Other Collective Magazine - Winter 2019
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other collective<br />
winter <strong>2019</strong>
in this<br />
ISSUE<br />
INTRO<br />
editor's letter<br />
NEWS<br />
state sponsored islamaphobia in china<br />
aarya chidambaram<br />
india & pakistan<br />
hersheeta gupta<br />
FEATURES<br />
south asian artists in hip hop<br />
teja dusanapudi<br />
rohingya refugees<br />
maayez imam<br />
our namesake<br />
ingrid rosenthal<br />
NARRATIVES<br />
dry mango<br />
radhika marwaha<br />
miram madrese<br />
kiana borjian<br />
dear palestine<br />
sama el-sherif<br />
ARTS &<br />
CULTURE<br />
OPINION<br />
our<br />
talia basma<br />
diaspora dysphoria<br />
kimia akbari<br />
my father does not speak american.<br />
saranjit uppal<br />
the rise of the alt-right<br />
shana khan<br />
2<br />
editor-in-chief<br />
Kimia Akbari<br />
internal managing<br />
editor<br />
Niaz Khorrami<br />
copy editors<br />
Christopher Mouawad<br />
Yalda Saii<br />
design editor<br />
Tamara Shoubber<br />
marketing managers<br />
Sama El-sherif<br />
Noor Halabi<br />
the<br />
news editor<br />
Hersheeta Gupta<br />
features editor<br />
Saranjit Uppal<br />
narratives editor<br />
Sanskriti Sharma<br />
arts & culture editor<br />
Talia Basma<br />
opinion editor<br />
Yasmin Torabi<br />
photo editor<br />
Kaitlin Dabdoub<br />
finance managers<br />
Radhika Marwaha<br />
Ahmed Sleiman<br />
STAFF<br />
writers<br />
Aarya Chidambaram<br />
Ingrid Rosenthal<br />
Kiana Borjian<br />
Maayez Imam<br />
Shadee Behbin<br />
Shana Khan<br />
Teja Dusanapudi<br />
3
Dis-orienting means also to center our stories, not just by looking back, but also highlighting<br />
the present, addressing our conflicts, and simultaneously uplifting our culture. Dis-orienting<br />
inhibits the simplification of our complex identities that bear thousands of years of history. Our<br />
history holds the revolutions our ancestors lived through, the displacement they faced, the wars<br />
they fought. These circumstances took away their opportunity, youth, and life itself, forever altewhy<br />
other collective?<br />
"You come to the United States and the United States begins immediately,<br />
systematically, to erase you in every way, to suppress those<br />
things which it considers not digestible. You spend a lot of time being<br />
colonized. Then, if you've got the opportunity and the breathing<br />
space and the guidance, you immediately—when you realize it—begin<br />
to decolonize yourself. And in this process, you relearn names for<br />
yourself that you had forgotten."<br />
Junot Diaz<br />
Something clicked into place when the title of “<strong>Other</strong>” came up as a potential name for this<br />
magazine. A necessity arose to address and embrace the "othering" that is done to the narrative,<br />
culture and conflicts of South Asian, South West Asian, and North African communities, the<br />
latter wave of immigrant diasporas that emerged in the United States.<br />
This othering can be as simple as questioning where you stand on a census form and forgetting<br />
what you put down every time the race options pop up. It can so easily become internalized,<br />
urging you to give up and accept that you are in the periphery, dissolving into a label that<br />
erases the truth of your struggles. But once you realize that the power of “other” moves in both<br />
directions, you can embrace this power and overcome the structures that are created to paint<br />
you as invisible.<br />
In our pursuit to embrace our otherness, we seek to “dis-orient” ourselves from the orientalist<br />
lens that has monopolized discourse around our communities for centuries. The concept of<br />
Orientalism depicts “Eastern” culture as backward, exotic, and dangerous. Dis-orienting strives<br />
to dismantle this distorted perspective.<br />
We begin dis-orienting by distinguishing our communities according to their geographic<br />
location, rather than ascribed politicized terms that were curated through a Euro-centric, imperialist<br />
agenda.Terms used today to demonize specific populations and use this as justification for<br />
blocking an entire people from entering a nation, separating families across the globe and waging<br />
wars abroad that displace people from their homeland.<br />
4
ing their trajectory, so that they can plant the seeds for ours. So much labor has gone into this—<br />
for us. So we must grow and flourish. We must pave the way for younger versions of ourselves<br />
by becoming the representation that we always craved, thus enabling the future generation to<br />
bloom.We will thrive once we embrace our state of constantly existing in the in-between and<br />
communicate our complex stories on our own terms. <strong>Other</strong> <strong>Collective</strong> strives to be a platform<br />
for the interlocutors of our history, our present, and our future.<br />
I hope that you will feel empowered as you read our work, just as we were empowered<br />
while creating this community.<br />
Thank you to Dr. Noha Radwan, Dr. Amy Motlagh and Grace Weiland for their support and<br />
guidance throughout the process of establishing this magazine.<br />
Kimia Akbari<br />
Editor-in-Chief<br />
special thanks to our sponsors<br />
UC Davis Global Affairs<br />
Center for Student Involvement<br />
5
STATE<br />
SPONSORED<br />
ISLAMOPHOBIA<br />
IN CHINA<br />
THE DETAINMENT AND ABUSE OF OVER ONE MILLION UIGHUR MUSLIMS<br />
Over 1 million Uighur Muslims have been<br />
detained in Chinese internment camps. They have<br />
been subjected to torture, indoctrination, and<br />
surveillance in such centers. Estimates suggest<br />
another two million Muslims have endured some<br />
form of “coercive re-education or indoctrination.”<br />
There are at least 1000 camps; tear-gas, armed<br />
guards, and waterboarding are common tactics.<br />
These camps are just one facet of the Chinese<br />
government’s systematic oppression of the Uighur<br />
people. In recent years, Beijing has released a “list of<br />
forbidden names.” This list includes a large number<br />
of Islamic names, as they’ve been deemed “extremist.”<br />
Communication between Uighurs and relatives<br />
abroad has been cut—those who attempt to<br />
contact family outside of the country are punished.<br />
Citizens must watch state-sponsored television, and<br />
children are required to attend government schools.<br />
Police have confiscated phones and passports. In<br />
Karamay, Xinjiang, those donning “long beards,<br />
headscarves, veils and clothing with an Islamic crescent<br />
moon and star,” were banned from using public<br />
buses while the city hosted a sports event. A local<br />
