Youth+ | Five observations on 15-39-year-olds in Hungary

Georgina Kiss-Kozma – Levente Székely
<strong>Youth+</strong>
<strong>Five</strong> <strong>observations</strong> on 15-39-year-olds in Hungary
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YOUTH+
<strong>Five</strong> <strong>observations</strong> on 15-39-year-olds in Hungary
Georgina Kiss-Kozma – Levente Székely
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Foreword
Economic strategies in an inflationary environment
4
6
Social media and freedom of expression
14
Dimensions of postmodern cultural consumption:
classical music Hungarian and historical film
26
The loneliest generation? The importance of companionship
in maintaining mental health
38
Hungary in 2050 and current challenges
50
Methodological background
59
Responsible for publication:
Youth Research Institute, Mathias Corvinus Collegium
Translated by Ferenc Sullivan
ISBN: 978-615-6221-09-4
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Foreword
Until when are we young? Asking ourselves
this question likely means that we have already
emerged from the youth life stage – or not.
In our times, youth is seen as a value worthy of
preservation, carrying the notions of freedom,
happiness, exhilaration and a host of other
positive meanings. And it is also relative. The
youth(fulness) of an individual is largely a matter
of self-assessment; a teenager and someone
in his fifties can equally feel young. In addition
to the subjective factor, objective age is also
present, although disharmony between the two
seldom leads to any substantial difficulties.
Thus, anyone who feels youthful can be young.
Research materials focusing on youth offer
varying approaches to define the limits of the
youth life stage; in Hungary, the term “youth”
usually refers to those between the age of 15
and 29, with the definition itself often containing
reference to its inevitable shortcomings. These
limitations are largely due to the fact that
characteristics of the youth life stage that were
typical of the age bracket decades ago are either
no longer relevant or exclusive to this age group.
For example, people now regularly delay starting
a family and having children to their thirties.
this generation; Generation Z, the members of
which are 15 to 29 years old today, refers to
those born between 1994 and 2008.
Findings relevant to the expanded youth cohort,
understood as Generations Y and Z, are discussed
along five issues. We address their economic
strategies amid the inflationary environment
experienced in the previous months, the role of
social media and freedom of expression, as well
as cultural consumption. The final two chapters
discuss mental wellbeing and social support, and
current problems and future projections. In sum,
we seek to portray 15-39-year-olds in Hungary
by taking stock of the and present and drawing
a sketch of the future along hot topics of the
day. Our report is dedicated to researchers and
decision-makers with an interest in youth, as well
as youth workers and everyone (once) young.
Georgina Kiss-Kozma and Levente Székely
Our present report, which intends to unveil
findings not only on youth in the classical sense
but also on young adults, is perhaps the first of
its kind to feature an expanded youth age bracket,
covering 15 to 39-year-olds. There are 2.9 million
– more exactly, 2,860,552 – people between the
ages of 15 and 39 in Hungary, over 1,2 million
more than in the category of 15-29-year-olds.
The sheer magnitude of this enlargement also
means that 30-39-year-olds included in the
youth cohort will heavily impact the image of
young people. However, similarities may between
today’s thirty-somethings and young people in
their teens and twenties may be more numerous
that we would think at first glance. Results are
applicable to Generations Y and Z, according
to the widely accepted generational model
adapted to Hungarian circumstances (Székely,
2014). Born between 1981 and 1993, members
of Generation Y are today 30 to 42 years old,
meaning that the expanded cohort largely covers
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I. Economic
strategies
in an inflationary environment
6 7

I. Economic strategies in an inflationary
environment
Although 15-39-year-olds in Hungary enjoyed a relatively favorable material
situation when inflation hit, the majority of the age group is saving money. Cutting
back on expenditures is most apparent in the reduction of energy consumption,
but the majority also sought to be more economical when doing their shopping.
While they do feel the impact of rising prices on their generation, members of the
age group are largely able to manage the situation, with six in ten putting money
aside at least occasionally.
