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Other Collective Magazine - Winter 2019

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other collective<br />

winter <strong>2019</strong>


in this<br />

ISSUE<br />

INTRO<br />

editor's letter<br />

NEWS<br />

state sponsored islamaphobia in china<br />

aarya chidambaram<br />

india & pakistan<br />

hersheeta gupta<br />

FEATURES<br />

south asian artists in hip hop<br />

teja dusanapudi<br />

rohingya refugees<br />

maayez imam<br />

our namesake<br />

ingrid rosenthal<br />

NARRATIVES<br />

dry mango<br />

radhika marwaha<br />

miram madrese<br />

kiana borjian<br />

dear palestine<br />

sama el-sherif<br />

ARTS &<br />

CULTURE<br />

OPINION<br />

our<br />

talia basma<br />

diaspora dysphoria<br />

kimia akbari<br />

my father does not speak american.<br />

saranjit uppal<br />

the rise of the alt-right<br />

shana khan<br />

2<br />




editor-in-chief<br />

Kimia Akbari<br />

internal managing<br />

editor<br />

Niaz Khorrami<br />

copy editors<br />

Christopher Mouawad<br />

Yalda Saii<br />

design editor<br />

Tamara Shoubber<br />

marketing managers<br />

Sama El-sherif<br />

Noor Halabi<br />

the<br />

news editor<br />

Hersheeta Gupta<br />

features editor<br />

Saranjit Uppal<br />

narratives editor<br />

Sanskriti Sharma<br />

arts & culture editor<br />

Talia Basma<br />

opinion editor<br />

Yasmin Torabi<br />

photo editor<br />

Kaitlin Dabdoub<br />

finance managers<br />

Radhika Marwaha<br />

Ahmed Sleiman<br />

STAFF<br />

writers<br />

Aarya Chidambaram<br />

Ingrid Rosenthal<br />

Kiana Borjian<br />

Maayez Imam<br />

Shadee Behbin<br />

Shana Khan<br />

Teja Dusanapudi<br />

 3


Dis-orienting means also to center our stories, not just by looking back, but also highlighting<br />

the present, addressing our conflicts, and simultaneously uplifting our culture. Dis-orienting<br />

inhibits the simplification of our complex identities that bear thousands of years of history. Our<br />

history holds the revolutions our ancestors lived through, the displacement they faced, the wars<br />

they fought. These circumstances took away their opportunity, youth, and life itself, forever altewhy<br />

other collective?<br />

"You come to the United States and the United States begins immediately,<br />

systematically, to erase you in every way, to suppress those<br />

things which it considers not digestible. You spend a lot of time being<br />

colonized. Then, if you've got the opportunity and the breathing<br />

space and the guidance, you immediately—when you realize it—begin<br />

to decolonize yourself. And in this process, you relearn names for<br />

yourself that you had forgotten."<br />

Junot Diaz<br />

Something clicked into place when the title of “<strong>Other</strong>” came up as a potential name for this<br />

magazine. A necessity arose to address and embrace the "othering" that is done to the narrative,<br />

culture and conflicts of South Asian, South West Asian, and North African communities, the<br />

latter wave of immigrant diasporas that emerged in the United States.<br />

This othering can be as simple as questioning where you stand on a census form and forgetting<br />

what you put down every time the race options pop up. It can so easily become internalized,<br />

urging you to give up and accept that you are in the periphery, dissolving into a label that<br />

erases the truth of your struggles. But once you realize that the power of “other” moves in both<br />

directions, you can embrace this power and overcome the structures that are created to paint<br />

you as invisible.<br />

In our pursuit to embrace our otherness, we seek to “dis-orient” ourselves from the orientalist<br />

lens that has monopolized discourse around our communities for centuries. The concept of<br />

Orientalism depicts “Eastern” culture as backward, exotic, and dangerous. Dis-orienting strives<br />

to dismantle this distorted perspective.<br />

We begin dis-orienting by distinguishing our communities according to their geographic<br />

location, rather than ascribed politicized terms that were curated through a Euro-centric, imperialist<br />

agenda.Terms used today to demonize specific populations and use this as justification for<br />

blocking an entire people from entering a nation, separating families across the globe and waging<br />

wars abroad that displace people from their homeland.<br />

4


ing their trajectory, so that they can plant the seeds for ours. So much labor has gone into this—<br />

for us. So we must grow and flourish. We must pave the way for younger versions of ourselves<br />

by becoming the representation that we always craved, thus enabling the future generation to<br />

bloom.We will thrive once we embrace our state of constantly existing in the in-between and<br />

communicate our complex stories on our own terms. <strong>Other</strong> <strong>Collective</strong> strives to be a platform<br />

for the interlocutors of our history, our present, and our future.<br />

I hope that you will feel empowered as you read our work, just as we were empowered<br />

while creating this community.<br />

Thank you to Dr. Noha Radwan, Dr. Amy Motlagh and Grace Weiland for their support and<br />