government campaign,“Project Beauty,” targeted<br />
Uighur women. Project Beauty encouraged them<br />
to remove their headscarves, so they could let<br />
their “beautiful hair fly in the wind” and show their<br />
“pretty faces.”<br />
The Uighur, a religious and ethnic minority<br />
in China, have a long history of resistance against<br />
central Chinese rule. They primarily live in Xinjiang,<br />
an autonomous region in the West of China. It<br />
was not until the 19th century that this region was<br />
brought under Chinese rule, and its relationship<br />
with Beijing has been turbulent since. The Turkish<br />
speaking Uighurs comprise almost half of Xinjiang's<br />
population, which is home to a wide array of ethnic<br />
minorities. Following a temporary declaration<br />
of independence in 1993, there were a series of<br />
deadly protests in 2009 in response to the murder<br />
of two Uighurs. 2014 show a peak in anti-government<br />
resistance, after which, Beijing began to<br />
6
C H A P T E R O N E<br />
NEWS<br />
NEWS 7
implement a series of crackdowns.<br />
Despite ongoing efforts by the UN and other<br />
human rights agencies to gain access to the centers,<br />
the centers still remain in operation. In fact, local<br />
and federal governments are pouring millions into<br />
extensive security measures, including greater<br />
police presence, the construction of more detention<br />
center, and surveillance technologies. The<br />
surveillance of Uighurs have been compared to East<br />
Germany’s police state during the Third Reich. A<br />
Human Rights Watch report details the implementation<br />
of a policing program that collects the personal<br />
data of Xinjiang residents without their knowledge.<br />
Such data was used to target and detain those<br />
considered “potentially threatening.” The Uighur,<br />
even in comparison to other Muslim minorities, are<br />
regarded as “bad muslims,”associated with “violence<br />
and conflict.”<br />
The response emerging from the central<br />
government constructs an image of justified anti-<br />
-terrorism efforts.The government uses reports of<br />
Uighur involvement with extremist groups in Iraq<br />
and Syria, to justify their authoritarian response.<br />
At first China outright denied any culpability in the<br />
internment camps; only in late 2018 did officials<br />
even admit their existence. However, they framed<br />
the camps as vocational training centers, and insisted<br />
upon their practical value to help. Government<br />
officials have argued against criticism by claiming<br />
the camps work to save “these people,” insisting<br />
that the camps were necessary to squash extremism<br />
and global terror threats. Ultimately, the<br />
rhetoric that is frequently employed mirrors that<br />
used by Western nations in their efforts to hide<br />
their state-sponsored Islamophobia. The Uighur<br />
people’s distinct language and culture clearly defy<br />
the Beijing's obsession with “national harmony.” As<br />
such, the blatant violation of human rights suffered<br />
by the Uighur people remains largely ignored, and<br />
no end to these violent atrocities is in sight.<br />
BY AARYA CHIDAMBARAM<br />
8
INDIA &<br />
PAKISTAN<br />
Kashmir has been embroiled in India and Pakistan’s<br />
row for over 71 years. This year saw a rapidly<br />
escalating situation between the two nuclear<br />
powers, instigated by the February 14th attack in<br />
the Pulwama district. Insurgency efforts in India-<br />
-administered Kashmir have been ongoing since<br />
the late 1980s, but violence has begun to rise in<br />
recent years. Thursday saw the deadliest attack in<br />
the last 30 years of the Kashmir conflict, after a<br />
suicide bomber left at least 42 paramilitary police<br />
dead. Nine more were killed in a gun battle early<br />
Monday in the Pulwama district.<br />
The initial attack was carried out by a suicide<br />
bomber who used a vehicle packed with explosives<br />
to ram into a convoy of 78 buses. The bomber<br />
is reported to be Advil Dar, one of the many<br />
young Kashmiri men who have become radicalized<br />
in recent years. Following the attack, Jaish<br />
-e-Mohammad released a video in which Dar spoke<br />
about what he described as atrocities against Kashmiri<br />
Muslims. He went on to state that he had joined<br />
the group in 2018 and was later assigned the task<br />
of carrying out the attack in Pulwama.<br />
Main opposition leader Rahul Gandhi released<br />
a statement on Thursday, stating that the number<br />
of Kashmiri men who have joined the militancy rose<br />
from 88 in 2016 to 191 in 2018.<br />
Since the beginning of this year there have<br />
been 14 gun battles in Kashmir. February alone has<br />
seen six gun battles in which 15 rebels were killed.<br />
The running total of rebels killed this year is 31,<br />
as opposed to 49 security personnel.<br />
Local residents in the Pinglan village said that<br />
three houses and a cowshed were blown up, with<br />
one civilian casualty.<br />
The police released a statement saying that<br />
the civilian was killed after rebels fired indiscriminately.<br />
The statement also identified two of the rebels<br />
as foreigners and one as a local. All residents who<br />
objected to the security operation were detained.<br />
Many fear a backlash from the army after these<br />
incidents. 50-year old Abdul Hamid, a resident of<br />
the area, stated,”several houses have been blasted.<br />
Many young people who were protesting have<br />
been arrested. There is heavy security and we are<br />
forced inside our homes”<br />
There have been multiple revenge attacks by<br />
right wing minds on Kashmiris who have “threatened<br />
to leave or face consequences”<br />
India has been accused of using brutal tactics<br />
to put down protests in Kashmir - with thousands<br />
of people sustaining eye injuries from pellet guns<br />
used by security forces.<br />
Authorities have imposed a curfew in parts<br />
of Hindu-majority Jammu city after an angry mob<br />
vandalised cars in a largely Muslim neighbourhood.<br />
India has further threatened to isolate Pakistan<br />
from the international community, claiming<br />
they have irrefutable evidence that Pakistan was<br />
involved in the attacks. Pakistan denied all involvement<br />
and has asked India to reveal such evidence<br />
and offered to help with investigations into the<br />
attack. India has previously called for global sanctions<br />
against Pakistan due to their alleged support<br />
of Jaish-e-Mohammad militants.<br />
Five additional soldiers have died since Thursday’s<br />
attack. Both India and Pakistan claim the<br />