After analyzing the findings of the 2020 largesample
youth survey, we formulated seven
fundamental statements on teenagers and
twenty-somethings in Hungary, one of them
being the corrected emergence of a middle class
coupled with increasing satisfaction. After the
transition to democracy, the global financial crisis
of 2008 and the ensuing economic hardship was
the first shock of historical dimensions that had an
impact also on youth. This backsliding is clearly
reflected in the data of the 2008 and 2012 largesample
youth surveys; the improving satisfaction
recorded in the mid-2010s could also be
detected in data collected during the coronavirus
pandemic. Over the past decade, there was an
uninterrupted growth in the possession of various
material goods, parallel to a continuous and
large-scale contraction in the number of people
living in serious material hardship. The constant
improvement of satisfaction was especially
remarkable with regard to material conditions; for
example, the assessment of subjective material
situation reflected the relatively favorable material
situation of most young people in Hungary.
Parallel to this, there was also an expansion in
the share of people self-identifying as members
of the middle class. Overall, we interpreted
these findings as the continuing emergence of
the middle class, a process that began with the
transition to democracy (Székely, 2021).
With regard to subjective material situation,
data for 2023 already reflect the economic
consequences of the Russia-Ukraine war. Among
15-29-year-olds, there has been an increase in
the share of those who just about get by on their
income (from 27 to 37 percent), parallel to a
decline in the share of respondents living without
material problems and getting along well on a
budget. Remarkably however, the proportion of
those living month-by-month and in deprivation
has remained unchanged. This can be explained
partly by families’ ability to form savings during
the economic prosperity experienced during
the previous decade and party by the change in
attitudes that appeared a decade ago resulting
from the global financial crisis.
Expanding the target group to 15-39-year-olds,
the dimensions remain stable: similarly, over half
of respondents (55 percent) lives without material
problems or gets along well on a budget. The
relatively favorable situation enjoyed by young
people is also evident from the fact that almost
half of youth households (48 percent) are able to
put money aside on an occasional basis, while a
further tenth (11 percent) do so regularly. In this
regard, the level of urbanization and educational
attainment has a particularly pronounced effect,
with three-quarters (77 percent) of higher
education graduates putting money aside
at least occasionally, as opposed to half (50
percent) of respondents with only primary-level
education. Roughly two-thirds (68 and 65 percent
respectively) of residents of the capital and county
seats are able to put money aside at least on an
occasional basis; the same is true of slightly over
half of inhabitants of smaller settlements.
Regional discrepancies can also be observed:
saving money is a widespread practice in Western
Transdanubia (76 percent), while less than half of
people living in Northern Hungary (47 percent) are
able to put money aside. Throughout the previous
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decades, inflation has averaged at 2-3 percent
per annum; in early 2023, inflation calculated on a
yearly basis exceeded 25 percentage points, which
came to a shock to the economy and consumers.
The explosion of prices began with rising fuel
costs, promptly followed by the growing cost of
food. Forecasts predict a gradual decrease of the
inflation rate in the running year, with the National
Bank of Hungary expecting inflation to return
1
within the central bank’s tolerance band in 2023.
in at least three areas, while 28 percent saved
money in one or two areas and in the case of half
of respondents (52 percent), economizing was not
“fully typical” in any of the six areas.
On the whole, measures to reduce costs typically
vary along socio-economic dimensions. Although
women are generally more likely to economize
by a few percentage points, differences of 7-8
percent can be observed in the case of giving up
on purchasing a preferred product or cutting back
on travel. In addition to women, the reduction
of expenditures is also more typical of people
with low educational attainment, especially in
areas other than energy consumption. While
the difference between respondents of various
educational backgrounds is hardly recognizable
in the case of the former, over two-thirds (69
percent) of those without a high school diploma,
roughly two-thirds (65 percent) of those with a
high school leaving certificate and 57 percent of
higher education graduates cut back on shopping
and half of graduates (50 percent) gave up on
buying a preferred product. A similar correlation
can be observed in terms of settlement type:
the smaller the settlement, the more typical
economizing is among its inhabitants.