guidance throughout the process of establishing this magazine.<br />

Kimia Akbari<br />

Editor-in-Chief<br />

special thanks to our sponsors<br />

UC Davis Global Affairs<br />

Center for Student Involvement<br />

5


STATE<br />

SPONSORED<br />

ISLAMOPHOBIA<br />

IN CHINA<br />

THE DETAINMENT AND ABUSE OF OVER ONE MILLION UIGHUR MUSLIMS<br />

Over 1 million Uighur Muslims have been<br />

detained in Chinese internment camps. They have<br />

been subjected to torture, indoctrination, and<br />

surveillance in such centers. Estimates suggest<br />

another two million Muslims have endured some<br />

form of “coercive re-education or indoctrination.”<br />

There are at least 1000 camps; tear-gas, armed<br />

guards, and waterboarding are common tactics.<br />

These camps are just one facet of the Chinese<br />

government’s systematic oppression of the Uighur<br />

people. In recent years, Beijing has released a “list of<br />

forbidden names.” This list includes a large number<br />

of Islamic names, as they’ve been deemed “extremist.”<br />

Communication between Uighurs and relatives<br />

abroad has been cut—those who attempt to<br />

contact family outside of the country are punished.<br />

Citizens must watch state-sponsored television, and<br />

children are required to attend government schools.<br />

Police have confiscated phones and passports. In<br />

Karamay, Xinjiang, those donning “long beards,<br />

headscarves, veils and clothing with an Islamic crescent<br />

moon and star,” were banned from using public<br />

buses while the city hosted a sports event. A local<br />

government campaign,“Project Beauty,” targeted<br />

Uighur women. Project Beauty encouraged them<br />

to remove their headscarves, so they could let<br />

their “beautiful hair fly in the wind” and show their<br />

“pretty faces.”<br />

The Uighur, a religious and ethnic minority<br />

in China, have a long history of resistance against<br />

central Chinese rule. They primarily live in Xinjiang,<br />

an autonomous region in the West of China. It<br />

was not until the 19th century that this region was<br />

brought under Chinese rule, and its relationship<br />

with Beijing has been turbulent since. The Turkish<br />

speaking Uighurs comprise almost half of Xinjiang's<br />

population, which is home to a wide array of ethnic<br />

minorities. Following a temporary declaration<br />

of independence in 1993, there were a series of<br />

deadly protests in 2009 in response to the murder<br />

of two Uighurs. 2014 show a peak in anti-government<br />

resistance, after which, Beijing began to<br />

6


C H A P T E R O N E<br />

NEWS<br />

NEWS 7


implement a series of crackdowns.<br />

Despite ongoing efforts by the UN and other<br />

human rights agencies to gain access to the centers,<br />

the centers still remain in operation. In fact, local<br />

and federal governments are pouring millions into<br />

extensive security measures, including greater<br />

police presence, the construction of more detention<br />

center, and surveillance technologies. The<br />

surveillance of Uighurs have been compared to East<br />

Germany’s police state during the Third Reich. A<br />

Human Rights Watch report details the implementation<br />

of a policing program that collects the personal<br />

data of Xinjiang residents without their knowledge.<br />

Such data was used to target and detain those<br />

considered “potentially threatening.” The Uighur,<br />

even in comparison to other Muslim minorities, are<br />

regarded as “bad muslims,”associated with “violence<br />

and conflict.”<br />

The response emerging from the central<br />

government constructs an image of justified anti-<br />

-terrorism efforts.The government uses reports of<br />

Uighur involvement with extremist groups in Iraq<br />

and Syria, to justify their authoritarian response.<br />

At first China outright denied any culpability in the<br />

internment camps; only in late 2018 did officials<br />

even admit their existence. However, they framed<br />

the camps as vocational training centers, and insisted<br />

upon their practical value to help. Government<br />

officials have argued against criticism by claiming<br />

the camps work to save “these people,” insisting<br />

that the camps were necessary to squash extremism<br />

and global terror threats. Ultimately, the<br />

rhetoric that is frequently employed mirrors that<br />

used by Western nations in their efforts to hide<br />

their state-sponsored Islamophobia. The Uighur<br />

people’s distinct language and culture clearly defy<br />

the Beijing's obsession with “national harmony.” As<br />

such, the blatant violation of human rights suffered<br />

by the Uighur people remains largely ignored, and<br />

no end to these violent atrocities is in sight.<br />

BY AARYA CHIDAMBARAM<br />

8


INDIA &<br />

PAKISTAN<br />

Kashmir has been embroiled in India and Pakistan’s<br />

row for over 71 years. This year saw a rapidly<br />

escalating situation between the two nuclear<br />

powers, instigated by the February 14th attack in<br />

the Pulwama district. Insurgency efforts in India-<br />

-administered Kashmir have been ongoing since<br />

the late 1980s, but violence has begun to rise in<br />

recent years. Thursday saw the deadliest attack in<br />

the last 30 years of the Kashmir conflict, after a<br />

suicide bomber left at least 42 paramilitary police<br />

dead. Nine more were killed in a gun battle early<br />

Monday in the Pulwama district.<br />

The initial attack was carried out by a suicide<br />

bomber who used a vehicle packed with explosives<br />

to ram into a convoy of 78 buses. The bomber<br />

is reported to be Advil Dar, one of the many<br />

young Kashmiri men who have become radicalized<br />

in recent years. Following the attack, Jaish<br />

-e-Mohammad released a video in which Dar spoke<br />

about what he described as atrocities against Kashmiri<br />

Muslims. He went on to state that he had joined<br />

the group in 2018 and was later assigned the task<br />

of carrying out the attack in Pulwama.<br />

Main opposition leader Rahul Gandhi released<br />

a statement on Thursday, stating that the number<br />

of Kashmiri men who have joined the militancy rose<br />

from 88 in 2016 to 191 in 2018.<br />

Since the beginning of this year there have<br />

been 14 gun battles in Kashmir. February alone has<br />

seen six gun battles in which 15 rebels were killed.<br />

The running total of rebels killed this year is 31,<br />

as opposed to 49 security personnel.<br />

Local residents in the Pinglan village said that<br />

three houses and a cowshed were blown up, with<br />

one civilian casualty.<br />

The police released a statement saying that<br />

the civilian was killed after rebels fired indiscriminately.<br />

The statement also identified two of the rebels<br />

as foreigners and one as a local. All residents who<br />

objected to the security operation were detained.<br />

