg to contribute their<br />
wisdom and independent leadership to some <strong>of</strong> the world's toughest problems. Mandela<br />
announced the formation <strong>of</strong> this new group, <strong>The</strong> Elders, in a speech delivered on his<br />
89th birthday.<br />
Mandela's 90th birthday was marked across the country on 18 July 2008, with the main<br />
celebrations held at Qunu, and a concert in his honor in Hyde Park, London. In a<br />
speech marking the event, Mandela called for the rich to help the poor across the<br />
world. Throughout Mbeki's presidency, Mandela continued to support the ANC, usually<br />
overshadowing Mbeki at any public events that the two attended. Mandela was more at<br />
ease with Mbeki's successor, Zuma, although the Nelson Mandela Foundation was<br />
upset when his grandson, Mandla Mandela, flew him out to the Eastern Cape to attend<br />
a pro-Zuma rally in the midst <strong>of</strong> a storm in 2009.<br />
In 2004, Mandela successfully campaigned for South Africa to host the 2010 FIFA<br />
World Cup, declaring that there would be "few better gifts for us" in the year marking a<br />
decade since the fall <strong>of</strong> apartheid. Despite maintaining a low pr<strong>of</strong>ile during the event<br />
due to ill-health, Mandela made his final public appearance during the World Cup<br />
closing ceremony, where he received much applause. Between 2005 and 2013,<br />
Mandela, and later his family, were embroiled in a series <strong>of</strong> legal disputes regarding<br />
money held in family trusts for the benefit <strong>of</strong> his descendants. In mid-2013, as Mandela<br />
was hospitalized for a lung infection in Pretoria, his descendants were involved in an<br />
intra-family legal dispute relating to the burial place <strong>of</strong> Mandela's children, and ultimately<br />
Mandela himself.<br />
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Illness and Death: 2011–2013<br />
Members <strong>of</strong> the public paying their respects<br />
outside Mandela's Houghton home<br />
In February 2011, Mandela was briefly hospitalized<br />
with a respiratory infection, attracting international<br />
attention, before being re-admitted for a lung infection<br />
and gallstone removal in December 2012. After a<br />
successful medical procedure in early March 2013, his<br />
lung infection recurred and he was briefly hospitalized<br />
in Pretoria. In June 2013, his lung infection worsened and he was readmitted to a<br />
Pretoria hospital in serious condition. <strong>The</strong> Archbishop <strong>of</strong> Cape Town Thabo<br />
Makgoba visited Mandela at the hospital and prayed with Machel, while Zuma cancelled<br />
a trip to Mozambique to visit him the following day. In September 2013, Mandela was<br />
discharged from hospital, although his condition remained unstable.<br />
After suffering from a prolonged respiratory infection, Mandela died on 5 December<br />
2013 at the age <strong>of</strong> 95, at around 20:50 local time (UTC+2) at his home in Houghton,<br />
surrounded by his family. Zuma publicly announced his death on television, proclaiming<br />
ten days <strong>of</strong> national mourning, a memorial service held at Johannesburg's FNB<br />
Stadium on 10 December 2013, and 8 December as a national day <strong>of</strong> prayer and<br />
reflection. Mandela's body lay in state from 11 to 13 December at the Union Buildings in<br />
Pretoria and a state funeral was held on 15 December in Qunu. Approximately 90<br />
representatives <strong>of</strong> foreign states travelled to South Africa to attend memorial events. It<br />
was later revealed that 300 million rand originally earmarked for humanitarian<br />
development projects had been redirected to finance the funeral. <strong>The</strong> media was awash<br />
with tributes and reminiscences, while images <strong>of</strong> and tributes to Mandela proliferated<br />
across social media. His US$4.1 million estate was left to his widow, other family<br />
members, staff, and educational institutions.<br />
Political Ideology<br />
A friend once asked me how I could reconcile my creed <strong>of</strong> African nationalism with a<br />
belief in dialectical materialism. For me, there was no contradiction. I was first and<br />
foremost an African nationalist fighting for our emancipation from minority rule and the<br />
right to control our own destiny. But at the same time, South Africa and the African<br />
continent were part <strong>of</strong> the larger world. Our problems, while distinctive and special, were<br />
not unique, and a philosophy that placed those problems in an international and<br />
historical context <strong>of</strong> the greater world and the course <strong>of</strong> history was valuable. I was<br />
prepared to use whatever means necessary to speed up the erasure <strong>of</strong> human<br />
prejudice and the end <strong>of</strong> chauvinistic and violent nationalism.<br />
—Nelson Mandela, 1994<br />
Mandela was a practical politician, rather than an intellectual scholar or political theorist.<br />
According to biographer Tom Lodge, "for Mandela, politics has always been primarily<br />
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about enacting stories, about making narratives, primarily about morally exemplary<br />
conduct, and only secondarily about ideological vision, more about means rather than<br />
ends." Mandela identified as both an African nationalist, an ideological position he held<br />
since joining the ANC, and as a socialist.<br />
<strong>The</strong> historian Sabelo J. Ndlovu-Gatsheni described Mandela as a "liberal African<br />
nationalist–decolonial humanist", while political analyst Raymond Suttner cautioned<br />
against labelling Mandela a liberal and stated that Mandela displayed a "hybrid sociopolitical<br />
make-up". Mandela took political ideas from other thinkers—among them Indian<br />
independence leaders like Gandhi and Nehru, African-American civil rights activists,<br />
and African nationalists like Nkrumah—and applied them to the South African situation.<br />
At the same time he rejected other aspects <strong>of</strong> their thought, such as the anti-white<br />
sentiment <strong>of</strong> many African nationalists. In doing so he synthesized both counter-cultural<br />
and hegemonic views, for instance by drawing upon ideas from the thendominant<br />
Afrikaner nationalism in promoting his anti-apartheid vision.<br />