Among the country’s region, the Southern Great
Plain stands out, where reducing expenditures is
more typical in all areas. With regard to certain age
groups, the youngest respondents (15-19-yearolds)
are least likely to economize, while this
behavior is most common among the oldest age
group (35-39-year-olds). Examining the situation
from a different angle, two-thirds (65 percent) feel
that rising prices have an even impact across their
generation, meaning that they are exposed to it
in a similar way to their contemporaries. Among
those perceiving a difference, somewhat more
respondents say that they are more exposed to
inflation than their contemporaries as opposed
to those reporting that they personally are less
affected by rising prices compared to their
generation as a whole (19 percent and 15 percent
respectively). With view to fundamental sociodemographic
characteristics, discrepancies can
be observed mostly along the lines of educational
attainment and settlement type.
The majority of 15-39-year-olds are aware
of inflation and largely see the situation in
Hungary as less favorable or similar compared to
neighboring countries.
Every second respondent (49 percent) claims
that price rises experienced over the previous
months have hit Hungary harder than neighboring
countries; a further four in ten (41 percent) say
that the effects were even and close to one in ten
(9 percent) believe that neighboring countries
have suffered more exposure to inflation. Rising
prices have prompted many to cut back on their
costs and reduce spending, and this is no different
among young adults.
In one way or another, the majority of 15-39-yearolds
tried to cut back on their expenditures. The
most typical behavior was being more economical
with energy consumption (gas and electricity) with
the aim of reducing costs: almost three quarters of
young adults (73 percent) said that they routinely
curbed energy consumption over the past half
year. Similarly, the majority of respondents
attested to buying less of a preferred product
(65 percent) or gave up entirely on purchasing
a preferred item (60 percent). An identical share
of respondents delayed a larger expenditure (60
percent), cancelled holiday plans or excursions
(54 percent) or travelled less (56 percent). The
reduction of expenditures is confirmed by data
released by the Central Statistical Office, which
wrote in its report for the January-March period
that calendar-adjusted retail sales declined by
9.5 percent compared to the identical period of
2
the previous year. Economizing is more a general
attitude than behavior differentiated according
to type of cost, meaning that people seeking to
save money typically do so in a number of areas
simultaneously, as reflected by the strong and
positive correlations between various costs.
In the six areas that were subject to analysis,
economizing was “fully typical” of 8 percent of
15-39-year-olds, a total of 20 percent economized
1
2
https://www.mnb.hu/letoltes/ir-infografika-2022-12.pdf
https://www.ksh.hu/gyorstajekoztatok/#/hu/
document/kis2303
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In addition to their own
generation, respondents see
the exposure of the middleaged
and the elderly as
higher (36 and 31 percent
respectively), while one in four
(27 percent) say that young
people are the group most
exposed to inflation.
Some of today’s 15-39-year-olds experienced the
latest, 2008 global economic crisis in adulthood
and thus it may still vividly live on in their memories.
These experiences could form the basis of the
general strategy to reduce expenditures. This
swift reaction can only partially be interpreted as
an act of compulsion; economizing also hints to a
conscious strategy owing to the fact that despite
perceptions of rising prices and resulting efforts
to cut back on costs, the material situation of
young adults in Hungary cannot be considered
unfavorable.
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II. Social media
and freedom of expression
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II. Social media and freedom of
expression
An overwhelming majority (90 percent) of 15-39-year-olds in Hungary logs into
a social media platform on a daily basis, among which Facebook remains the
most popular. The past couple of years have seen the proportion of TikTok users
increase most steeply in the target group. BeReal, used more or less regularly by
a fifth of young people, is a new addition to the social media scene. Social media
outlets, an important platform to express political opinions; the majority considers
them biased and would prefer to see them regulated at national level.
group: those below thirty are more intensive users
and an inverse proportionality can be seen between
level of education and intensity of use. The more
general pattern of use observed in the case of
YouTube also comes with less marked differences
according to age, educational attainment and place
of residence. TikTok use, however, reflects major
differences in the age dimension, with the platform’s
use becoming less common with the progress
of age: while an overwhelming majority (82%) of
15-19-year-olds uses it on a regular basis, this is
true of only half of 35-39-year-olds (53 percent).