Many fear a backlash from the army after these<br />

incidents. 50-year old Abdul Hamid, a resident of<br />

the area, stated,”several houses have been blasted.<br />

Many young people who were protesting have<br />

been arrested. There is heavy security and we are<br />

forced inside our homes”<br />

There have been multiple revenge attacks by<br />

right wing minds on Kashmiris who have “threatened<br />

to leave or face consequences”<br />

India has been accused of using brutal tactics<br />

to put down protests in Kashmir - with thousands<br />

of people sustaining eye injuries from pellet guns<br />

used by security forces.<br />

Authorities have imposed a curfew in parts<br />

of Hindu-majority Jammu city after an angry mob<br />

vandalised cars in a largely Muslim neighbourhood.<br />

India has further threatened to isolate Pakistan<br />

from the international community, claiming<br />

they have irrefutable evidence that Pakistan was<br />

involved in the attacks. Pakistan denied all involvement<br />

and has asked India to reveal such evidence<br />

and offered to help with investigations into the<br />

attack. India has previously called for global sanctions<br />

against Pakistan due to their alleged support<br />

of Jaish-e-Mohammad militants.<br />

Five additional soldiers have died since Thursday’s<br />

attack. Both India and Pakistan claim the<br />

region near the cease-fire line in full but rule separate<br />

sections divided by a heavily militarised border.<br />

BY HERSHEETA GUPTA<br />

NEWS 9


C H A P T E R T W O<br />

FEATURES<br />

10


OUR<br />

NAMESAKE:<br />

HOW EDWARD<br />

SAID<br />

EMPOWERS<br />

US TO<br />

RECLAIM<br />

“OTHER”<br />

“<strong>Other</strong>,” a quite ordinary word, means<br />

something completely different to those who<br />

identify with the regions represented by <strong>Other</strong><br />

<strong>Collective</strong>, including West Asia, Central Asia,<br />

South Asia, North Africa, and their diaspora<br />

communities.<br />

To these peoples, “<strong>Other</strong>” is reminiscent<br />

of forces that box-in our identities. One literal<br />

example is how the U.S. Census, among other<br />

demographic surveys, has caused our innumerable<br />

and diverse identities to be clumped into<br />

one neat category called “some other race.” This<br />

undoubtedly stems from centuries-old, colonialist<br />

perspectives of the East as “backwards” and<br />

“uncivilized.” It defines a region not by its many<br />

unique communities, but by simply being not<br />

Western. Different. Opposite. <strong>Other</strong>.<br />

A pivotal moment in the evolution of<br />

the “<strong>Other</strong>” concept came with Edward Said’s<br />

book Orientalism, in which he coined the very<br />

term “<strong>Other</strong>,” sparking a legacy that would alter<br />

academic thinking forever.<br />

Written in 1978, Orientalism describes<br />

how the East is viewed as “the Orient,” an “other”<br />

world, by Europeans. This divide created by the<br />

West between “civilized” cultures and the many<br />

stereotyped “uncivilized” Eastern cultures served<br />

many colonialist purposes throughout history,<br />

and has continuously been used to justify colonial<br />

and neo-colonial goals. In his own words,<br />

Said writes, “European culture gained in strength<br />

and identity by setting itself off against the<br />

Orient as a sort of surrogate and even underground<br />

self.” Said argues that Orientalism functions<br />

as a “system of knowledge” about the East,<br />

a way for the Orient to be acceptably filtered<br />

into Western consciousness.<br />

Moving from his birthplace in Mandatory<br />

Palestine, under British colonial rule, to Massachusetts<br />

to attend boarding school, Edward<br />

Said was subsequently educated in top American<br />

universities Princeton and Harvard, later<br />

becoming a Professor of Literature at Columbia<br />

University in 1963. Said’s education in the<br />

Western tradition caused him to feel some alienation<br />

from his own culture back home. He<br />

wrote in his memoir Between Worlds (1998),<br />

“I found myself becoming an entirely Western<br />

person; both at college and in graduate school.<br />

I studied literature, music and philosophy, but<br />

none of it had anything to do with my own tradition.”<br />

Considered “exotic” amongst his colleagues<br />

who often misunderstood his identity,<br />

Said’s alienation from his own identity grew<br />

until the Arab world became centerstage politically<br />

in the United States during the Six Day<br />

War in 1967. As a result of the Six Day War in<br />

1967, Said did not hesitate to voice his opinions<br />

on political events occuring in the Middle East<br />

and American media’s cultural representation<br />

of the region. Said emerged as a strong critic of<br />

the way Middle Eastern people were represented<br />

in the American media, which he argued was<br />

ignorant of the region’s diverse and complicated<br />

history. The result of which became Said’s<br />

1968 published work “The Arab Portrayed,”<br />

which discusses the stereotypes and misunderstandings<br />

of Middle Eastern populations - specifically<br />

Jews, Christians, and Muslims - in the<br />

media landscape.<br />

Assuming the role of both Westerner and<br />

Arab, Said’s bicultural identity presented itself<br />

in his literature. Said writes, “by the mid-Seventies<br />

I was in the rich but unenviable position of<br />

speaking for two, diametrically opposed constituencies,<br />

one Western, the other Arab.”<br />

In 1979, Said published another influential<br />

piece of literature, “Zionism from the Standpoint<br />

of its Victims,” in which he acknowledges<br />

the Zionist argument for Israel, by tracing its<br />

complex history and connections to colonialism,<br />

in addition to arguing for the Palestinian right of<br />

self-determination. Said’s ability to observe and<br />

recognize conflict from multiple points of view<br />

stems from his bicultural upbringing and gives<br />

him greater latitude as a writer.<br />

Another important argument Said makes<br />

in Orientalism is the indivisibility between the<br />

aforementioned hegemonic structure and all<br />

kinds of academic study such as philology,<br />

history, and political and economic theory. These<br />

tangible and influential areas of study served as<br />

platforms to further Orientalism’s reach as a<br />

tenet of colonialism. Said writes that Orientalism<br />

is “a distribution of geopolitical awareness<br />

into aesthetic, scholarly, economic, sociological,<br />

historical, and philological texts.” Orientalism<br />

isn’t simply a school of thought passively reflected<br />

by society and academia, nor is it these texts<br />

alone; rather, Orientalism is the interaction and<br />

connection between the two.<br />

Said calls out to his readers in the “so-called<br />

Third World” and hopes Orientalism will help<br />