region near the cease-fire line in full but rule separate<br />
sections divided by a heavily militarised border.<br />
BY HERSHEETA GUPTA<br />
NEWS 9
C H A P T E R T W O<br />
FEATURES<br />
10
OUR<br />
NAMESAKE:<br />
HOW EDWARD<br />
SAID<br />
EMPOWERS<br />
US TO<br />
RECLAIM<br />
“OTHER”<br />
“<strong>Other</strong>,” a quite ordinary word, means<br />
something completely different to those who<br />
identify with the regions represented by <strong>Other</strong><br />
<strong>Collective</strong>, including West Asia, Central Asia,<br />
South Asia, North Africa, and their diaspora<br />
communities.<br />
To these peoples, “<strong>Other</strong>” is reminiscent<br />
of forces that box-in our identities. One literal<br />
example is how the U.S. Census, among other<br />
demographic surveys, has caused our innumerable<br />
and diverse identities to be clumped into<br />
one neat category called “some other race.” This<br />
undoubtedly stems from centuries-old, colonialist<br />
perspectives of the East as “backwards” and<br />
“uncivilized.” It defines a region not by its many<br />
unique communities, but by simply being not<br />
Western. Different. Opposite. <strong>Other</strong>.<br />
A pivotal moment in the evolution of<br />
the “<strong>Other</strong>” concept came with Edward Said’s<br />
book Orientalism, in which he coined the very<br />
term “<strong>Other</strong>,” sparking a legacy that would alter<br />
academic thinking forever.<br />
Written in 1978, Orientalism describes<br />
how the East is viewed as “the Orient,” an “other”<br />
world, by Europeans. This divide created by the<br />
West between “civilized” cultures and the many<br />
stereotyped “uncivilized” Eastern cultures served<br />
many colonialist purposes throughout history,<br />
and has continuously been used to justify colonial<br />
and neo-colonial goals. In his own words,<br />
Said writes, “European culture gained in strength<br />
and identity by setting itself off against the<br />
Orient as a sort of surrogate and even underground<br />
self.” Said argues that Orientalism functions<br />
as a “system of knowledge” about the East,<br />
a way for the Orient to be acceptably filtered<br />
into Western consciousness.<br />
Moving from his birthplace in Mandatory<br />
Palestine, under British colonial rule, to Massachusetts<br />
to attend boarding school, Edward<br />
Said was subsequently educated in top American<br />
universities Princeton and Harvard, later<br />
becoming a Professor of Literature at Columbia<br />
University in 1963. Said’s education in the<br />
Western tradition caused him to feel some alienation<br />
from his own culture back home. He<br />
wrote in his memoir Between Worlds (1998),<br />
“I found myself becoming an entirely Western<br />
person; both at college and in graduate school.<br />
I studied literature, music and philosophy, but<br />
none of it had anything to do with my own tradition.”<br />
Considered “exotic” amongst his colleagues<br />
who often misunderstood his identity,<br />
Said’s alienation from his own identity grew<br />
until the Arab world became centerstage politically<br />
in the United States during the Six Day<br />
War in 1967. As a result of the Six Day War in<br />
1967, Said did not hesitate to voice his opinions<br />
on political events occuring in the Middle East<br />
and American media’s cultural representation<br />
of the region. Said emerged as a strong critic of<br />
the way Middle Eastern people were represented<br />
in the American media, which he argued was<br />
ignorant of the region’s diverse and complicated<br />
history. The result of which became Said’s<br />
1968 published work “The Arab Portrayed,”<br />
which discusses the stereotypes and misunderstandings<br />
of Middle Eastern populations - specifically<br />
Jews, Christians, and Muslims - in the<br />
media landscape.<br />
Assuming the role of both Westerner and<br />
Arab, Said’s bicultural identity presented itself<br />
in his literature. Said writes, “by the mid-Seventies<br />
I was in the rich but unenviable position of<br />
speaking for two, diametrically opposed constituencies,<br />
one Western, the other Arab.”<br />
In 1979, Said published another influential<br />
piece of literature, “Zionism from the Standpoint<br />
of its Victims,” in which he acknowledges<br />
the Zionist argument for Israel, by tracing its<br />
complex history and connections to colonialism,<br />
in addition to arguing for the Palestinian right of<br />
self-determination. Said’s ability to observe and<br />
recognize conflict from multiple points of view<br />
stems from his bicultural upbringing and gives<br />
him greater latitude as a writer.<br />
Another important argument Said makes<br />
in Orientalism is the indivisibility between the<br />
aforementioned hegemonic structure and all<br />
kinds of academic study such as philology,<br />
history, and political and economic theory. These<br />
tangible and influential areas of study served as<br />
platforms to further Orientalism’s reach as a<br />
tenet of colonialism. Said writes that Orientalism<br />
is “a distribution of geopolitical awareness<br />
into aesthetic, scholarly, economic, sociological,<br />
historical, and philological texts.” Orientalism<br />
isn’t simply a school of thought passively reflected<br />
by society and academia, nor is it these texts<br />
alone; rather, Orientalism is the interaction and<br />
connection between the two.<br />
Said calls out to his readers in the “so-called<br />
Third World” and hopes Orientalism will help<br />
bring to light the power of Orientalist discourse<br />
from the West. He states, “My hope is to<br />
illustrate the formidable structure of cultural<br />
domination and, specifically for formerly colonized<br />
peoples, the dangers and temptations of<br />
employing this structure upon themselves or<br />
upon others.”<br />
No article such as this one could do justice<br />
to Orientalism itself; this piece has only aimed<br />
to highlight Orientalism’s most influential and<br />
far-reaching tenets. Edward Said’s thinking revolutionized<br />
how the world thinks about “<strong>Other</strong>,”<br />
and forced academia to question the ways in<br />
which they structure their discourses based on<br />
colonial power structures and challenged them<br />
to take a postcolonial approach to all the disciplines<br />
that Said argued worked to advance colonialist<br />
intent.<br />
Edward Said later said in his memoir that<br />
through Orientalism he “tried to uncover the<br />
longstanding, very varied geographical obsession<br />
with a distant, often inaccessible world<br />