Significant differences can also be observed in
terms of settlement type: three quarters (76 percent)
of young people living in the capital and in county
seats are TikTok users, as opposed to a far smaller
percentage of those residing in smaller towns or
villages (58 and 64 percent respectively). Similar
differences can also be detected among Instagram
users, with the exception that age is a less significant
factor. While there is no difference among the sexes
in TikTok use, Instagram appeals to more women
Concerning young Hungarians’ access to the
internet, it can be ascertained that the majority are
connected, meaning that they are able to access
the internet either at home or on their own device
(in most cases, both). An overwhelming majority of
youth in Hungary use the internet on a daily basis
and online content accounts for the greatest share
of their media consumption, although television
also attracts substantial audiences from their ranks.
Other types of media, such as the printed press
or the radio, are increasingly unable to appeal to
young people, and their consumption has been
constantly declining over the past decades (Székely,
2021; Székely – Veszelszki, 2021; Székely – Aczél,
2018). Only a small fraction of teenagers and
twenty-somethings are left untouched by digital
culture. Those missing out on digitalization were
typically socially underprivileged even a decade
ago and current data also reflects worse mental and
material wellbeing among this group (Székely, 2017;
Székely, n/a). Although almost all young people
in Hungary are internet users, family and friends
remain the primary source of information, followed
by television, online portals and social media.
Interpersonal relations, however, are predominant
not only in terms of gathering information. While
online pastimes constitute a major share of leisure
activities, offline connections have paradoxically
become all the more important over the past years:
despite screen use intensifying during the pandemic
due to online learning and remote work, young
people attested to spending their free time largely in
an offline environment, in the company of family and
friends (Székely, 2021; Székely – Veszelszki, 2021).
(Székely, 2021; Székely – Veszelszki, 2021).
Social
media outlets,
an important
platform to express
political opinions; the
majority considers them
biased and would prefer
to see them regulated
at national level.
At the same time, social media remains as popular
as ever; moreover, the multiplication of social media
platforms has resulted in increasingly intensive
use. Among 15-39-year-olds, Facebook remains
the most commonly used social media platform on
a daily basis. Only six percent of young Hungarian
adults below the age of forty are completely absent
from Facebook. Facebook is followed by YouTube,
TikTok and Instagram, which are used on a daily
basis by roughly identical proportions of young
Hungarians. However, YouTube is characterized by
far more general use, while in the case of TikTok and
Instagram, almost three times more young people
(32 and 33 percent respectively) have never used
the platform.
Facebook use can be considered general among
young Hungarians below the age of forty, although
minor differences can be observed within the age
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than men (70 percent and 64 percent respectively).
Major differences in terms of age are also apparent
in the use of Snapchat and BeReal and are present
in the case of all examined social media platforms,
with LinkedIn being the sole exception. Having
risen to prominence last year, BeReal is now used
by as many as one in five (22 percent) of Hungarian
15-19-year-olds on a daily basis. Launched in 2020,
the platform had over 70 million active users by late
2022. The simplistic app quickly gained popularity
by posturing as a sort of antithesis to social media.
Activity is limited to a single post each day, filters are
absent and the world behind the lens of the camera
is laid bare in posts, which won the app popularity
among Hungarian youth too. Compared to 2020
data produced by the large-sample youth survey,
which employed the traditional definition of youth as
those between the ages of fifteen and twenty-nine, a
partial realignment can be observed in the patterns
of social media use in 2023. The intensive use of
Facebook resulting from the coronavirus pandemic
has been muffled: while almost two-thirds of youth
logged into the most popular social media platform
several times a day in 2020, only every second 15
to 29-year-old did so in 2023, while the proportion
of those absent from Facebook altogether declined
from ten to six percent. In the case of YouTube, the
second most popular social media platform, only
less apparent changes have been observed in the
intensity of use, although the share of non-users
again halved, from 20 to 11 percent. In addition to
the explosion of BeReal, the past couple of years
have been characterized by the breakthrough of
Instagram and TikTok; however, while Instagram
failed to increase its share of users in the severaltimes-a-day
category, the proportion of TikTok’s
most intensive users had risen one and a half times,
which – together with its smaller proportion of nonusers
– meant that it has overtaken Instagram in
popularity. All other examined social media platforms
have invariably registered growth in the proportion of
their users among young people below the age of thirty
over the past three years.