bring to light the power of Orientalist discourse<br />

from the West. He states, “My hope is to<br />

illustrate the formidable structure of cultural<br />

domination and, specifically for formerly colonized<br />

peoples, the dangers and temptations of<br />

employing this structure upon themselves or<br />

upon others.”<br />

No article such as this one could do justice<br />

to Orientalism itself; this piece has only aimed<br />

to highlight Orientalism’s most influential and<br />

far-reaching tenets. Edward Said’s thinking revolutionized<br />

how the world thinks about “<strong>Other</strong>,”<br />

and forced academia to question the ways in<br />

which they structure their discourses based on<br />

colonial power structures and challenged them<br />

to take a postcolonial approach to all the disciplines<br />

that Said argued worked to advance colonialist<br />

intent.<br />

Edward Said later said in his memoir that<br />

through Orientalism he “tried to uncover the<br />

longstanding, very varied geographical obsession<br />

with a distant, often inaccessible world<br />

that helped Europe to define itself by being its<br />

opposite.” Orientalism became the backbone of<br />

“dis-orientalist” discourse in academia and larger<br />

culture to fight back against the oppressive<br />

history written against Eastern cultures. <strong>Other</strong><br />

<strong>Collective</strong>’s mission statement stems largely<br />

from Said’s push to de-orientalize the prolific<br />

Western view of each region our organization<br />

represents in order to reclaim identities for both<br />

the indigenous and the diasporic communities.<br />

The community behind <strong>Other</strong> <strong>Collective</strong><br />

seeks to provide a platform for those people<br />

to define and express themselves on their own<br />

terms. This exact form of self-determination is<br />

an instrumental part of what Said pushed for,<br />

and we honor the work of people like Edward<br />

Said who paved the way for our voices to be<br />

heard.<br />

BY INGRID ROSENTHAL<br />

FEATURES 11


SOUTH ASIAN AR<br />

So says Anik Khan in his breakout song “Big<br />

Fax,” lounging on cars and rapping about “mixing<br />

up the masla with the militant,” while a woman in a<br />

magenta sari tosses a mango and smiles knowingly<br />

at the camera.<br />

Amassing over a<br />

million views, Khan joins<br />

a host of prominent<br />

South Asians in the<br />

modern rap movement.<br />

“First brown boy to get<br />

it poppin’,” NAV, short<br />

for Navraj Singh Goraya,<br />

is known to brag. But<br />

the roots of South Asian<br />

hip-hop dates back<br />

before NAV’s breakout<br />

song with superstar<br />

Travis Scott, all the way<br />

back to one of the most<br />

popular songs of the<br />

early 2000’s: “Paper<br />

Planes”.<br />

Written and<br />

“Really the worst thing that<br />

anyone can say [to someone<br />

these days] is some shit like:<br />

"What I wanna do is come<br />

and get your money." People<br />

don’t really feel like immigrants<br />

or refugees contribute<br />

to culture in any way. That<br />

they’re just leeches that suck<br />

from whatever. So in the song<br />

I say "All I wanna do is [sound<br />

of gun shooting and reloading,<br />

cash register opening]<br />

and take your money." I did it<br />

in sound effects. It's up to you<br />

how you want to interpret.<br />

America is so obsessed with<br />

money, I’m sure they’ll get it."<br />

recorded for rapper<br />

M.I.A’s second album,<br />

“Paper Planes” currently<br />

sits at one-hundred and<br />

forty seven million views, once nominated for a<br />

Grammy and awarded Rolling Stone’s best song of<br />

2008. The catchy, syncopated beat and simplistic<br />

lyrics disguise a deeper meaning: as M.I.A. herself<br />

says in an interview with entertainment news site<br />

Vulture, Really the worst thing that anyone can say<br />

[to someone these days] is some shit like: "What I<br />

wanna do is come and get your money." People don’t<br />

really feel like immigrants or refugees contribute<br />

to culture in any way. That they’re just leeches<br />

that suck from whatever.<br />

So in the song I say "All I<br />

wanna do is [sound of gun<br />

shooting and reloading,<br />

cash register opening]<br />

and take your money." I<br />

did it in sound effects. It's<br />

up to you how you want<br />

to interpret. America is so<br />

obsessed with money, I’m<br />

sure they’ll get it.".<br />

To argue that the<br />

worldwide popularity of<br />

“Paper Planes” derives<br />

from its subversive rhetoric<br />

would be pushing it, but<br />

M.I.A.’s unprecedented,<br />

meteoric rise to fame as<br />

a person of Tamil descent<br />

cannot be denied. The<br />

rest of her discography<br />

follows a similarly critical<br />

perspective: one of<br />

her most recent songs,<br />

Borders, repeats the phrase “Borders? What’s up<br />

with that,” while the music video displays people<br />

struggling to crawl up barbed, chain-linked gates,<br />

an overarching interrogation of the anti-immigrant<br />

structures across the world. Working most recently<br />

with musical phenomenon Kendrick Lamar and<br />

12


TISTS IN HIP HOP<br />

iconic producer and artist Pharrell Williams, M.I.A.’s<br />

appeal–and that of her politically polarized music–<br />

clearly has not evaporated, her influence still potent<br />

and apparent in today’s hip-hop scene.<br />

Hitting the music scene just two years after<br />

the acclaim of "Paper Planes," rap trio Das Racist<br />

(composed of Himanshu Suri, Ashok Kondabolu, and<br />

Victor Vasquez; the former two of Indian descent)<br />

won accolades for their single "Combination Pizza<br />

Hut and Taco Bell," and later, for their album “Sit<br />

Down, Man.” The music of Das Racist, much like<br />

that of M.I.A's, is unapologetically rooted in diaspora<br />

culture, emphasizing experiences of minorities and<br />

the absurdity of persecution, with songs focused on<br />

the cultural appropriation of accents to song hooks<br />

rapped in Punjabi. Their acclaim, with laurels from<br />

noted music review sites such as Pitchfork and the<br />

Village Voice, is not one made despite their rhetoric,<br />

but because of it. Unlike "Paper Planes," listeners of<br />

Das Racist directly recognize it for its cultural voice,<br />

a voice that ends songs with questions like "What<br />

can brown do for you?/What has brown done for<br />

me lately?"<br />

Das Racist, while influential, was also shortlived.<br />

Breaking up in 2013, its members continued<br />

to amass awards, critique, and discourse across<br />

the globe. Suri went on to create the rap duo Swet<br />

Shop Boys with famed actor and activist Riz Ahmed,<br />

who most recently appeared in Rogue One and The<br />

Night Of, to highly critical appeal. Their most recent<br />

EP, “Sufi La,” follows the trend of contemplative<br />