His political development was strongly influenced by his legal training and practice, in<br />
particular his hope to achieve change not through violence but through "legal<br />
revolution". Over the course <strong>of</strong> his life, he began by advocating a path <strong>of</strong> non-violence,<br />
later embracing violence, and then adopting a non-violent approach to negotiation and<br />
reconciliation. When endorsing violence, he did so because he saw no alternative, and<br />
was always pragmatic about it, perceiving it as a means to get his opponent to the<br />
negotiating table.<br />
He sought to target symbols <strong>of</strong> white supremacy and racist oppression rather than white<br />
people as individuals, and was anxious not to inaugurate a race war in South<br />
Africa. This willingness to use violence distinguishes Mandela from the ideology<br />
<strong>of</strong> Gandhism, with which some commentators have sought to associate him.<br />
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Democracy<br />
Although he presented himself in an autocratic manner in several speeches, Mandela<br />
was a devout believer in democracy and abided by majority decisions even when<br />
deeply disagreeing with them. He had exhibited a commitment to the values <strong>of</strong><br />
democracy and human rights since at least the 1960s. He held a conviction that<br />
"inclusivity, accountability and freedom <strong>of</strong> speech" were the fundamentals <strong>of</strong><br />
democracy, and was driven by a belief in natural and human rights. Suttner argued that<br />
there were "two modes <strong>of</strong> leadership" that Mandela adopted. On one side he adhered to<br />
ideas about collective leadership, although on the other believed that there were<br />
scenarios in which a leader had to be decisive and act without consultation to achieve a<br />
particular objective.<br />
According to Lodge, Mandela's political thought reflected tensions between his support<br />
for liberal democracy and pre-colonial African forms <strong>of</strong> consensus decision making. He<br />
was an admirer <strong>of</strong> British-style parliamentary democracy, stating that "I regard the<br />
British Parliament as the most democratic institution in the world, and the independence<br />
and impartiality <strong>of</strong> its judiciary never fail to arouse my admiration." In this he has been<br />
described as being committed to "the Euro-North American modernist project <strong>of</strong><br />
emancipation", something which distinguishes him from other African nationalist and<br />
socialist leaders like Nyerere who were concerned about embracing styles <strong>of</strong><br />
democratic governance that were Western, rather than African, in origin. Mandela<br />
nevertheless also expressed admiration for what he deemed to be indigenous forms <strong>of</strong><br />
democracy, describing Xhosa traditional society's mode <strong>of</strong> governance as "democracy<br />
in its purest form". He also spoke <strong>of</strong> an influential African ethical tenet, Ubuntu, which<br />
was a Ngnuni term meaning "A person is a person through other persons" or "I am<br />
because we are."<br />
Socialism and Marxism<br />
1988 Soviet commemorative stamp, captioned "<strong>The</strong> fighter for freedom <strong>of</strong><br />
South Africa Nelson Mandela" in Russian<br />
Mandela advocated the ultimate establishment <strong>of</strong> a classless<br />
society, with Sampson describing him as being "openly<br />
opposed to capitalism, private land-ownership and the power<br />
<strong>of</strong> big money". Mandela was influenced by Marxism, and<br />
during the revolution he advocated scientific socialism. He<br />
denied being a communist at the Treason Trial, and<br />
maintained this stance both when later talking to<br />
journalists, and in his autobiography. According to the<br />
sociologist Craig Soudien, "sympathetic as Mandela was to<br />
socialism, a communist he was not." Conversely, the<br />
biographer David Jones Smith stated that Mandela "embraced<br />
communism and communists" in the late 1950s and early 1960s, while the historian<br />
Stephen Ellis commented that Mandela had assimilated much <strong>of</strong> the Marxist–<br />
Leninist ideology by 1960.<br />
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Ellis also found evidence that Mandela had been an active member <strong>of</strong> the South African<br />
Communist Party during the late 1950s and early 1960s, something that was confirmed<br />
after his death by both the ANC and the SACP, the latter <strong>of</strong> which claimed that he was<br />
not only a member <strong>of</strong> the party, but also served on its Central Committee. His<br />
membership had been hidden by the ANC, aware that knowledge <strong>of</strong> Mandela's former<br />
SACP involvement might have been detrimental to his attempts to attract support from<br />
Western countries. Mandela's view <strong>of</strong> these Western governments differed from those<br />
<strong>of</strong> Marxist–Leninists, for he did not believe that they were anti-democratic or reactionary<br />
and remained committed to democratic systems <strong>of</strong> governance.<br />
<strong>The</strong> 1955 Freedom Charter, which Mandela had helped create, called for the<br />
nationalization <strong>of</strong> banks, gold mines and land, to ensure equal distribution <strong>of</strong><br />
wealth. Despite these beliefs, Mandela initiated a program <strong>of</strong> privatization during his<br />
presidency in line with trends in other countries <strong>of</strong> the time. It has been repeatedly<br />
suggested that Mandela would have preferred to develop a social democratic economy<br />
in South Africa but that this was not feasible as a result <strong>of</strong> the international political and<br />
economic situation during the early 1990s. This decision was in part influenced by the<br />
fall <strong>of</strong> the socialist states in the Soviet Union and Eastern Bloc during the early 1990s.<br />
Personality and Personal Life<br />
Mandela on a visit to Australia in 2009;<br />
he is wearing one <strong>of</strong> the brightly colored garments<br />
that became known as "Madiba shirts"<br />
Mandela was widely considered a charismatic<br />
leader, described by biographer Mary Benson as "a<br />
born mass leader who could not help magnetizing<br />
people". He was highly image conscious and<br />
throughout his life always sought out fine quality<br />