15-39-year-olds typically use two or three platforms
on a daily basis. A tenth of respondents (10 percent)
are absent from all of the examined social media
platforms, while less than a third (29 percent) log into
more than three apps on a daily basis.
The number of social media platforms visited daily
reflects differences in terms of age group and
settlement type; the younger the age group, the more
likely its members are to visit multiple social media
sites on a daily basis, and the level of urbanization
also entails an increase in the number of sites visited.
Over the past years, content filtering practices and the
resulting power to influence information flows has
become one of the most turbulent topics of public
discourse. Particular interest in this field is also down to
the fact that market and political players have achieved
major successes with communication strategies
focusing on social media. As a result, well-meaning
actors were joined by those spreading fake news, false
information and scams in seeking to intensify their
Social
media plays
a crucial role in
communication and
gathering information;
in many cases, news
consumption is also
driven by social media.
presence on these platforms. The quantity and quality
of content on social media calls for regulation, but also
casts the dark shadow of censorship over the freedom
of content creation and expression.
For 15-39-year-olds, social media is an important
platform to express opinions in matters concerning
public life and politics, with almost four in ten
respondents (38 percent) using social media to more
or less frequently express political opinions. With
regard to demographic characteristics, it can be
pointed out that 15-19-year-olds are least likely (28
percent) to express their opinion in political matters
on social media, while this behavior is most common
among 35-39-year-olds (45 percent). The potential
of expressing opinion is outstandingly high among
those with secondary-level educational attainment
and residents of larger cities, as well as in the regions
of Southern Transdanubia, Northern Hungary and
Western Transdanubia.
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Negative consequences of voicing political
opinions, such as being blocked, were reported
by 12 percent of social media users. Those
regularly expressing political opinions are blocked
more often. 15 percent of respondents regularly
expressing their opinion in political matters have
been blocked on multiple occasions, while the same
happened on one occasion to a further 28 percent.
Conversely, 5 percent of those seldom expressing
political opinions were blocked on more than one
occasion, and a further 23 percent reported being
blocked once. The likelihood of being blocked
reflects a strong correlation with level of education;
those with higher educational attainment are less
likely to have been blocked for voicing an opinion
on a political or public matter.
15-39-year-olds in Hungary believe that social
media is politically biased. According to 15 percent
of respondents, social media algorithms are fully
biased; a further 44 percent claims that algorithms
are rather biased. One in four respondents (25
percent) believe that social media is rather or
completely unbiased and a further tenth (13
percent) are unable to establish an opinion on
this matter. Those claiming political bias are
overrepresented among older respondents and
those with higher education degrees. A remarkable
difference can be observed between residents of
the capital and other areas of the country: in the
capital, a similar share of respondents see social
media as biased and unbiased (44 percent and
41 percent respectively), while almost two-thirds
of those living in smaller settlements perceive
political bias.
A larger share of 15-39-year-olds in Hungary
believe that liberal opinions are overrepresented
in social media compared to conservative ideas.
Half of respondents (50 percent) claim that liberal
opinions are fully or rather prevalent in social
media, as opposed to slightly over a quarter (29
percent) who believe that conservative opinions
are fully or rather prevalent. One in five respondents
(20 percent) were unable to answer the question, a
proportion that typically declines with increases in
age and level of education. If we limit the scope of
analysis to those reporting political bias in social
media (60 percent of respondents), the difference
between those claiming liberal and conservative
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overrepresentation is somewhat narrowed (50
percent as opposed to 38 percent).