diasporic rap: Riz Ahmed raps "“I think, what if I was<br />

fairer skinned, had less of the melanin?/Would I get<br />

more work or would I not be worth anything?”<br />

Ashok Kondabolu's brother, Hari Kondabolu,<br />

contends with similar questions with much of<br />

his stand-up, from his recent Netflix special to a<br />

documentary focused on the decades old Simpson<br />

character, or perhaps caricature, Apu. Kondabolu,<br />

much like Das Racist, dissects the spotty cover of<br />

pop culture placed over scenes of prejudice.<br />

Where M.I.A ran, Das Racist was able to walk;<br />

in a post "Paper Planes" world, Middle Eastern and<br />

South Asian artists can build from this platform and<br />

make music that directly reflects and derives from<br />

their experiences, and succeed greatly based on<br />

the subversive strengths of those both unique and<br />

collective experiences.<br />

Between the recognized voice of the individual<br />

and the worldwide pop music of the masses, lies<br />

the diasporic hip-hop of the remaining 2000s.<br />

Hip-hop becomes the bridge between this divide,<br />

the art form which can be a voice of resistance and<br />

persecution in the dominating, sterilized sound<br />

of the airwaves. It is here, in the contradiction of<br />

hip-hop that the ME/SA community has risen and<br />

will continue to rise to recognition. Not yet has<br />

there been a Das Racist that has risen to global<br />

fame, much like there has never been an M.I.A.<br />

famous the world over for her political message<br />

rather than her catchy radio sonics. This is the<br />

world of Anik Khan, and the other rising artists like<br />

him: NAV, Raveena Aurora, Lushlife, and the others,<br />

undiscovered and unknown, but perhaps blasting<br />

songs like "Big Fax" at this very moment. Even if<br />

America never truly “got” M.I.A.’s message, maybe<br />

it’ll get theirs.<br />

BY TEJA DUANAPUDI<br />

FEATURES 13


ohingya refugees:<br />

personal stories of fleeing persecution<br />

14<br />




“I remember my husband staring at me as the<br />

Myanmar Soldier put the gun towards his head<br />

and pulled the trigger,” recalled Mumtaz, a Rohingya<br />

refugee currently living in a settlement camp in<br />

Bangladesh with her only living child. In August of<br />

2018, Myanmar soldiers killed her husband and sons<br />

in front of her before holding her down and raping<br />

her in front of her daughter. Mumtaz is only one of<br />

the hundreds of thousands of Rohingya that have<br />

gone through excruciatingly tragic experiences in<br />

the past two years. She is also one of several refugees<br />

to whom Muhummad Mallick, a Chicago-based<br />

photographer working on the book “Muslims of<br />

the World,” spoke and whose story he documented.<br />

He closely listened to more of her horrific account;<br />

how after the soldiers raped her they put kerosene<br />

on her face and lit her on fire; how her house went<br />

up in flames while her daughter dragged her away;<br />

how they starved for three days before someone<br />

found them and took them to Bangladesh. Mumtaz,<br />

reflecting back on her story, said, “One day you are<br />

with your whole family laughing and smiling and<br />

then the next day your entire family is dead.”<br />

The Rohingya people are an ethnic group from<br />

western Myanmar who have lived there since the<br />

4th century. Islam embedded itself into the community<br />

around the 7th century when Muslims began to<br />

settle in the area. Rohingya continued to be accepted<br />

members of society until the late 20th century.<br />

First, it started with the Myanmar government<br />

discriminating against them by denying access to<br />

marriage protections, citizenship, employment, and<br />

education. The denial of citizenship hurts the Rohingya<br />

most significantly because they are not allowed<br />

to vote, and it leaves a large population essentially<br />

stateless. They also need approval from authorities<br />

to legally get married, which includes having to<br />

show photographs of the bride without a headscarf<br />

and the groom with a clean-cut face, both of which<br />

go against Islamic cultural beliefs and practices. The<br />

government provides little to no investment in the<br />

Rohingya community, resulting in poor infrastructure,<br />

high rates of poverty (currently at 78 percent,<br />

compared to the national average of 37.5 percent),<br />

and a severe lack of employment opportunities.<br />

The recent mass exodus from Myanmar of<br />

Rohingya Muslims in August of 2017 was caused<br />

by the military destroying thousands of Rohingya<br />

villages, forcing nearly seven hundred thousand<br />

Rohingya–including Mumtaz–to flee Myanmar<br />

into neighboring countries. Government soldiers<br />

also planted landmines near the border between<br />

Myanmar and Bangladesh, opened fire on fleeing<br />

refugees, and raped women and girls. According to<br />

Doctors Without Borders, an international humanitarian<br />

medical organization, the first month of attacks<br />

alone caused at least 6,700 deaths, with tens<br />

of thousands more deaths to follow in subsequent<br />

years.<br />

Mallick spoke to several more Rohingya refugees<br />

and learned about their experiences and what<br />

made each of them specifically flee Myanmar.<br />

Another woman, Roshida, was raped in front of her<br />

husband and six children. When her husband tried<br />

to stop the soldiers, they shot him and killed one of<br />

her children. She was then taken to the paddy fields<br />

by five men and was raped over and over again. She<br />

was left unconscious there for twelve days before<br />

her brother and children found her and took her to<br />

Bangladesh for refuge from the ongoing onslaught<br />

of violence and death. Although she appreciates<br />

the work that the hospitals in Bangladesh provided<br />

for her and the other stateless persecuted refugees,<br />

her whole life has already been changed forever. In<br />

Roshida’s own words, “The day the military came<br />

was the day my world went dark.”<br />

Currently, Rohingya Muslims are dispersed<br />

in several South East Asian countries, number<br />

one being Bangladesh due to its close proximity<br />

to Myanmar. According to Bangladeshi authorities,<br />

there are more than 1.1 million refugees in<br />

the country who mostly live in crowded camps,<br />

conditions that only increase the risk of disease<br />

outbreaks such as measles and tetanus, potentially<br />

harming even more of the Rohingya community. On<br />

top of that, 60 percent of the water supply in these<br />

FEATURES 15


camps is contaminated with water-borne diseases,<br />

adding to the risk of refugees contracting illnesses.<br />

The inhumane conditions that the Rohingya people<br />

are subjected to are a travesty and cannot be overlooked<br />

by the global community. United Nations<br />

(UN) Secretary General António Guterres described<br />