clothes, with many commentators believing that he<br />
carried himself in a regal manner. His aristocratic<br />
heritage was repeatedly emphasized by supporters,<br />
thus contributing to his "charismatic power". While<br />
living in Johannesburg in the 1950s, he cultivated the image <strong>of</strong> the "African gentleman",<br />
having "the pressed clothes, correct manners, and modulated public speech"<br />
associated with such a position. In doing so, Lodge argued that Mandela became "one<br />
<strong>of</strong> the first media politicians ... embodying a glamour and a style that projected visually a<br />
brave new African world <strong>of</strong> modernity and freedom". Mandela was known to change his<br />
clothes several times a day, and he became so associated with highly<br />
coloured Batik shirts after assuming the presidency that they came to be known as<br />
"Madiba shirts".<br />
For political scientists Betty Glad and Robert Blanton, Mandela was an "exceptionally<br />
intelligent, shrewd, and loyal leader". His <strong>of</strong>ficial biographer, Anthony Sampson,<br />
commented that he was a "master <strong>of</strong> imagery and performance", excelling at presenting<br />
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himself well in press photographs and producing sound bites. His public speeches were<br />
presented in a formal, stiff manner, and <strong>of</strong>ten consisted <strong>of</strong> clichéd set phrases. He<br />
typically spoke slowly, and carefully chose his words. Although he was not considered a<br />
great orator, his speeches conveyed "his personal commitment, charm and humor".<br />
Mandela was a private person who <strong>of</strong>ten concealed his emotions and confided in very<br />
few people. Privately, he lived an austere life, refusing to drink alcohol or smoke, and<br />
even as President made his own bed. Renowned for his mischievous sense <strong>of</strong><br />
humor, he was known for being both stubborn and loyal, and at times exhibited a quick<br />
temper. He was typically friendly and welcoming, and appeared relaxed in conversation<br />
with everyone, including his opponents. A self-described Anglophile, he claimed to have<br />
lived by the "trappings <strong>of</strong> British style and manners". Constantly polite and courteous,<br />
he was attentive to all, irrespective <strong>of</strong> their age or status, and <strong>of</strong>ten talked to children or<br />
servants. He was known for his ability to find common ground with very different<br />
communities. In later life, he always looked for the best in people, even defending<br />
political opponents to his allies, who sometimes thought him too trusting <strong>of</strong> others. He<br />
was fond <strong>of</strong> Indian cuisine, and had a lifelong interest in archaeology and boxing.<br />
<strong>The</strong> significance <strong>of</strong> Mandela can be considered in two related ways. First, he has<br />
provided through his personal presence as a benign and honest conviction politician,<br />
skilled at exerting power but not obsessed with it to the point <strong>of</strong> view <strong>of</strong> excluding<br />
principles, a man who struggled to display respect to all ... Second, in so doing he was<br />
able to be a hero and a symbol to an array <strong>of</strong> otherwise unlikely mates through his<br />
ability, like all brilliant nationalist politicians, to speak to very different audiences<br />
effectively at once.<br />
—Bill Freund, academic<br />
He was raised in the Methodist denomination <strong>of</strong> Christianity; the Methodist Church <strong>of</strong><br />
Southern Africa claimed that he retained his allegiance to them throughout his life. On<br />
analyzing Mandela's writings, the theologian Dion Forster described him as a Christian<br />
humanist, although added that his thought relied to a greater extent on the Southern<br />
African concept <strong>of</strong> Ubuntu than on Christian theology. According to Sampson, Mandela<br />
never had "a strong religious faith" however, while Boehmer stated that Mandela's<br />
religious belief was "never robust".<br />
Mandela was very self-conscious about being a man and regularly made references<br />
to manhood. He was heterosexual, and biographer Fatima Meer said that he was<br />
"easily tempted" by women. Another biographer, Martin Meredith, characterized him as<br />
being "by nature a romantic", highlighting that he had relationships with various women.<br />
Mandela was married three times, fathered six children, and had seventeen<br />
grandchildren and at least seventeen great-grandchildren. He could be stern and<br />
demanding <strong>of</strong> his children, although he was more affectionate with his<br />
grandchildren. His first marriage was to Evelyn Ntoko Mase in October 1944; they<br />
divorced in March 1958 under the multiple strains <strong>of</strong> his adultery and constant<br />
absences, devotion to revolutionary agitation, and the fact that she was a Jehovah's<br />
Witness, a religion requiring political neutrality. Mandela's second wife was the social<br />
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worker Winnie Madikizela-Mandela, whom he married in June 1958, although they<br />
divorced in March 1996. Mandela married his third wife, Graça Machel, on his 80th<br />
birthday in July 1998.<br />
Reception and Legacy<br />
Flowers left at the Mandela statue in<br />
London's Parliament Square following his death<br />
By the time <strong>of</strong> his death, within South Africa Mandela<br />
was widely considered both "the father <strong>of</strong> the<br />
nation" and "the founding father <strong>of</strong><br />
democracy". Outside <strong>of</strong> South Africa, he was a "global<br />
icon", with the scholar <strong>of</strong> South African studies Rita<br />
Barnard describing him as "one <strong>of</strong> the most revered<br />
figures <strong>of</strong> our time". One biographer considered him "a<br />
modern democratic hero", while his popularity resulted<br />
in a cult <strong>of</strong> personality building up around him. Some<br />
have portrayed Mandela in messianic terms, in<br />
contrast to his own statement that "I was not a<br />
messiah, but an ordinary man who had become a<br />
leader because <strong>of</strong> extraordinary circumstances." He is<br />
<strong>of</strong>ten cited alongside Mahatma Gandhi and Martin<br />
Luther King, Jr. as one <strong>of</strong> the 20th century's exemplary<br />