that helped Europe to define itself by being its<br />
opposite.” Orientalism became the backbone of<br />
“dis-orientalist” discourse in academia and larger<br />
culture to fight back against the oppressive<br />
history written against Eastern cultures. <strong>Other</strong><br />
<strong>Collective</strong>’s mission statement stems largely<br />
from Said’s push to de-orientalize the prolific<br />
Western view of each region our organization<br />
represents in order to reclaim identities for both<br />
the indigenous and the diasporic communities.<br />
The community behind <strong>Other</strong> <strong>Collective</strong><br />
seeks to provide a platform for those people<br />
to define and express themselves on their own<br />
terms. This exact form of self-determination is<br />
an instrumental part of what Said pushed for,<br />
and we honor the work of people like Edward<br />
Said who paved the way for our voices to be<br />
heard.<br />
BY INGRID ROSENTHAL<br />
FEATURES 11
SOUTH ASIAN AR<br />
So says Anik Khan in his breakout song “Big<br />
Fax,” lounging on cars and rapping about “mixing<br />
up the masla with the militant,” while a woman in a<br />
magenta sari tosses a mango and smiles knowingly<br />
at the camera.<br />
Amassing over a<br />
million views, Khan joins<br />
a host of prominent<br />
South Asians in the<br />
modern rap movement.<br />
“First brown boy to get<br />
it poppin’,” NAV, short<br />
for Navraj Singh Goraya,<br />
is known to brag. But<br />
the roots of South Asian<br />
hip-hop dates back<br />
before NAV’s breakout<br />
song with superstar<br />
Travis Scott, all the way<br />
back to one of the most<br />
popular songs of the<br />
early 2000’s: “Paper<br />
Planes”.<br />
Written and<br />
“Really the worst thing that<br />
anyone can say [to someone<br />
these days] is some shit like:<br />
"What I wanna do is come<br />
and get your money." People<br />
don’t really feel like immigrants<br />
or refugees contribute<br />
to culture in any way. That<br />
they’re just leeches that suck<br />
from whatever. So in the song<br />
I say "All I wanna do is [sound<br />
of gun shooting and reloading,<br />
cash register opening]<br />
and take your money." I did it<br />
in sound effects. It's up to you<br />
how you want to interpret.<br />
America is so obsessed with<br />
money, I’m sure they’ll get it."<br />
recorded for rapper<br />
M.I.A’s second album,<br />
“Paper Planes” currently<br />
sits at one-hundred and<br />
forty seven million views, once nominated for a<br />
Grammy and awarded Rolling Stone’s best song of<br />
2008. The catchy, syncopated beat and simplistic<br />
lyrics disguise a deeper meaning: as M.I.A. herself<br />
says in an interview with entertainment news site<br />
Vulture, Really the worst thing that anyone can say<br />
[to someone these days] is some shit like: "What I<br />
wanna do is come and get your money." People don’t<br />
really feel like immigrants or refugees contribute<br />
to culture in any way. That they’re just leeches<br />
that suck from whatever.<br />
So in the song I say "All I<br />
wanna do is [sound of gun<br />
shooting and reloading,<br />
cash register opening]<br />
and take your money." I<br />
did it in sound effects. It's<br />
up to you how you want<br />
to interpret. America is so<br />
obsessed with money, I’m<br />
sure they’ll get it.".<br />
To argue that the<br />
worldwide popularity of<br />
“Paper Planes” derives<br />
from its subversive rhetoric<br />
would be pushing it, but<br />
M.I.A.’s unprecedented,<br />
meteoric rise to fame as<br />
a person of Tamil descent<br />
cannot be denied. The<br />
rest of her discography<br />
follows a similarly critical<br />
perspective: one of<br />
her most recent songs,<br />
Borders, repeats the phrase “Borders? What’s up<br />
with that,” while the music video displays people<br />
struggling to crawl up barbed, chain-linked gates,<br />
an overarching interrogation of the anti-immigrant<br />
structures across the world. Working most recently<br />
with musical phenomenon Kendrick Lamar and<br />
12
TISTS IN HIP HOP<br />
iconic producer and artist Pharrell Williams, M.I.A.’s<br />
appeal–and that of her politically polarized music–<br />
clearly has not evaporated, her influence still potent<br />
and apparent in today’s hip-hop scene.<br />
Hitting the music scene just two years after<br />
the acclaim of "Paper Planes," rap trio Das Racist<br />
(composed of Himanshu Suri, Ashok Kondabolu, and<br />
Victor Vasquez; the former two of Indian descent)<br />
won accolades for their single "Combination Pizza<br />
Hut and Taco Bell," and later, for their album “Sit<br />
Down, Man.” The music of Das Racist, much like<br />
that of M.I.A's, is unapologetically rooted in diaspora<br />
culture, emphasizing experiences of minorities and<br />
the absurdity of persecution, with songs focused on<br />
the cultural appropriation of accents to song hooks<br />
rapped in Punjabi. Their acclaim, with laurels from<br />
noted music review sites such as Pitchfork and the<br />
Village Voice, is not one made despite their rhetoric,<br />
but because of it. Unlike "Paper Planes," listeners of<br />
Das Racist directly recognize it for its cultural voice,<br />
a voice that ends songs with questions like "What<br />
can brown do for you?/What has brown done for<br />
me lately?"<br />
Das Racist, while influential, was also shortlived.<br />
Breaking up in 2013, its members continued<br />
to amass awards, critique, and discourse across<br />
the globe. Suri went on to create the rap duo Swet<br />
Shop Boys with famed actor and activist Riz Ahmed,<br />
who most recently appeared in Rogue One and The<br />
Night Of, to highly critical appeal. Their most recent<br />
EP, “Sufi La,” follows the trend of contemplative<br />
diasporic rap: Riz Ahmed raps "“I think, what if I was<br />
fairer skinned, had less of the melanin?/Would I get<br />
more work or would I not be worth anything?”<br />
Ashok Kondabolu's brother, Hari Kondabolu,<br />
contends with similar questions with much of<br />
his stand-up, from his recent Netflix special to a<br />
documentary focused on the decades old Simpson<br />
character, or perhaps caricature, Apu. Kondabolu,<br />
much like Das Racist, dissects the spotty cover of<br />
pop culture placed over scenes of prejudice.<br />
Where M.I.A ran, Das Racist was able to walk;<br />
in a post "Paper Planes" world, Middle Eastern and<br />
South Asian artists can build from this platform and<br />
make music that directly reflects and derives from<br />
their experiences, and succeed greatly based on<br />
the subversive strengths of those both unique and<br />
collective experiences.<br />