Respondents were also given an opportunity to
express their opinion on social media’s content
regulation practices. 15-39-year-olds in Hungary
are divided on whether social media platforms
are entitled to restrict freedom of expression if a
statement is incompatible with what they represent.
Close to four in ten (37 percent) prioritize the
sovereignty of social media sites, as opposed
to somewhat over every second respondent (53
percent) who lean towards freedom of expression.
Respondents are divided also as to the source of
regulation, although those preferring regulation at
the level of member states are in a majority compared
to those opting for consigning this responsibility to
the EU (42 and 37 percent respectively).
believes that social media platforms are entitled to
determine how they filter content (25 percent). The
third group claims that social media is unbiased but
should not be entitled to limit freedom of expression
(15 percent), followed by those reporting both lack of
bias and social media platforms’ right to determine
content filtering practices (9 percent).
From a demographic perspective, no genuinely
remarkable differences can be recorded in the
assessment of regulation. On the whole, the relative
majority believes that social media reflects a bias in
connection with political opinions, but has no right
to limit the freedom of expression (33 percent). The
second largest group acknowledges political bias but
24 25

III. Dimensions
of postmodern
cultural
consumption:
classical music and Hungarian
historical film
26 27

III. Dimensions of postmodern cultural
consumption: classical music and
Hungarian historical film
The cultural consumption patterns of young people have underwent a major
transformation over the past decades due to factors such as the acceleration of
technological development and the increasing prevalence of new media. The vast
majority of young people listen to music on a daily basis, largely at home, during
travel and among friends. The development of their musical taste is mostly influenced
by relationships with their peers and family, as well as music streaming platforms.
Although music plays a significant role in the day-to-day lives of young people, the
overwhelming majority do not listen to classical music; those who do so nevertheless
explain their choice by its helpfulness in falling asleep, concentration and relaxation.
Young
people seldom
watch Hungarian
historical films and when
they do so nevertheless, they
largely place emphasis on historical
accuracy. This is unsurprising since
the majority considers it important
that young people learn of the
country’s history through
Hungarian-made films.
people’s leisure activities. Accordingly, young
people’s consumption patterns are reflecting
increasing diversity, although their possibilities
of consumption are remarkably divergent. On
the whole, a so-called leisure scenario (Gábor,
2004) had developed, with consumption and
the expanded leisure industry becoming an
increasingly significant contributor to leisure
activities. The recent phenomenon of an increase
in leisure time confronts society with a new
Several attempts have been made in academic
literature to define and sociologically typify
leisure time. What is certain, however, is that
free time is undergoing constant transformation,
which in most recent times has been the result
of accelerated technological development and
globalization. With the establishment of modern
societies, the emphasis shifted from production
to consumption. By the 1980s, working hours
had underwent a gradual reduction, leading to
a parallel increase in the appreciation of leisure
time in which consumption gained a decisive
role. The coming into being of the consumer
society had a particularly strong impact on
the way of life of youth. As the pressure to
consume continues to mount, consumption is
becoming an ever more important factor in young
situation. Furthermore, rising demand can also be
observed in the field of culture, with every member
of society becoming a consumer of a certain form
of culture. The past decades have witnessed
the transformation of cultural and content
consumption habits, as well as the increasing
weight of new media. Consequently, the cultural
consumption of contemporary youth cannot
be interpreted outside of the context of digital
culture. Somewhat over one in six young people
constantly listen to music whenever they can; four
in ten do so several times a day, and an additional
sixteen percent each listen to music at least once
a day or a few times a week. The proportion of
young people who never listen to music or do so
only rarely is negligible. Listening to music on a
regular basis is more typical among men (men: 66
percent; women: 53 percent), and those listening
to music several times a day or whenever they can
are most likely to be members of the youngest age
group (15-19-year-olds: 73 percent). Compared
to those with lower levels of education, the highly
qualified listen to music less frequently; similarly,
the share of young people listening to music on
a regular basis is the lowest among Budapest
inhabitants compared to residents of other
28 29

settlement types. Almost every second young
respondent regularly listens to music at home;
one in three does so during travel, and over one in
ten enjoys music among friends. The development
of taste in music is influenced for the most part
by peer relations. Six in ten respondents say that
their taste in music was impacted to the greatest
extent by their friends, while three in ten name their
family (parents, grandparents and siblings), over a
quarter name music streaming platforms (Spotify,
Tidal, Apple Music, etc.) and a fifth emphasize the
influence of social media platforms (Facebook,
Young people
mostly listen to
music at home, during
travel and among
friends.