anti-racist and anti-colonial leaders. Boehmer described him as "a totem <strong>of</strong> the totemic<br />
values <strong>of</strong> our age: toleration and liberal democracy" and "a universal symbol <strong>of</strong> social<br />
justice".<br />
Mandela's international fame had emerged during his incarceration in the 1980s, when<br />
he became the world's most famous prisoner, a symbol <strong>of</strong> the anti-apartheid cause, and<br />
an icon for millions who embraced the ideal <strong>of</strong> human equality. In 1986, Mandela's<br />
biographer characterized him as "the embodiment <strong>of</strong> the struggle for liberation" in South<br />
Africa. Meredith stated that in becoming "a potent symbol <strong>of</strong> resistance" to apartheid<br />
during the 1980s, he had gained "mythical status" internationally. Sampson commented<br />
that even during his life, this myth had become "so powerful that it blurs the realities",<br />
converting Mandela into "a secular saint". Within a decade <strong>of</strong> the end <strong>of</strong> his Presidency,<br />
Mandela's era was being widely thought <strong>of</strong> as "a golden age <strong>of</strong> hope and harmony", with<br />
much nostalgia being expressed for it. His name was <strong>of</strong>ten invoked by those criticizing<br />
his successors like Mbeki and Zuma. Across the world, Mandela earned international<br />
acclaim for his activism in overcoming apartheid and fostering racial<br />
reconciliation, coming to be viewed as "a moral authority" with a great "concern for<br />
truth". Mandela's iconic status has been blamed for concealing the complexities <strong>of</strong> his<br />
life.<br />
Mandela generated controversy throughout his career as an activist and<br />
politician, having detractors on both the right and the radical left. During the 1980s,<br />
Mandela was widely labeled a terrorist by prominent political figures in the Western<br />
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world for his embrace <strong>of</strong> political violence. According to Thatcher, for instance, the ANC<br />
was "a typical terrorist organization". <strong>The</strong> US government's State and Defense<br />
departments <strong>of</strong>ficially designated the ANC as a terrorist organisation, resulting in<br />
Mandela remaining on their terrorism watch-list until 2008. On the left, some voices in<br />
the ANC—among them Frank B. Wilderson III—accused him <strong>of</strong> selling out for agreeing<br />
to enter negotiations with the apartheid government and for not implementing the<br />
reforms <strong>of</strong> the Freedom Charter during his Presidency. According to Barnard, "there is<br />
also a sense in which his chiefly bearing and mode <strong>of</strong> conduct, the very respect and<br />
authority he accrued in representing his nation in his own person, went against the spirit<br />
<strong>of</strong> democracy", and concerns were similarly expressed that he placed his own status<br />
and celebrity above the transformation <strong>of</strong> his country. His government would be<br />
criticised for its failure to deal with both the HIV/AIDS pandemic and the high levels <strong>of</strong><br />
poverty in South Africa. Mandela was also criticized for his friendship with political<br />
leaders such as Castro, Gaddafi, and Suharto—deemed dictators by critics—as well as<br />
his refusal to condemn their governments' human rights violations.<br />
Orders, Decorations, Monuments, and Honors<br />
Russian President Vladimir Putin and South African<br />
President Cyril Ramaphosa in front <strong>of</strong> a Mandela statue<br />
Over the course <strong>of</strong> his life, Mandela was given over<br />
250 awards, accolades, prizes, honorary degrees and<br />
citizenships in recognition <strong>of</strong> his political<br />
achievements. Among his awards were the Nobel<br />
Peace Prize, the US Presidential Medal <strong>of</strong> Freedom, the Soviet Union's Lenin Peace<br />
Prize, and the Libyan Al-Gaddafi International Prize for Human Rights. In 1990, India<br />
awarded him the Bharat Ratna, and in 1992 Pakistan gave him their Nishan-e-<br />
Pakistan. <strong>The</strong> same year, he was awarded the Atatürk Peace Award by Turkey; he at<br />
first refused the award, citing human rights violations committed by Turkey at the<br />
time, but later accepted the award in 1999. He was appointed to the Order <strong>of</strong> Isabella<br />
the Catholic and the Order <strong>of</strong> Canada, and was the first living person to be made<br />
an honorary Canadian citizen. Queen Elizabeth II appointed him as a Bailiff Grand<br />
Cross <strong>of</strong> the Order <strong>of</strong> St. John and granted him membership in the Order <strong>of</strong> Merit.<br />
In 2004, Johannesburg granted Mandela the Freedom <strong>of</strong> the City, and in 2008 a<br />
Mandela statue was unveiled at the spot where Mandela was released from prison. On<br />
the Day <strong>of</strong> Reconciliation 2013, a bronze statue <strong>of</strong> Mandela was unveiled at Pretoria's<br />
Union Buildings. In November 2009, the United Nations General Assembly proclaimed<br />
Mandela's birthday, 18 July, as "Mandela Day", marking his contribution to the antiapartheid<br />
struggle. It called on individuals to donate 67 minutes to doing something for<br />
others, commemorating the 67 years that Mandela had been a part <strong>of</strong> the movement. In<br />
2015 the UN General Assembly named the amended Standard Minimum Rules for the<br />
Treatment <strong>of</strong> Prisoners as "the Mandela Rules" to honor his legacy.<br />
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Biographies and Popular Media<br />
<strong>The</strong> first biography <strong>of</strong> Mandela was authored by Mary Benson, based on brief interviews<br />
with him that she had conducted in the 1960s. Two authorised biographies were later<br />
produced by friends <strong>of</strong> Mandela. <strong>The</strong> first was Fatima Meer's Higher Than Hope, which<br />
was heavily influenced by Winnie and thus placed great emphasis on Mandela's<br />
family. <strong>The</strong> second was Anthony Sampson's Mandela, published in 1999. Other<br />
biographies included Martin Meredith's Mandela, first published in 1997, and Tom<br />
Lodge's Mandela, brought out in 2006.<br />
Since the late 1980s, Mandela's image began to appear on a proliferation <strong>of</strong> items,<br />
among them "photographs, paintings, drawings, statues, public murals, buttons, t-shirts,<br />