Between the recognized voice of the individual<br />
and the worldwide pop music of the masses, lies<br />
the diasporic hip-hop of the remaining 2000s.<br />
Hip-hop becomes the bridge between this divide,<br />
the art form which can be a voice of resistance and<br />
persecution in the dominating, sterilized sound<br />
of the airwaves. It is here, in the contradiction of<br />
hip-hop that the ME/SA community has risen and<br />
will continue to rise to recognition. Not yet has<br />
there been a Das Racist that has risen to global<br />
fame, much like there has never been an M.I.A.<br />
famous the world over for her political message<br />
rather than her catchy radio sonics. This is the<br />
world of Anik Khan, and the other rising artists like<br />
him: NAV, Raveena Aurora, Lushlife, and the others,<br />
undiscovered and unknown, but perhaps blasting<br />
songs like "Big Fax" at this very moment. Even if<br />
America never truly “got” M.I.A.’s message, maybe<br />
it’ll get theirs.<br />
BY TEJA DUANAPUDI<br />
FEATURES 13
ohingya refugees:<br />
personal stories of fleeing persecution<br />
14<br />
“I remember my husband staring at me as the<br />
Myanmar Soldier put the gun towards his head<br />
and pulled the trigger,” recalled Mumtaz, a Rohingya<br />
refugee currently living in a settlement camp in<br />
Bangladesh with her only living child. In August of<br />
2018, Myanmar soldiers killed her husband and sons<br />
in front of her before holding her down and raping<br />
her in front of her daughter. Mumtaz is only one of<br />
the hundreds of thousands of Rohingya that have<br />
gone through excruciatingly tragic experiences in<br />
the past two years. She is also one of several refugees<br />
to whom Muhummad Mallick, a Chicago-based<br />
photographer working on the book “Muslims of<br />
the World,” spoke and whose story he documented.<br />
He closely listened to more of her horrific account;<br />
how after the soldiers raped her they put kerosene<br />
on her face and lit her on fire; how her house went<br />
up in flames while her daughter dragged her away;<br />
how they starved for three days before someone<br />
found them and took them to Bangladesh. Mumtaz,<br />
reflecting back on her story, said, “One day you are<br />
with your whole family laughing and smiling and<br />
then the next day your entire family is dead.”<br />
The Rohingya people are an ethnic group from<br />
western Myanmar who have lived there since the<br />
4th century. Islam embedded itself into the community<br />
around the 7th century when Muslims began to<br />
settle in the area. Rohingya continued to be accepted<br />
members of society until the late 20th century.<br />
First, it started with the Myanmar government<br />
discriminating against them by denying access to<br />
marriage protections, citizenship, employment, and<br />
education. The denial of citizenship hurts the Rohingya<br />
most significantly because they are not allowed<br />
to vote, and it leaves a large population essentially<br />
stateless. They also need approval from authorities<br />
to legally get married, which includes having to<br />
show photographs of the bride without a headscarf<br />
and the groom with a clean-cut face, both of which<br />
go against Islamic cultural beliefs and practices. The<br />
government provides little to no investment in the<br />
Rohingya community, resulting in poor infrastructure,<br />
high rates of poverty (currently at 78 percent,<br />
compared to the national average of 37.5 percent),<br />
and a severe lack of employment opportunities.<br />
The recent mass exodus from Myanmar of<br />
Rohingya Muslims in August of 2017 was caused<br />
by the military destroying thousands of Rohingya<br />
villages, forcing nearly seven hundred thousand<br />
Rohingya–including Mumtaz–to flee Myanmar<br />
into neighboring countries. Government soldiers<br />
also planted landmines near the border between<br />
Myanmar and Bangladesh, opened fire on fleeing<br />
refugees, and raped women and girls. According to<br />
Doctors Without Borders, an international humanitarian<br />
medical organization, the first month of attacks<br />
alone caused at least 6,700 deaths, with tens<br />
of thousands more deaths to follow in subsequent<br />
years.<br />
Mallick spoke to several more Rohingya refugees<br />
and learned about their experiences and what<br />
made each of them specifically flee Myanmar.<br />
Another woman, Roshida, was raped in front of her<br />
husband and six children. When her husband tried<br />
to stop the soldiers, they shot him and killed one of<br />
her children. She was then taken to the paddy fields<br />
by five men and was raped over and over again. She<br />
was left unconscious there for twelve days before<br />
her brother and children found her and took her to<br />
Bangladesh for refuge from the ongoing onslaught<br />
of violence and death. Although she appreciates<br />
the work that the hospitals in Bangladesh provided<br />
for her and the other stateless persecuted refugees,<br />
her whole life has already been changed forever. In<br />
Roshida’s own words, “The day the military came<br />
was the day my world went dark.”<br />
Currently, Rohingya Muslims are dispersed<br />
in several South East Asian countries, number<br />
one being Bangladesh due to its close proximity<br />
to Myanmar. According to Bangladeshi authorities,<br />
there are more than 1.1 million refugees in<br />
the country who mostly live in crowded camps,<br />
conditions that only increase the risk of disease<br />
outbreaks such as measles and tetanus, potentially<br />
harming even more of the Rohingya community. On<br />
top of that, 60 percent of the water supply in these<br />
FEATURES 15
camps is contaminated with water-borne diseases,<br />
adding to the risk of refugees contracting illnesses.<br />
The inhumane conditions that the Rohingya people<br />
are subjected to are a travesty and cannot be overlooked<br />
by the global community. United Nations<br />
(UN) Secretary General António Guterres described<br />
the situation as “a humanitarian and human rights<br />
nightmare.”<br />
Rohingya have also migrated to other countries,<br />
such as Malaysia, Thailand, and Indonesia.<br />
According to the UN, 80,000 Rohingya refugees<br />
reside in Malaysia, while there are still tens of thousands<br />
in the country unregistered for. Rohingya<br />
have even fled nearly 6,000 kilometers to places as<br />
far as Indonesia; however, because they are treated<br />
as illegal immigrants there, their numbers are relatively<br />
small. Thailand is itself a human smuggling hub,<br />
so many Rohingya pass through there as a transit<br />