the situation as “a humanitarian and human rights<br />

nightmare.”<br />

Rohingya have also migrated to other countries,<br />

such as Malaysia, Thailand, and Indonesia.<br />

According to the UN, 80,000 Rohingya refugees<br />

reside in Malaysia, while there are still tens of thousands<br />

in the country unregistered for. Rohingya<br />

have even fled nearly 6,000 kilometers to places as<br />

far as Indonesia; however, because they are treated<br />

as illegal immigrants there, their numbers are relatively<br />

small. Thailand is itself a human smuggling hub,<br />

so many Rohingya pass through there as a transit<br />

point, often traveling onwards to Malaysia or Indonesia<br />

by boat or even foot. In every one of these<br />

Asian countries, Rohingya have absolutely no legal<br />

status; therefore, they are unable to work, get an<br />

education, or have access to healthcare. Even the<br />

United States is taking in Rohingya refugees, with<br />

over 1,600 Rohingya currently based in Chicago.<br />

Most of them spent years in Malaysian camps after<br />

fleeing from persecution in Myanmar before resettling<br />

in America, oftentimes having to leave chil-<br />

16


dren or other family members behind, alive or dead.<br />

What has been happening to the Rohingya<br />

people is nothing short of horrific and the fact that<br />

it is intensifying to this day is absolutely appalling.<br />

Those who manage to escape the slaughter and<br />

rape back home live in abhorrent conditions in a<br />

foreign land.<br />

The United Nations has helped move Rohingya<br />

refugees to safer areas, repair damaged shelters<br />

and roads, and provide refugees with blankets,<br />

food, and lights. However, without the help of the<br />

international community and individuals like Mallick,<br />

it is unlikely the situation will improve. Going all the<br />

way to Bangladesh to help the refugees, just like<br />

Mallick did, might be a little too much for a lot of<br />

us, but small donations to the UN can help relocate<br />

refugees to new shelters, provide healthcare to the<br />

refugees, immunize children, and establish nutrition<br />

centers in the refugee camps.<br />

If you would like to learn more about the<br />

efforts being made to help the Rohingya people, or<br />

if you would like to help yourself, visit Islamic Relief<br />

USA at http://irusa.org/.<br />

BY MAAYEZ IMAM<br />

FEATURES 17


DRY MANGO<br />

I sat in our study lounge for the fourth consecutive hour,<br />

when my phone flashed with a message from my mom. As<br />

usual, she was sending me mouth-watering pictures of Indian<br />

delicacies for the festival season – sweets and savory items<br />

alike. I missed home so so much as I chewed on a sandwich<br />

that I had prepared eight hours ago. I wanted to teleport back<br />

to some good food, some Indian food, my mother’s food. As<br />

I tried to focus on practicing linear algebra, my hunger kept<br />

bringing me back to the food topic until my friend offered me<br />

some dry mango.<br />

Now if you’re Indian, you would know that a mango is<br />

the king of fruits. Rightly so, since our motherland is home<br />

to over 1500 varieties of this fruit. So hunger or no hunger,<br />

the offer brought back memories of juicy Alphonso mangoes<br />

I’d eat in India, a raw mango drink Aam Panna, and even my<br />

grandmom’s special homemade mango pickle. And thus, I ate<br />

some dry mango. Fifteen minutes later, I found myself halfway<br />

through the packet and thrown into a ocean of emotions. I’d<br />

just gobbled up half of my friend’s snack in America. Was that<br />

rude? Or worse, was this indicative of one of two “international<br />

student” behaviors that the others talked about?<br />

According to popular belief, international students are<br />

either children of extremely rich parents and thus have extravagant<br />

lifestyles or are studying at an American institution<br />

because their parents have somehow struggled to get them<br />

to this country of dreams for the hope of a better tomorrow.<br />

If you “belong” to the second category, you’ve seldom known<br />

comfort and happiness and you’re very likely to pounce on to<br />

it, just like I’d eaten the mango. In other words, the absence of<br />

the spectrum approach turned something as trivial as eating<br />

a snack with a friend, to an issue of me representing those of<br />

my kind, who account for over a million students at different<br />

universities across the country.<br />

But is it really fair to judge the entire community based on<br />

a few individuals’ reactions? Is it even right to judge students<br />

like us as we make our way through starkly different cultures<br />

in the United States? While all students at the university level<br />

are busy dealing with stressors like midterms, finals and excessively<br />

competitive grading scales; paying too much attention<br />

to our surroundings can lead us to feeling out of place at several<br />

different levels – dressing sense, taste pallets and social<br />

behavior. To top it off, there are occasional comments like “oh<br />

international students don’t care so much about cleanliness<br />

anyway” or “don’t you love how clean Davis is, since you’re<br />

from India?” But in reality, I did care a lot about cleanliness and<br />

I grew up in Dubai, which is cleaner than Davis.<br />

In a way however, my reflective self is grateful to these<br />

comments because they make me more aware of myself and<br />

my priorities. Furthermore, it has taught me to acknowledge,<br />

but then move away, from people who look for such indicators<br />

in their “friends.” Sometimes I wonder how my life here would<br />

be without some of the (very) kind and accepting people I was<br />

lucky enough to meet in this past year.<br />

BY RADHIKA MARWAHA<br />

18


C H A P T E R T H R E E<br />

NARRATIVE<br />

NARRATIVE 19


miram<br />

madrese<br />

first day of “Women in Islamicate Societies:”<br />

Why are you taking this class?<br />

I begin swirling<br />

like the dervishes<br />

my mother is named for: Sufi<br />

plus an “e”<br />

I am jealous of her name -<br />

the way it suits her worried eyes,<br />

sacred face. What she knows<br />

about Islam: not being able to join<br />

swim team after the revolution. I dread<br />

swimming, feigned a shoulder injury<br />

to get out of water polo.<br />

What I know about Islam:<br />

climbing on my grandfather’s back,<br />

the guttural whisper of his prayer<br />

whirling around his spine, images<br />

of birds and men with beards bordered<br />

in emerald and gold. Do you think<br />

my grandparents would accept my sexuality?<br />

I ask my mother. You know<br />

early examples of homosexuality are found<br />

in Islam, in the harems my mother says.<br />

I live in the gold embossed margins of my grandfather’s poetry books,<br />

of my binder paper I struggle to fill<br />

with notes. I have anxiety, so<br />