refrigerator magnets, and more", items that have been characterized as "Mandela<br />
kitsch". In the 1980s he was the subject <strong>of</strong> several songs, such as <strong>The</strong> Special AKA's<br />
"Free Nelson Mandela" and Hugh Masekela's "Bring Him Back Home (Nelson<br />
Mandela)", which helped to bring awareness <strong>of</strong> his imprisonment to an international<br />
audience. Following his death, there appeared many internet memes featuring images<br />
<strong>of</strong> Mandela with his inspirational quotes superimposed onto them. Mandela has also<br />
been depicted in films on multiple occasions. Some <strong>of</strong> these, such as the 2013 feature<br />
film Mandela: Long Walk to Freedom and the 1996 documentary Mandela, have<br />
focused on covering his long life, whereas others, such as the 2009 feature<br />
film Invictus and the 2010 documentary <strong>The</strong> 16th Man, have focused on specific events<br />
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in his life. It has been argued that in Invictus and other films, "the America film industry"<br />
has played a significant part in "the crafting <strong>of</strong> Mandela's global image".<br />
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XI. References<br />
1. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/<strong>Ripple</strong>_effect<br />
2. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Domino_effect<br />
3. https://www.navigators.org/creating-a-spiritual-ripple-effect/<br />
4. http://www.bpnews.net/22541/firstperson-the-gospel-ripple-effect<br />
5. https://www1.cbn.com/cbnnews/us/2018/february/the-amazing-ripple-effect-<strong>of</strong>-billygrahams-ministry-around-the-world-here-at-home<br />
6. https://www.cmalliance.org/alife/ripple-effect/<br />
7. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Leon_Sullivan<br />
8. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Martin_Luther_King_Jr.<br />
9. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Billy_Graham<br />
10. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/T._D._Jakes<br />
11. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Charles_Stanley<br />
12. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nelson_Mandela<br />
13. http://faithfreewill.org/assets/motclpart9.pdf<br />
14. https://www.cccc.org/news_blogs/wp-content/uploads/2015/07/<strong>The</strong>-ripple-effect-<strong>of</strong>leadership.pdf<br />
15. http://meridianstreet.org/mediafiles/uploaded/s/0e6063893_1490625826_sermon032620<br />
17written.pdf<br />
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Attachment A<br />
Mirrors <strong>of</strong> <strong>The</strong> Christian Life<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ripple</strong> Effect<br />
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Attachment B<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ripple</strong> Effect <strong>of</strong> Leadership<br />
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Attachment C<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ripple</strong> Effect <strong>of</strong> Service<br />
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Advocacy Foundation Publishers<br />
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Advocacy Foundation Publishers<br />
<strong>The</strong> e-Advocate Quarterly<br />
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Issue Title Quarterly<br />
Vol. I 2015 <strong>The</strong> Fundamentals<br />
I<br />
<strong>The</strong> ComeUnity ReEngineering<br />
Project Initiative<br />
Q-1 2015<br />
II <strong>The</strong> Adolescent Law Group Q-2 2015<br />
III<br />
Landmark Cases in US<br />
Juvenile Justice (PA)<br />
Q-3 2015<br />
IV <strong>The</strong> First Amendment Project Q-4 2015<br />
Vol. II 2016 Strategic Development<br />
V <strong>The</strong> Fourth Amendment Project Q-1 2016<br />
VI<br />
Landmark Cases in US<br />
Juvenile Justice (NJ)<br />
Q-2 2016<br />
VII Youth Court Q-3 2016<br />
VIII<br />
<strong>The</strong> Economic Consequences <strong>of</strong><br />
Legal Decision-Making<br />
Q-4 2016<br />
Vol. III 2017 Sustainability<br />
IX <strong>The</strong> Sixth Amendment Project Q-1 2017<br />
X<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>The</strong>ological Foundations <strong>of</strong><br />
US Law & Government<br />
Q-2 2017<br />
XI <strong>The</strong> Eighth Amendment Project Q-3 2017<br />
XII<br />
<strong>The</strong> EB-5 Investor<br />
Immigration Project*<br />
Q-4 2017<br />
Vol. IV 2018 Collaboration<br />
XIII Strategic Planning Q-1 2018<br />
XIV<br />
XV<br />
<strong>The</strong> Juvenile Justice<br />
Legislative Reform Initiative<br />
<strong>The</strong> Advocacy Foundation Coalition<br />
for Drug-Free Communities<br />
Q-2 2018<br />
Q-3 2018<br />
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XVI<br />
Landmark Cases in US<br />
Juvenile Justice (GA)<br />
Q-4 2018<br />
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Issue Title Quarterly<br />
Vol. V 2019 Organizational Development<br />
XVII <strong>The</strong> Board <strong>of</strong> Directors Q-1 2019<br />
XVIII <strong>The</strong> Inner Circle Q-2 2019<br />
XIX Staff & Management Q-3 2019<br />
XX Succession Planning Q-4 2019<br />
XXI <strong>The</strong> Budget* Bonus #1<br />
XXII Data-Driven Resource Allocation* Bonus #2<br />
Vol. VI 2020 Missions<br />
XXIII Critical Thinking Q-1 2020<br />
XXIV<br />
<strong>The</strong> Advocacy Foundation<br />
Endowments Initiative Project<br />
Q-2 2020<br />
XXV International Labor Relations Q-3 2020<br />
XXVI Immigration Q-4 2020<br />
Vol. VII 2021 Community Engagement<br />
XXVII<br />
<strong>The</strong> 21 st Century Charter Schools<br />
Initiative<br />
Q-1 2021<br />
XXVIII <strong>The</strong> All-Sports <strong>Ministry</strong> @ ... Q-2 2021<br />
XXIX Lobbying for Nonpr<strong>of</strong>its Q-3 2021<br />
XXX<br />
XXXI<br />
Advocacy Foundation Missions -<br />
Domestic<br />
Advocacy Foundation Missions -<br />
International<br />
Q-4 2021<br />
Bonus<br />
2022 ComeUnity ReEngineering<br />
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Vol. VIII<br />
XXXII<br />
<strong>The</strong> Creative & Fine Arts <strong>Ministry</strong><br />
@ <strong>The</strong> Foundation<br />
Q-1 2022<br />
XXXIII <strong>The</strong> Advisory Council & Committees Q-2 2022<br />
XXXIV<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>The</strong>ological Origins<br />
<strong>of</strong> Contemporary Judicial Process<br />