point, often traveling onwards to Malaysia or Indonesia<br />
by boat or even foot. In every one of these<br />
Asian countries, Rohingya have absolutely no legal<br />
status; therefore, they are unable to work, get an<br />
education, or have access to healthcare. Even the<br />
United States is taking in Rohingya refugees, with<br />
over 1,600 Rohingya currently based in Chicago.<br />
Most of them spent years in Malaysian camps after<br />
fleeing from persecution in Myanmar before resettling<br />
in America, oftentimes having to leave chil-<br />
16
dren or other family members behind, alive or dead.<br />
What has been happening to the Rohingya<br />
people is nothing short of horrific and the fact that<br />
it is intensifying to this day is absolutely appalling.<br />
Those who manage to escape the slaughter and<br />
rape back home live in abhorrent conditions in a<br />
foreign land.<br />
The United Nations has helped move Rohingya<br />
refugees to safer areas, repair damaged shelters<br />
and roads, and provide refugees with blankets,<br />
food, and lights. However, without the help of the<br />
international community and individuals like Mallick,<br />
it is unlikely the situation will improve. Going all the<br />
way to Bangladesh to help the refugees, just like<br />
Mallick did, might be a little too much for a lot of<br />
us, but small donations to the UN can help relocate<br />
refugees to new shelters, provide healthcare to the<br />
refugees, immunize children, and establish nutrition<br />
centers in the refugee camps.<br />
If you would like to learn more about the<br />
efforts being made to help the Rohingya people, or<br />
if you would like to help yourself, visit Islamic Relief<br />
USA at http://irusa.org/.<br />
BY MAAYEZ IMAM<br />
FEATURES 17
DRY MANGO<br />
I sat in our study lounge for the fourth consecutive hour,<br />
when my phone flashed with a message from my mom. As<br />
usual, she was sending me mouth-watering pictures of Indian<br />
delicacies for the festival season – sweets and savory items<br />
alike. I missed home so so much as I chewed on a sandwich<br />
that I had prepared eight hours ago. I wanted to teleport back<br />
to some good food, some Indian food, my mother’s food. As<br />
I tried to focus on practicing linear algebra, my hunger kept<br />
bringing me back to the food topic until my friend offered me<br />
some dry mango.<br />
Now if you’re Indian, you would know that a mango is<br />
the king of fruits. Rightly so, since our motherland is home<br />
to over 1500 varieties of this fruit. So hunger or no hunger,<br />
the offer brought back memories of juicy Alphonso mangoes<br />
I’d eat in India, a raw mango drink Aam Panna, and even my<br />
grandmom’s special homemade mango pickle. And thus, I ate<br />
some dry mango. Fifteen minutes later, I found myself halfway<br />
through the packet and thrown into a ocean of emotions. I’d<br />
just gobbled up half of my friend’s snack in America. Was that<br />
rude? Or worse, was this indicative of one of two “international<br />
student” behaviors that the others talked about?<br />
According to popular belief, international students are<br />
either children of extremely rich parents and thus have extravagant<br />
lifestyles or are studying at an American institution<br />
because their parents have somehow struggled to get them<br />
to this country of dreams for the hope of a better tomorrow.<br />
If you “belong” to the second category, you’ve seldom known<br />
comfort and happiness and you’re very likely to pounce on to<br />
it, just like I’d eaten the mango. In other words, the absence of<br />
the spectrum approach turned something as trivial as eating<br />
a snack with a friend, to an issue of me representing those of<br />
my kind, who account for over a million students at different<br />
universities across the country.<br />
But is it really fair to judge the entire community based on<br />
a few individuals’ reactions? Is it even right to judge students<br />
like us as we make our way through starkly different cultures<br />
in the United States? While all students at the university level<br />
are busy dealing with stressors like midterms, finals and excessively<br />
competitive grading scales; paying too much attention<br />
to our surroundings can lead us to feeling out of place at several<br />
different levels – dressing sense, taste pallets and social<br />
behavior. To top it off, there are occasional comments like “oh<br />
international students don’t care so much about cleanliness<br />
anyway” or “don’t you love how clean Davis is, since you’re<br />
from India?” But in reality, I did care a lot about cleanliness and<br />
I grew up in Dubai, which is cleaner than Davis.<br />
In a way however, my reflective self is grateful to these<br />
comments because they make me more aware of myself and<br />
my priorities. Furthermore, it has taught me to acknowledge,<br />
but then move away, from people who look for such indicators<br />
in their “friends.” Sometimes I wonder how my life here would<br />
be without some of the (very) kind and accepting people I was<br />
lucky enough to meet in this past year.<br />
BY RADHIKA MARWAHA<br />
18
C H A P T E R T H R E E<br />
NARRATIVE<br />
NARRATIVE 19
miram<br />
madrese<br />
first day of “Women in Islamicate Societies:”<br />
Why are you taking this class?<br />
I begin swirling<br />
like the dervishes<br />
my mother is named for: Sufi<br />
plus an “e”<br />
I am jealous of her name -<br />
the way it suits her worried eyes,<br />
sacred face. What she knows<br />
about Islam: not being able to join<br />
swim team after the revolution. I dread<br />
swimming, feigned a shoulder injury<br />
to get out of water polo.<br />
What I know about Islam:<br />
climbing on my grandfather’s back,<br />
the guttural whisper of his prayer<br />
whirling around his spine, images<br />
of birds and men with beards bordered<br />
in emerald and gold. Do you think<br />
my grandparents would accept my sexuality?<br />
I ask my mother. You know<br />
early examples of homosexuality are found<br />
in Islam, in the harems my mother says.<br />
I live in the gold embossed margins of my grandfather’s poetry books,<br />
of my binder paper I struggle to fill<br />
with notes. I have anxiety, so<br />
I am not a history major. Or -<br />
history sends me spiraling<br />
into the recesses of my mother’s name<br />
the photo albums of her mother’s mother and her mother’s mother<br />
who look the way my mother taught me not to:<br />
hair bridging their brows,<br />
above their lips. My body<br />
like history: uninhabitable, scarred,<br />
erased, hairy.<br />
BY KIANA BORJIAN<br />
20<br />
dear<br />
palestine,<br />