TikTok, Instagram). Media personalities and
celebrities had an influence on the musical taste
of only 17 percent of respondents.
Although music plays a decisive role in the dayto-day
lives of young people, the overwhelming
majority do not listen to classical music (56
percent never, 31 percent only occasionally).
30 31

Only slightly over one in ten young people listen
to classical music on a regular basis. Women, the
oldest age group, those with tertiary education, as
well as residents of the capital, other cities and the
Southern and Western Transdanubian regions are
overrepresented among classical music consumers.
When asked about their classical music consumption
habits, a quarter of young people said that listening
to this genre helps them relax, unwind and enhances
their sense of serenity; only 17 percent listen to
the works of classical composers for pleasure and
16 percent are motivated by the desire to educate
themselves. Barely ten percent explain listening to
classical music by its ability to evoke deep emotions.
Men mostly search for classical music pieces to help
them fall asleep, while women find classical music
helpful in improving concentration. Classical music
is enjoyed with some frequency for educational
purposes or to evoke deep emotions largely by
those with higher educational attainment, while
people with primary-level education do so primarily
to fall asleep. With regard to the orientation and
development of taste in music, it is increasingly held
that the musical community also has a role to play in
addition to the family and the school. For example,
philharmonic orchestras are constantly pursuing
innovation to broaden the audiences of classical
music and regard it important to strip the genre from
its earlier, negative tokens.
Indeed, these tokens are still very much alive: 62
percent of surveyed youth said that classical music
is boring and 80 percent believe that it is largely
enjoyed by the elderly. 53 percent say that it is rather
soothing than upsetting, which is unsurprising given
that the majority listens to classical music primarily
to help them fall asleep and enhance concentration.
32 33

Two-thirds (66 percent) of young people are
unfamiliar with classical music; however, since
close to three quarters (71 percent) say that
accessing classical music is not difficult, this is
unrelated to accessibility. At the same time, young
people are divided on whether classical music is
able to evoke deep emotions (44 percent agree, 43
percent disagree).
In March 2023, the Youth Research Institute
surveyed Hungarians’ film consumption habits
3
with the help of a 1,000-item representative poll.
The survey revealed that Hungarian society still
generally believes that young people do not watch
Hungarian films. Only 5 percent of 18-29-yearolds
and 7 percent of 30-39-year-olds said that
it is rather or fully typical for people under 40 to
watch Hungarian films in their free time.
3 The data was produced a survey conducted by the Youth
Research Institute using a nationwide, representative sample
of 1,000 people aged 18 and over, using a computer-assisted
telephone interviewing (CATI) in March 2023.
34 35

However, a more nuanced picture emerges when we
look at how the respondents themselves comment
on their film-watching habits. In fact, one fifth (22-19
percent) of both 18-29-year-olds and 30-39-yearolds
said that they watch Hungarian films in their free
time. In recent years, several historical Hungarian
feature films have been released, with varying
degrees of entertainment and factual elements.
Although historical authenticity is not a requirement
for feature films, many people still expect the period
and events to be presented in a factual way. Historical
authenticity is also a key factor for young Hungarians
and young adults, with 76 percent of 18-29-yearolds
and 82 percent of 30-39-year-olds preferring
historical authenticity in historical films.