Q-3 2022<br />
XXXV <strong>The</strong> Second Chance <strong>Ministry</strong> @ ... Q-4 2022<br />
Vol. IX 2023 Legal Reformation<br />
XXXVI <strong>The</strong> Fifth Amendment Project Q-1 2023<br />
XXXVII<br />
XXXVIII<br />
<strong>The</strong> Judicial Re-Engineering<br />
Initiative<br />
<strong>The</strong> Inner-Cities Strategic<br />
Revitalization Initiative<br />
Q-2 2023<br />
Q-3 2023<br />
XXXVIX Habeas Corpus Q-4 2023<br />
Vol. X 2024 ComeUnity Development<br />
XXXVX<br />
<strong>The</strong> Inner-City Strategic<br />
Revitalization Plan<br />
Q-1 2024<br />
XXXVXI <strong>The</strong> Mentoring Initiative Q-2 2024<br />
XXXVXII <strong>The</strong> Violence Prevention Framework Q-3 2024<br />
XXXVXIII <strong>The</strong> Fatherhood Initiative Q-4 2024<br />
Vol. XI 2025 Public Interest<br />
XXXVXIV Public Interest Law Q-1 2025<br />
L (50) Spiritual Resource Development Q-2 2025<br />
LI<br />
Nonpr<strong>of</strong>it Confidentiality<br />
In <strong>The</strong> Age <strong>of</strong> Big Data<br />
Q-3 2025<br />
Page 181 <strong>of</strong> 201
LII Interpreting <strong>The</strong> Facts Q-4 2025<br />
Vol. XII 2026 Poverty In America<br />
LIII<br />
American Poverty<br />
In <strong>The</strong> New Millennium<br />
Q-1 2026<br />
LIV Outcome-Based Thinking Q-2 2026<br />
LV Transformational Social Leadership Q-3 2026<br />
LVI <strong>The</strong> Cycle <strong>of</strong> Poverty Q-4 2026<br />
Vol. XIII 2027 Raising Awareness<br />
LVII ReEngineering Juvenile Justice Q-1 2027<br />
LVIII Corporations Q-2 2027<br />
LVIX <strong>The</strong> Prison Industrial Complex Q-3 2027<br />
LX Restoration <strong>of</strong> Rights Q-4 2027<br />
Vol. XIV 2028 Culturally Relevant Programming<br />
LXI Community Culture Q-1 2028<br />
LXII Corporate Culture Q-2 2028<br />
LXIII Strategic Cultural Planning Q-3 2028<br />
LXIV<br />
<strong>The</strong> Cross-Sector/ Coordinated<br />
Service Approach to Delinquency<br />
Prevention<br />
Q-4 2028<br />
Vol. XV 2029 Inner-Cities Revitalization<br />
LXIV Part I – Strategic Housing Q-1 2029<br />
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LXV<br />
LXVI<br />
LXVII<br />
LXVIII<br />
Revitalization<br />
(<strong>The</strong> Twenty Percent Pr<strong>of</strong>it Margin)<br />
Part II – Jobs Training, Educational<br />
Redevelopment<br />
and Economic Empowerment<br />
Part III - Financial Literacy<br />
and Sustainability<br />
Part IV – Solutions for<br />
Homelessness<br />
<strong>The</strong> Strategic Home Mortgage<br />
Initiative<br />
Q-2 2029<br />
Q-3 2029<br />
Q-4 2029<br />
Bonus<br />
Vol. XVI 2030 Sustainability<br />
LXVIII Social Program Sustainability Q-1 2030<br />
LXIX<br />
<strong>The</strong> Advocacy Foundation<br />
Endowments Initiative<br />
Q-2 2030<br />
LXX Capital Gains Q-3 2030<br />
LXXI Sustainability Investments Q-4 2030<br />
Vol. XVII 2031 <strong>The</strong> Justice Series<br />
LXXII Distributive Justice Q-1 2031<br />
LXXIII Retributive Justice Q-2 2031<br />
LXXIV Procedural Justice Q-3 2031<br />
LXXV (75) Restorative Justice Q-4 2031<br />
LXXVI Unjust Legal Reasoning Bonus<br />
Vol. XVIII 2032 Public Policy<br />
LXXVII Public Interest Law Q-1 2032<br />
Page 183 <strong>of</strong> 201
LXXVIII Reforming Public Policy Q-2 2032<br />
LXXVIX ... Q-3 2032<br />
LXXVX ... Q-4 2032<br />
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<strong>The</strong> e-Advocate Monthly Review<br />
2018<br />
Transformational Problem Solving January 2018<br />
<strong>The</strong> Advocacy Foundation February 2018<br />
Opioid Initiative<br />
Native-American Youth March 2018<br />
In the Juvenile Justice System<br />
Barriers to Reducing Confinement April 2018<br />
Latino and Hispanic Youth May 2018<br />
In the Juvenile Justice System<br />
Social Entrepreneurship June 2018<br />
<strong>The</strong> Economic Consequences <strong>of</strong><br />
Homelessness in America S.Ed – June 2018<br />
African-American Youth July 2018<br />
In the Juvenile Justice System<br />
Gang Deconstruction August 2018<br />
Social Impact Investing September 2018<br />
Opportunity Youth: October 2018<br />
Disenfranchised Young People<br />
<strong>The</strong> Economic Impact <strong>of</strong> Social November 2018<br />
<strong>of</strong> Social Programs Development<br />
Gun Control December 2018<br />
2019<br />
<strong>The</strong> U.S. Stock Market January 2019<br />
Prison-Based Gerrymandering February 2019<br />
Literacy-Based Prison Construction March 2019<br />
Children <strong>of</strong> Incarcerated Parents April 2019<br />
African-American Youth in <strong>The</strong> May 2019<br />
Juvenile Justice System<br />
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Racial Pr<strong>of</strong>iling June 2019<br />
Mass Collaboration July 2019<br />
Concentrated Poverty August 2019<br />
De-Industrialization September 2019<br />
Overcoming Dyslexia October 2019<br />
Overcoming Attention Deficit November 2019<br />
<strong>The</strong> Gift <strong>of</strong> Adversity December 2019<br />
2020<br />
<strong>The</strong> Gift <strong>of</strong> Hypersensitivity January 2020<br />
<strong>The</strong> Gift <strong>of</strong> Introspection February 2020<br />
<strong>The</strong> Gift <strong>of</strong> Introversion March 2020<br />
<strong>The</strong> Gift <strong>of</strong> Spirituality April 2020<br />
<strong>The</strong> Gift <strong>of</strong> Transformation May 2020<br />
Property Acquisition for<br />
Organizational Sustainability June 2020<br />
Investing for Organizational<br />
Sustainability July 2020<br />
Biblical Law & Justice TLFA August 2020<br />
Gentrification AF September 2020<br />
Environmental Racism NpA October 2020<br />
Law for <strong>The</strong> Poor AF November 2020<br />
…<br />
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2021<br />
Biblically Responsible Investing TLFA – January 2021<br />
International Criminal Procedure LMI – February 2021<br />
Spiritual Rights TLFA – March 2021<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>The</strong>ology <strong>of</strong> Missions TLFA – April 2021<br />
Legal Evangelism, Intelligence,<br />
Reconnaissance & Missions LMI – May 2021<br />
<strong>The</strong> Law <strong>of</strong> War LMI – June 2021<br />
Generational Progression AF – July 2021<br />
Predatory Lending AF – August 2021<br />
<strong>The</strong> Community Assessment Process NpA – September 2021<br />
Accountability NpA – October 2021<br />
Nonpr<strong>of</strong>it Transparency NpA – November 2021<br />