Through my eyes I see,<br />
All the horror in front of me.<br />
The sky above a charcoal-grey,<br />
All the smells of body decay.<br />
Under me rush rivers of crimson lake,<br />
All the land begins to shake.<br />
The scorching flames slip and slide,<br />
All my brothers and sisters died.<br />
No heart, no care, no generosity,<br />
All I see is their atrocity.<br />
Bullet after bullet just past my head,<br />
All the children dead, dead, dead!<br />
There is no hope, no life, no light,<br />
All the blood is blinding my sight.<br />
The flooding waterfall of tears,<br />
Can never drown all of our fears.<br />
You see, our child with his rock and life,<br />
Will defeat their soldier with his gun and knife.<br />
Our child will become a man,<br />
Achieving victory on what they began.<br />
Forever engraved in my brain,<br />
All the shouts and cries of pain.<br />
People think we’ve become insane;<br />
No! We are real and will always remain.<br />
And when that happens you’ll hear our cheers,<br />
You’ll hear our eyes as they bleed happy tears.<br />
These tears of joy will wash away all our sorrow,<br />
And bring life back to tomorrow.<br />
We are real, we won’t surrender,<br />
We are real, don’t be a pretender.<br />
We won’t be ignored for we will fight,<br />
For our freedom, for our right.<br />
Peace will come flying in so fast,<br />
We will become reunited at last.<br />
Trees will burst from beneath the ground,<br />
Birds will sing and fly all around.<br />
For no child’s eye will forget.<br />
We will not die anytime yet.<br />
Hand in hand we will stand,<br />
To fight for our home, for our land.<br />
Light will shine through the pitch black,<br />
For life has been brought back.<br />
Everyone will be safe and sound,<br />
In our homes and on our ground<br />
BY SAMA EL-SHERIF<br />
NARRATIVE DEAR 21
C H A P T E R F O U R<br />
ARTS & CULTURE<br />
22
our<br />
You don’t have to like me<br />
You don’t have to like her<br />
You don’t have to like him<br />
You don’t have to like them<br />
Your food isn’t the only food<br />
My food isn’t the only food<br />
Your clothes aren’t the only clothes<br />
My clothes aren’t the only clothes<br />
You can hate the people of my culture<br />
You can think I’m stupid, I’m crazy<br />
You can eat the food but hate the clothes<br />
You can hate the food, but wear the clothes<br />
All I ask is for respect<br />
I don’t need your validation to be someone<br />
Who loves talking about their diverse culture<br />
I do need you to stay open minded<br />
All I ask is you respect my beliefs<br />
Apologize when you’ve done wrong<br />
In return, I’ll do the same<br />
In return, we’ll come together<br />
Your food will converge with my food<br />
Your clothes will stitch with my clothes<br />
Your culture will merge with my culture and<br />
We’ll create something beautiful<br />
Something new<br />
We’ll call it our culture<br />
BY TALIA BASMA<br />
ARTS & CULTURE 23
diaspora<br />
dysphoria<br />
I'm floating by in twilight anesthesia<br />
as Disgraceland overtly stares back<br />
from a distance;<br />
watching the jousting match<br />
Of sufi mystics above polluted clouds<br />
with the cypress-figured lady who gives<br />
scarlet poppies, I’m enchanted.<br />
I envy these midnight archers<br />
I have tried their dance<br />
but I don't seem to awaken<br />
basking in the thirst of hyacinth water,<br />
floating by weakly<br />
in this opaque state,<br />
in deprivation of clarity<br />
summoning more and more tales<br />
that end with a question<br />
as crescent slashes of annihilation<br />
forbid the quest to liberation<br />
and yearning yearning yearning,<br />
ever so eternally<br />
aware of my oblivion<br />
then—<br />
swimming thrashing clashing<br />
as I drown<br />
leaving nothing<br />
but silent screams of pleading<br />
and yearning<br />
BY KIMIA AKBARI<br />
24
MY FATHER<br />
DOES NOT<br />
SPEAK<br />
AMERICAN.<br />
My father does not speak American.<br />
His mother tongue is Punjabi, the five rivers,<br />
where there is life and growth and a place where his<br />
history belongs and is cherished and refuses to die –<br />
My father does not speak American.<br />
He is from water and earth and the harvest, he<br />
uses his hands to build and break apart and create<br />
again, he finds the worms friendly and the snakes in<br />
the fields old friends.<br />
He falls from his bike onto the dusty ground and<br />
gets back up, laughing and crying, as the sun blazes<br />
down over his head that nourishes his home.<br />
He walks past the river every day and sees himself;<br />
he sees his life fall behind him, sees his heritage disappearing,<br />
he doesn’t see anything, what does he see?<br />
What is left?<br />
Now he stands in the cold grey city and waits<br />
for the water that will not come back to him. He is<br />
locked in a zoo with the world stopping to watch him,<br />
this creature that performs tricks with a turban tied<br />
around his head in colors they don’t understand.<br />
He looks but cannot find his home anymore. He is<br />
watched. Hunted.<br />
Lost.<br />
My father does not speak American.<br />
But he came here to be understood, to have a chance to<br />
listen and learn and grow.<br />
To fly<br />
Far and wide,<br />
And begin again.<br />
He came to feel safe in a world that promised him one.<br />
But how you can you settle for a cement world when your<br />
lungs have breathed in rivers all its life?<br />
My father does not speak American.<br />
And he is drowning every day because of it.<br />
BY SARANJIT UPPAL<br />
DIASPORA ARTS DYSPHORIA & CULTURE<br />
25
THE RISE OF THE<br />
ALT-RIGHT<br />
how social media and bigoted<br />
ideology is creating a<br />
dangerous environment for<br />
minorities.<br />
On January 22nd, <strong>2019</strong>, four young men, Brian<br />
Colaneri (20), Vincent Vetromile (19), and Andrew Crysel<br />
(18), along with a 16-year-old whose name was withheld,<br />
were arrested for planning a terrorist attack against the<br />
Muslim community of Islamberg in Upstate New York.<br />
Founded in 1980 by a group of Muslims hoping<br />
to live a modest and devoted life, Islamberg is a small<br />
enclave in Upstate New York City largely comprising<br />
Muslim-Americans. It is home to about 200 predominantly<br />
black Muslim-Americans, and is the headquarters<br />
for the Muslims of America Organization. Though<br />
hoping to live a peaceful and devoted life away from<br />
the distractions a big city like New York City brings,<br />
the citizens of Islamberg have recently been subjected<br />
to an inordinate amount of Islamophobic attacks.<br />
Over the last 15-20 years, right-wing media outlets<br />