I am not a history major. Or -<br />

history sends me spiraling<br />

into the recesses of my mother’s name<br />

the photo albums of her mother’s mother and her mother’s mother<br />

who look the way my mother taught me not to:<br />

hair bridging their brows,<br />

above their lips. My body<br />

like history: uninhabitable, scarred,<br />

erased, hairy.<br />

BY KIANA BORJIAN<br />

20<br />




dear<br />

palestine,<br />

Through my eyes I see,<br />

All the horror in front of me.<br />

The sky above a charcoal-grey,<br />

All the smells of body decay.<br />

Under me rush rivers of crimson lake,<br />

All the land begins to shake.<br />

The scorching flames slip and slide,<br />

All my brothers and sisters died.<br />

No heart, no care, no generosity,<br />

All I see is their atrocity.<br />

Bullet after bullet just past my head,<br />

All the children dead, dead, dead!<br />

There is no hope, no life, no light,<br />

All the blood is blinding my sight.<br />

The flooding waterfall of tears,<br />

Can never drown all of our fears.<br />

You see, our child with his rock and life,<br />

Will defeat their soldier with his gun and knife.<br />

Our child will become a man,<br />

Achieving victory on what they began.<br />

Forever engraved in my brain,<br />

All the shouts and cries of pain.<br />

People think we’ve become insane;<br />

No! We are real and will always remain.<br />

And when that happens you’ll hear our cheers,<br />

You’ll hear our eyes as they bleed happy tears.<br />

These tears of joy will wash away all our sorrow,<br />

And bring life back to tomorrow.<br />

We are real, we won’t surrender,<br />

We are real, don’t be a pretender.<br />

We won’t be ignored for we will fight,<br />

For our freedom, for our right.<br />

Peace will come flying in so fast,<br />

We will become reunited at last.<br />

Trees will burst from beneath the ground,<br />

Birds will sing and fly all around.<br />

For no child’s eye will forget.<br />

We will not die anytime yet.<br />

Hand in hand we will stand,<br />

To fight for our home, for our land.<br />

Light will shine through the pitch black,<br />

For life has been brought back.<br />

Everyone will be safe and sound,<br />

In our homes and on our ground<br />

BY SAMA EL-SHERIF<br />

NARRATIVE DEAR 21


C H A P T E R F O U R<br />

ARTS & CULTURE<br />

22


our<br />

You don’t have to like me<br />

You don’t have to like her<br />

You don’t have to like him<br />

You don’t have to like them<br />

Your food isn’t the only food<br />

My food isn’t the only food<br />

Your clothes aren’t the only clothes<br />

My clothes aren’t the only clothes<br />

You can hate the people of my culture<br />

You can think I’m stupid, I’m crazy<br />

You can eat the food but hate the clothes<br />

You can hate the food, but wear the clothes<br />

All I ask is for respect<br />

I don’t need your validation to be someone<br />

Who loves talking about their diverse culture<br />

I do need you to stay open minded<br />

All I ask is you respect my beliefs<br />

Apologize when you’ve done wrong<br />

In return, I’ll do the same<br />

In return, we’ll come together<br />

Your food will converge with my food<br />

Your clothes will stitch with my clothes<br />

Your culture will merge with my culture and<br />

We’ll create something beautiful<br />

Something new<br />

We’ll call it our culture<br />

BY TALIA BASMA<br />

ARTS & CULTURE 23


diaspora<br />

dysphoria<br />

I'm floating by in twilight anesthesia<br />

as Disgraceland overtly stares back<br />

from a distance;<br />

watching the jousting match<br />

Of sufi mystics above polluted clouds<br />

with the cypress-figured lady who gives<br />

scarlet poppies, I’m enchanted.<br />

I envy these midnight archers<br />

I have tried their dance<br />

but I don't seem to awaken<br />

basking in the thirst of hyacinth water,<br />

floating by weakly<br />

in this opaque state,<br />

in deprivation of clarity<br />

summoning more and more tales<br />

that end with a question<br />

as crescent slashes of annihilation<br />

forbid the quest to liberation<br />

and yearning yearning yearning,<br />

ever so eternally<br />

aware of my oblivion<br />

then—<br />

swimming thrashing clashing<br />

as I drown<br />

leaving nothing<br />

but silent screams of pleading<br />

and yearning<br />

BY KIMIA AKBARI<br />

24


MY FATHER<br />

DOES NOT<br />

SPEAK<br />

AMERICAN.<br />

My father does not speak American.<br />

His mother tongue is Punjabi, the five rivers,<br />

where there is life and growth and a place where his<br />

history belongs and is cherished and refuses to die –<br />

My father does not speak American.<br />

He is from water and earth and the harvest, he<br />

uses his hands to build and break apart and create<br />

again, he finds the worms friendly and the snakes in<br />

the fields old friends.<br />

He falls from his bike onto the dusty ground and<br />

gets back up, laughing and crying, as the sun blazes<br />

down over his head that nourishes his home.<br />

He walks past the river every day and sees himself;<br />

he sees his life fall behind him, sees his heritage disappearing,<br />

he doesn’t see anything, what does he see?<br />

What is left?<br />

Now he stands in the cold grey city and waits<br />

for the water that will not come back to him. He is<br />

locked in a zoo with the world stopping to watch him,<br />

this creature that performs tricks with a turban tied<br />

around his head in colors they don’t understand.<br />

He looks but cannot find his home anymore. He is<br />

watched. Hunted.<br />

Lost.<br />

My father does not speak American.<br />

But he came here to be understood, to have a chance to<br />

listen and learn and grow.<br />

To fly<br />

Far and wide,<br />

And begin again.<br />

He came to feel safe in a world that promised him one.<br />

But how you can you settle for a cement world when your<br />

lungs have breathed in rivers all its life?<br />

My father does not speak American.<br />

And he is drowning every day because of it.<br />

BY SARANJIT UPPAL<br />

DIASPORA ARTS DYSPHORIA & CULTURE<br />

25


THE RISE OF THE<br />

ALT-RIGHT<br />

how social media and bigoted<br />

ideology is creating a<br />

dangerous environment for<br />

minorities.<br />

On January 22nd, <strong>2019</strong>, four young men, Brian<br />

Colaneri (20), Vincent Vetromile (19), and Andrew Crysel<br />

(18), along with a 16-year-old whose name was withheld,<br />

were arrested for planning a terrorist attack against the<br />

Muslim community of Islamberg in Upstate New York.<br />

Founded in 1980 by a group of Muslims hoping<br />

to live a modest and devoted life, Islamberg is a small<br />

enclave in Upstate New York City largely comprising<br />

Muslim-Americans. It is home to about 200 predominantly<br />

black Muslim-Americans, and is the headquarters<br />

for the Muslims of America Organization. Though<br />

hoping to live a peaceful and devoted life away from<br />