Redefining Unemployment AF – December 2021<br />
2022<br />
21 st Century Slavery AF – January 2022<br />
Acquiesce to Righteousness TLFA – February 2022<br />
ComeUnity Capacity-Building NpA – March 2022<br />
Nonpr<strong>of</strong>it Organizational Assessment NpA – April 2022<br />
Debt Reduction AF – May 2022<br />
Case Law, Statutory Law,<br />
Municipal Ordinances and Policy ALG – June 2022<br />
Organizational Dysfunction NpA - July 2022<br />
Institutional Racism Collab US – August 2022<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>Ripple</strong> <strong>Effects</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Ministry</strong> TLFA - September 2022<br />
…<br />
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<strong>The</strong> e-Advocate Quarterly<br />
Special Editions<br />
Crowdfunding Winter-Spring 2017<br />
Social Media for Nonpr<strong>of</strong>its October 2017<br />
Mass Media for Nonpr<strong>of</strong>its November 2017<br />
<strong>The</strong> Opioid Crisis in America: January 2018<br />
Issues in Pain Management<br />
<strong>The</strong> Opioid Crisis in America: February 2018<br />
<strong>The</strong> Drug Culture in the U.S.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Opioid Crisis in America: March 2018<br />
Drug Abuse Among Veterans<br />
<strong>The</strong> Opioid Crisis in America: April 2018<br />
Drug Abuse Among America’s<br />
Teens<br />
<strong>The</strong> Opioid Crisis in America: May 2018<br />
Alcoholism<br />
<strong>The</strong> Economic Consequences <strong>of</strong> June 2018<br />
Homelessness in <strong>The</strong> US<br />
<strong>The</strong> Economic Consequences <strong>of</strong> July 2018<br />
Opioid Addiction in America<br />
Page 188 <strong>of</strong> 201
<strong>The</strong> e-Advocate Journal<br />
<strong>of</strong> <strong>The</strong>ological Jurisprudence<br />
Vol. I - 2017<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>The</strong>ological Origins <strong>of</strong> Contemporary Judicial Process<br />
Scriptural Application to <strong>The</strong> Model Criminal Code<br />
Scriptural Application for Tort Reform<br />
Scriptural Application to Juvenile Justice Reformation<br />
Vol. II - 2018<br />
Scriptural Application for <strong>The</strong> Canons <strong>of</strong> Ethics<br />
Scriptural Application to Contracts Reform<br />
& <strong>The</strong> Uniform Commercial Code<br />
Scriptural Application to <strong>The</strong> Law <strong>of</strong> Property<br />
Scriptural Application to <strong>The</strong> Law <strong>of</strong> Evidence<br />
Page 189 <strong>of</strong> 201
Page 190 <strong>of</strong> 201
Legal Missions International<br />
Page 191 <strong>of</strong> 201
Issue Title Quarterly<br />
Vol. I 2015<br />
I<br />
II<br />
God’s Will and <strong>The</strong> 21 st Century<br />
Democratic Process<br />
<strong>The</strong> Community<br />
Engagement Strategy<br />
Q-1 2015<br />
Q-2 2015<br />
III Foreign Policy Q-3 2015<br />
IV<br />
Public Interest Law<br />
in <strong>The</strong> New Millennium<br />
Q-4 2015<br />
Vol. II 2016<br />
V Ethiopia Q-1 2016<br />
VI Zimbabwe Q-2 2016<br />
VII Jamaica Q-3 2016<br />
VIII Brazil Q-4 2016<br />
Vol. III 2017<br />
IX India Q-1 2017<br />
X Suriname Q-2 2017<br />
XI <strong>The</strong> Caribbean Q-3 2017<br />
XII United States/ Estados Unidos Q-4 2017<br />
Vol. IV 2018<br />
XIII Cuba Q-1 2018<br />
XIV Guinea Q-2 2018<br />
XV Indonesia Q-3 2018<br />
XVI Sri Lanka Q-4 2018<br />
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Vol. V 2019<br />
XVII Russia Q-1 2019<br />
XVIII Australia Q-2 2019<br />
XIV South Korea Q-3 2019<br />
XV Puerto Rico Q-4 2019<br />
Issue Title Quarterly<br />
Vol. VI 2020<br />
XVI Trinidad & Tobago Q-1 2020<br />
XVII Egypt Q-2 2020<br />
XVIII Sierra Leone Q-3 2020<br />
XIX South Africa Q-4 2020<br />
XX Israel Bonus<br />
Vol. VII 2021<br />
XXI Haiti Q-1 2021<br />
XXII Peru Q-2 2021<br />
XXIII Costa Rica Q-3 2021<br />
XXIV China Q-4 2021<br />
XXV Japan Bonus<br />
Vol VIII 2022<br />
XXVI Chile Q-1 2022<br />
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<strong>The</strong> e-Advocate Juvenile Justice Report<br />
______<br />
Vol. I – Juvenile Delinquency in <strong>The</strong> US<br />
Vol. II. – <strong>The</strong> Prison Industrial Complex<br />
Vol. III – Restorative/ Transformative Justice<br />
Vol. IV – <strong>The</strong> Sixth Amendment Right to <strong>The</strong> Effective Assistance <strong>of</strong> Counsel<br />
Vol. V – <strong>The</strong> <strong>The</strong>ological Foundations <strong>of</strong> Juvenile Justice<br />
Vol. VI – Collaborating to Eradicate Juvenile Delinquency<br />
Page 194 <strong>of</strong> 201
<strong>The</strong> e-Advocate Newsletter<br />
Genesis <strong>of</strong> <strong>The</strong> Problem<br />
Family Structure<br />
Societal Influences<br />
Evidence-Based Programming<br />
Strengthening Assets v. Eliminating Deficits<br />
2012 - Juvenile Delinquency in <strong>The</strong> US<br />
Introduction/Ideology/Key Values<br />
Philosophy/Application & Practice<br />
Expungement & Pardons<br />
Pardons & Clemency<br />
Examples/Best Practices<br />
2013 - Restorative Justice in <strong>The</strong> US<br />
2014 - <strong>The</strong> Prison Industrial Complex<br />
25% <strong>of</strong> the World's Inmates Are In the US<br />
<strong>The</strong> Economics <strong>of</strong> Prison Enterprise<br />
<strong>The</strong> Federal Bureau <strong>of</strong> Prisons<br />
<strong>The</strong> After-<strong>Effects</strong> <strong>of</strong> Incarceration/Individual/Societal<br />
<strong>The</strong> Fourth Amendment Project<br />
<strong>The</strong> Sixth Amendment Project<br />
<strong>The</strong> Eighth Amendment Project<br />
<strong>The</strong> Adolescent Law Group<br />
2015 - US Constitutional Issues In <strong>The</strong> New Millennium<br />
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2018 - <strong>The</strong> <strong>The</strong>ological Law Firm Academy<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>The</strong>ological Foundations <strong>of</strong> US Law & Government<br />
<strong>The</strong> Economic Consequences <strong>of</strong> Legal Decision-Making<br />
<strong>The</strong> Juvenile Justice Legislative Reform Initiative<br />
<strong>The</strong> EB-5 International Investors Initiative<br />
2017 - Organizational Development<br />
<strong>The</strong> Board <strong>of</strong> Directors<br />
<strong>The</strong> Inner Circle<br />
Staff & Management<br />
Succession Planning<br />