and conservative groups have incessantly alleged this<br />
community is a terrorist training camp, citing no evidence<br />
for their contentions. In 2015, Robert Doggard, a congressional<br />
candidate in East Tennessee, pleaded guilty to devising<br />
an attack on the small town. Doggard has ardently<br />
justified his actions claiming the residents of Islamberg<br />
had been planning an attack against New Yorkers.<br />
"Those guys [have] to be killed" (Doggard, 2015), Doggart<br />
said during one call. "Their buildings need to be burnt<br />
down." However, officials have continuously failed to find<br />
evidence supporting his claim. Doggard pleaded guilty<br />
and is now serving twenty years in prison. A year later, The<br />
American Bikers United Against Jihad’s “Ride for National<br />
Security” paraded through Islamberg to protest Islam. The<br />
biker’s Facebook event page read “Heavily armed, trained,<br />
and ready for violent jihad against innocent Americans,<br />
[Muslims] prey on our prison populations and vulnerable<br />
youth to recruit, but the FBI’s hands are tied” (The<br />
Daily Star, 2016). And once again in <strong>2019</strong>, the citizens<br />
of Islamberg are victim to another heinous hate crime.<br />
Police allegedly discovered the suspects in possession<br />
of 23 legally owned rifles and shotguns, as well as<br />
makeshift bombs packed with nails and black powder.<br />
These men had been planning for over a month to intricately<br />
devise a method to carry out the assassination of<br />
a community of Muslims. “If they had carried out this<br />
plot, which every indication is that they were going to,<br />
people would have died” (Phelan, <strong>2019</strong>), Greece Police<br />
Chief Patrick Phelan told reporters. As of February 5th<br />
<strong>2019</strong>, Crysel has been released on bail due. His attorney<br />
claims he is “autistic and had no plans of harming anyone”<br />
(WBNG, <strong>2019</strong>). The other men still await their trial.<br />
But what fueled these young men’s ambitions<br />
in carrying out such a violent and horrendous act?<br />
Vincent Vetromile’s shocking social media profile leaves<br />
growing concern for the rise of the alt.-right. Vetro-<br />
26<br />
C H A P T E R F I V E<br />
OPINION<br />
OPINION 27
mile is a fervent Trump supporter, and an ardent advocate<br />
for gun ownership. His past tweets show a history<br />
of harboring anti-Muslim sentiments as well. “KILL<br />
THEM ALL and nobody will be left to attack us” (Vetromile,<br />
2016). Vetromile declared in 2016 regarding<br />
Muslims. “The Koran tells them to kill us so they’re all<br />
GUILTY,” He again tweeted. Much of Vetromile’s social<br />
media activity was devoted to raging about Muslims,<br />
calling Muslim immigrants “rapefugees,” and arguing<br />
that there was “a good reason to get rid of all Muslims.”<br />
Vetromile was also an active member of a private<br />
chat platform called Discord. With over 150 million<br />
members, this software is designed to facilitate communication<br />
through video-game communities. But in<br />
recent years, this platform has been a popular gathering<br />
space for members of the alt-right white supremacist<br />
groups, neo-Nazi communities, and Islamophobes<br />
alike to organize and converse. Members of<br />
the alt-right parties used Discord in 2017 to organize<br />
the Unite the Right Rally in Charlottesville, Virginia.<br />
Time after time, conversations among these platforms<br />
have eventually lead to group polarization and<br />
heightened feelings of racism and white supremacy.<br />
The alt-right’s presence has been rapidly escalating<br />
in the past few years. White supremacists have been<br />
doggedly targeting communities of color claiming they<br />
are “dangerous” or “plotting America’s demise” when in<br />
reality, these communities pose no threat whatsoever.<br />
What really poses a threat are these Americans’ extremist<br />
ideologies. In December of 2017, William Atchison,<br />
a former student who was 21 years old at the time of the<br />
attack, killed two students at the Aztec High School in<br />
New Mexico, then committed suicide. His online activity<br />
included posting pro-Hitler and pro-Trump thoughts on<br />
an alt-right website called The Daily Stormer under usernames<br />
such as “Future Mass Shooter.” And similarly, in<br />
October of 2018, Robert Bowers killed eleven individuals<br />
at a synagogue in Pittsburgh. He too was a member of a<br />
social network called Gab which was deemed “far-right safe<br />
haven” for neo-Nazis. Bowers also had a history of posting<br />
anti-Semitic and pro-Hitler thoughts to the website.<br />
The reality is that the biggest threat to Americans is<br />
not the drug dealers who will come to America through<br />
the Mexican border. It is not a refugee family fleeing Syria.<br />
It is not a Guatemalan family marching a thousand miles to<br />
seek asylum in America. Building a wall, restricting immigration<br />
and deporting “illegal” immigrants will not make<br />
America safer. The real threat to Americans is the rise of<br />
alt.-right terrorist organizations who are targeting minorities<br />
with the aim of cleansing America of its alleged danger.<br />
28<br />
eferences<br />
state sponsored islamaphobia<br />
Photo: Guang Niu/Getty Images<br />
Cummings-Bruce, Nick. “U.N. Panel Confronts China Over<br />
Reports That It Holds a Million Uighurs in Camps.”New York Times.<br />
August 10 2018. https://www.nytimes.com/2018/08/10/world/asia/<br />
china-xinjiang-un-uighurs.html<br />
Dooley, Ben. “Inside China’s Internment Camps: Tear Gas,<br />
Textbooks, and Tasers.”Yahoo. October 24 2018. https://www.yahoo.<br />
Xinjiang’s ‘List of Forbidden Names’ Forces Uyghurs to<br />
Change Names of Children Under 16.” Radio Free Asia. 2017. https://<br />
www.rfa.org/english/news/special/uyghur-oppression/ChenPolicy6.<br />
html<br />
Wong, Edward. “Police Confiscate Passports in Parts<br />
of Xinjiang, in Western China.” New York Times. December 1 2016.<br />
com/news/inside-chinas-internment-camps-tear-gas-tasers-textbooks-052736783.html<br />
https://www.nytimes.com/2016/12/01/world/asia/passports-confiscated-xinjiang-china-uighur.html<br />
Beech, Hannah. “If China Is Anti-Islam, Why Are These<br />
Chinese Muslims Enjoying a Faith Revival?”Time.August 12 2014.<br />
http://time.com/3099950/china-muslim-hui-xinjiang-uighur-islam/<br />
“Who are the Uighars?” BBC. April 20 2014. https://www.<br />
bbc.com/news/world-asia-china-22278037<br />
south asian artists in hip hop<br />
Goodman, Lizzy. “M.I.A.”. Rolling Stone. November 12,<br />
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