the distractions a big city like New York City brings,<br />

the citizens of Islamberg have recently been subjected<br />

to an inordinate amount of Islamophobic attacks.<br />

Over the last 15-20 years, right-wing media outlets<br />

and conservative groups have incessantly alleged this<br />

community is a terrorist training camp, citing no evidence<br />

for their contentions. In 2015, Robert Doggard, a congressional<br />

candidate in East Tennessee, pleaded guilty to devising<br />

an attack on the small town. Doggard has ardently<br />

justified his actions claiming the residents of Islamberg<br />

had been planning an attack against New Yorkers.<br />

"Those guys [have] to be killed" (Doggard, 2015), Doggart<br />

said during one call. "Their buildings need to be burnt<br />

down." However, officials have continuously failed to find<br />

evidence supporting his claim. Doggard pleaded guilty<br />

and is now serving twenty years in prison. A year later, The<br />

American Bikers United Against Jihad’s “Ride for National<br />

Security” paraded through Islamberg to protest Islam. The<br />

biker’s Facebook event page read “Heavily armed, trained,<br />

and ready for violent jihad against innocent Americans,<br />

[Muslims] prey on our prison populations and vulnerable<br />

youth to recruit, but the FBI’s hands are tied” (The<br />

Daily Star, 2016). And once again in <strong>2019</strong>, the citizens<br />

of Islamberg are victim to another heinous hate crime.<br />

Police allegedly discovered the suspects in possession<br />

of 23 legally owned rifles and shotguns, as well as<br />

makeshift bombs packed with nails and black powder.<br />

These men had been planning for over a month to intricately<br />

devise a method to carry out the assassination of<br />

a community of Muslims. “If they had carried out this<br />

plot, which every indication is that they were going to,<br />

people would have died” (Phelan, <strong>2019</strong>), Greece Police<br />

Chief Patrick Phelan told reporters. As of February 5th<br />

<strong>2019</strong>, Crysel has been released on bail due. His attorney<br />

claims he is “autistic and had no plans of harming anyone”<br />

(WBNG, <strong>2019</strong>). The other men still await their trial.<br />

But what fueled these young men’s ambitions<br />

in carrying out such a violent and horrendous act?<br />

Vincent Vetromile’s shocking social media profile leaves<br />

growing concern for the rise of the alt.-right. Vetro-<br />

26<br />




C H A P T E R F I V E<br />

OPINION<br />

OPINION 27


mile is a fervent Trump supporter, and an ardent advocate<br />

for gun ownership. His past tweets show a history<br />

of harboring anti-Muslim sentiments as well. “KILL<br />

THEM ALL and nobody will be left to attack us” (Vetromile,<br />

2016). Vetromile declared in 2016 regarding<br />

Muslims. “The Koran tells them to kill us so they’re all<br />

GUILTY,” He again tweeted. Much of Vetromile’s social<br />

media activity was devoted to raging about Muslims,<br />

calling Muslim immigrants “rapefugees,” and arguing<br />

that there was “a good reason to get rid of all Muslims.”<br />

Vetromile was also an active member of a private<br />

chat platform called Discord. With over 150 million<br />

members, this software is designed to facilitate communication<br />

through video-game communities. But in<br />

recent years, this platform has been a popular gathering<br />

space for members of the alt-right white supremacist<br />

groups, neo-Nazi communities, and Islamophobes<br />

alike to organize and converse. Members of<br />

the alt-right parties used Discord in 2017 to organize<br />

the Unite the Right Rally in Charlottesville, Virginia.<br />

Time after time, conversations among these platforms<br />

have eventually lead to group polarization and<br />

heightened feelings of racism and white supremacy.<br />

The alt-right’s presence has been rapidly escalating<br />

in the past few years. White supremacists have been<br />

doggedly targeting communities of color claiming they<br />

are “dangerous” or “plotting America’s demise” when in<br />

reality, these communities pose no threat whatsoever.<br />

What really poses a threat are these Americans’ extremist<br />

ideologies. In December of 2017, William Atchison,<br />

a former student who was 21 years old at the time of the<br />

attack, killed two students at the Aztec High School in<br />

New Mexico, then committed suicide. His online activity<br />

included posting pro-Hitler and pro-Trump thoughts on<br />

an alt-right website called The Daily Stormer under usernames<br />

such as “Future Mass Shooter.” And similarly, in<br />

October of 2018, Robert Bowers killed eleven individuals<br />

at a synagogue in Pittsburgh. He too was a member of a<br />

social network called Gab which was deemed “far-right safe<br />

haven” for neo-Nazis. Bowers also had a history of posting<br />

anti-Semitic and pro-Hitler thoughts to the website.<br />

The reality is that the biggest threat to Americans is<br />

not the drug dealers who will come to America through<br />

the Mexican border. It is not a refugee family fleeing Syria.<br />

It is not a Guatemalan family marching a thousand miles to<br />

seek asylum in America. Building a wall, restricting immigration<br />

and deporting “illegal” immigrants will not make<br />

America safer. The real threat to Americans is the rise of<br />

alt.-right terrorist organizations who are targeting minorities<br />

with the aim of cleansing America of its alleged danger.<br />

28<br />




eferences<br />

state sponsored islamaphobia<br />

Photo: Guang Niu/Getty Images<br />

Cummings-Bruce, Nick. “U.N. Panel Confronts China Over<br />

Reports That It Holds a Million Uighurs in Camps.”New York Times.<br />

August 10 2018. https://www.nytimes.com/2018/08/10/world/asia/<br />

china-xinjiang-un-uighurs.html<br />

Dooley, Ben. “Inside China’s Internment Camps: Tear Gas,<br />

Textbooks, and Tasers.”Yahoo. October 24 2018. https://www.yahoo.<br />

Xinjiang’s ‘List of Forbidden Names’ Forces Uyghurs to<br />

Change Names of Children Under 16.” Radio Free Asia. 2017. https://<br />

www.rfa.org/english/news/special/uyghur-oppression/ChenPolicy6.<br />

html<br />

Wong, Edward. “Police Confiscate Passports in Parts<br />

of Xinjiang, in Western China.” New York Times. December 1 2016.<br />

com/news/inside-chinas-internment-camps-tear-gas-tasers-textbooks-052736783.html<br />

https://www.nytimes.com/2016/12/01/world/asia/passports-confiscated-xinjiang-china-uighur.html<br />

Beech, Hannah. “If China Is Anti-Islam, Why Are These<br />

Chinese Muslims Enjoying a Faith Revival?”Time.August 12 2014.<br />

http://time.com/3099950/china-muslim-hui-xinjiang-uighur-islam/<br />

“Who are the Uighars?” BBC. April 20 2014. https://www.<br />

bbc.com/news/world-asia-china-22278037<br />

south asian artists in hip hop<br />

Goodman, Lizzy. “M.I.A.”. Rolling Stone. November 12,<br />

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