Bonus #1 <strong>The</strong> Budget<br />
Bonus #2 Data-Driven Resource Allocation<br />
2018 - Sustainability<br />
<strong>The</strong> Data-Driven Resource Allocation Process<br />
<strong>The</strong> Quality Assurance Initiative<br />
<strong>The</strong> Advocacy Foundation Endowments Initiative<br />
<strong>The</strong> Community Engagement Strategy<br />
2019 - Collaboration<br />
Critical Thinking for Transformative Justice<br />
International Labor Relations<br />
Immigration<br />
God's Will & <strong>The</strong> 21st Century Democratic Process<br />
<strong>The</strong> Community Engagement Strategy<br />
<strong>The</strong> 21st Century Charter Schools Initiative<br />
2020 - Community Engagement<br />
Page 196 <strong>of</strong> 201
Extras<br />
<strong>The</strong> Nonpr<strong>of</strong>it Advisors Group Newsletters<br />
<strong>The</strong> 501(c)(3) Acquisition Process<br />
<strong>The</strong> Board <strong>of</strong> Directors<br />
<strong>The</strong> Gladiator Mentality<br />
Strategic Planning<br />
Fundraising<br />
501(c)(3) Reinstatements<br />
<strong>The</strong> Collaborative US/ International Newsletters<br />
How You Think Is Everything<br />
<strong>The</strong> Reciprocal Nature <strong>of</strong> Business Relationships<br />
Accelerate Your Pr<strong>of</strong>essional Development<br />
<strong>The</strong> Competitive Nature <strong>of</strong> Grant Writing<br />
Assessing <strong>The</strong> Risks<br />
Page 197 <strong>of</strong> 201
Page 198 <strong>of</strong> 201
About <strong>The</strong> Author<br />
John C (Jack) Johnson III<br />
Founder & CEO<br />
Jack was educated at Temple University, in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania and Rutgers<br />
Law School, in Camden, New Jersey. In 1999, he moved to Atlanta, Georgia to pursue<br />
greater opportunities to provide Advocacy and Preventive Programmatic services for atrisk/<br />
at-promise young persons, their families, and Justice Pr<strong>of</strong>essionals embedded in the<br />
Juvenile Justice process in order to help facilitate its transcendence into the 21 st Century.<br />
<strong>The</strong>re, along with a small group <strong>of</strong> community and faith-based pr<strong>of</strong>essionals, “<strong>The</strong> Advocacy Foundation, Inc." was conceived<br />
and developed over roughly a thirteen year period, originally chartered as a Juvenile Delinquency Prevention and Educational<br />
Support Services organization consisting <strong>of</strong> Mentoring, Tutoring, Counseling, Character Development, Community Change<br />
Management, Practitioner Re-Education & Training, and a host <strong>of</strong> related components.<br />
<strong>The</strong> Foundation’s Overarching Mission is “To help Individuals, Organizations, & Communities Achieve <strong>The</strong>ir Full Potential”, by<br />
implementing a wide array <strong>of</strong> evidence-based proactive multi-disciplinary "Restorative & Transformative Justice" programs &<br />
projects currently throughout the northeast, southeast, and western international-waters regions, providing prevention and support<br />
services to at-risk/ at-promise youth, to young adults, to their families, and to Social Service, Justice and Mental<br />
Health pr<strong>of</strong>essionals” everywhere. <strong>The</strong> Foundation has since relocated its headquarters to Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, and been<br />
expanded to include a three-tier mission.<br />
In addition to his work with the Foundation, Jack also served as an Adjunct Pr<strong>of</strong>essor <strong>of</strong> Law & Business at National-Louis<br />
University <strong>of</strong> Atlanta (where he taught Political Science, Business & Legal Ethics, Labor & Employment Relations, and Critical<br />
Thinking courses to undergraduate and graduate level students). Jack has also served as Board President for a host <strong>of</strong> wellestablished<br />
and up & coming nonpr<strong>of</strong>it organizations throughout the region, including “Visions Unlimited Community<br />
Development Systems, Inc.”, a multi-million dollar, award-winning, Violence Prevention and Gang Intervention Social Service<br />
organization in Atlanta, as well as Vice-Chair <strong>of</strong> the Georgia/ Metropolitan Atlanta Violence Prevention Partnership, a state-wide<br />
300 organizational member, violence prevention group led by the Morehouse School <strong>of</strong> Medicine, Emory University and <strong>The</strong><br />
Original, Atlanta-Based, Martin Luther King Center.<br />
Attorney Johnson’s prior accomplishments include a wide-array <strong>of</strong> Pr<strong>of</strong>essional Legal practice areas, including Private Firm,<br />
Corporate and Government postings, just about all <strong>of</strong> which yielded significant pr<strong>of</strong>essional awards & accolades, the history and<br />
chronology <strong>of</strong> which are available for review online. Throughout his career, Jack has served a wide variety <strong>of</strong> for-pr<strong>of</strong>it<br />
corporations, law firms, and nonpr<strong>of</strong>it organizations as Board Chairman, Secretary, Associate, and General Counsel since 1990.<br />
www.<strong>The</strong>Advocacy.Foundation<br />
Clayton County Youth Services Partnership, Inc. – Chair; Georgia Violence Prevention Partnership, Inc – Vice Chair; Fayette<br />
County NAACP - Legal Redress Committee Chairman; Clayton County Fatherhood Initiative Partnership – Principal<br />
Investigator; Morehouse School <strong>of</strong> Medicine School <strong>of</strong> Community Health Feasibility Study - Steering Committee; Atlanta<br />
Violence Prevention Capacity Building Project – Project Partner; Clayton County Minister’s Conference, President 2006-2007;<br />
Liberty In Life Ministries, Inc. – Board Secretary; Young Adults Talk, Inc. – Board <strong>of</strong> Directors; ROYAL, Inc - Board <strong>of</strong><br />
Directors; Temple University Alumni Association; Rutgers Law School Alumni Association; Sertoma International; Our<br />
Common Welfare Board <strong>of</strong> Directors – President)2003-2005; River’s Edge Elementary School PTA (Co-President); Summerhill<br />
Community Ministries; Outstanding Young Men <strong>of</strong> America; Employee <strong>of</strong> the Year; Academic All-American - Basketball;<br />
Church Trustee.<br />
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www.<strong>The</strong>AdvocacyFoundation.org<br />
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