This is not surprising given that one in two (57-48%)
18-29-year-olds and 30-39-year-olds say that it
is either completely or rather important that young
people learn about our history through Hungarianmade
films.
36 37

IV. The loneliest
generation?
The importance of companionship in
maintaining mental health
38 39

IV. The loneliest generation?
The importance of companionship in
maintaining mental health
Eight in ten Hungarians between the age of 15 and 39 reported seldom or never feeling
a sense of loneliness. At the same time, 15 percent of young people report feeling
lonely often and a further five percent say they constantly lack companionship. These
findings are significant because several surveys have confirmed that people who are
lonely often or for prolonged periods of time are at a greater risk of vulnerability
compared to those only occasionally dissatisfied with their connections to others.
Chronic loneliness
has psychological, physical
and, in some cases, medical
consequences. In other words,
one fifth of young people and young
adults are at risk, vulnerable and
exposed to prolonged or frequent
feelings of loneliness.
The use of generation labels is widespread not
only in youth sociology but also, as a result of
media coverage, in public discourse. Loneliness
is a well-known token linked to today’s youth,
known as Generation Z. The theory suggests that
as a result of accelerating technological change,
members of this generations have become
alienated from genuine relationships, work and
nature. The issue of youth loneliness increasingly
rose to the center of public discourse during
the coronavirus pandemic; as a result of these
two trends, the place and role of young people
in society is claiming an increasingly prominent
space in the discursive space.
According to the Constitution of the World
4
Health Organization , health is “a state of
complete physical, mental and social well-being”.
Consequently, physical, mental, community and
societal health all form part of our wellbeing.
Mental health is a complex notion that includes
self-acceptance, the effective tackling of various
difficult situations and the issue of trust, as well
as the ability to maintain meaningful human
relationships. Among these factors, social
relationships are in the focus of the present
5
research.
Social support is among the most important
coping mechanisms. The sense of belonging, or
being part of a community, is especially important
in the preservation of the physical and mental
health of young people. It is no coincidence
that social support occupies the third level of
Maslow’s pyramid of needs. Almost eight in ten
young Hungarians between the age of 15 and 39
reported being a member of a group of friends
with whom they emotionally identify and share a
large number of common traits. As a result, the
overwhelming majority (80 percent) are able to
talk to someone about their problems, and all this
provides them with a background that ensures that
they experience loneliness only rarely or never.
15 percent of young
people experience loneliness
often and a further five percent
are always feeling lonely.
4 https://apps.who.int/gb/bd/PDF/bd47/EN/constitution-en.
pdf?ua=1
5 https://unicef.hu/ongyilkossag-depresszio-szorongasmegrendult-a-gyerekek-mentalis-egeszsege
40 41

Women are somewhat more likely to feel lonely
(6 percent and 4 percent respectively), and while
over a third (36 percent) of women reported never
feeling lonely, the same was somewhat more likely
to be true of men (42 percent). Significant regional
differences can be observed in perceptions of
loneliness among young people in Hungary. Youth
in Southern and Western Transdanubia appear
to experience loneliness most often: 41 percent
of young people in Western Transdanubia and
38 percent in Southern Transdanubia say that
they feel lonely always or regularly, as opposed
to youth in the Southern Great Plain region (8
percent), Northern Hungary (14 percent) and the
Northern Great Plain (17 percent).
41%
percent of young people in Western
Transdanubia and 38 percent in
Southern Transdanubia say that
they feel lonely always or regularly.
Regional discrepancies are also visible when it
comes to social support. The greatest differences
are evident in terms of level of education, with a
quarter (26 percent) of respondents with primarylevel
education reporting that they never or
seldom feel that they share many common traits
with others in their immediate surroundings; only
18 percent of those with tertiary-level education
made the same claim. A quarter (24 percent) of
respondents with primary-education never or
seldom feel being part of a group of friends; the
same is true only of one in five young people with
tertiary education (20 percent). 23 percent of
those with primary education never or only rarely
feel that they have someone in their life to turn
to with their problems, while only 12 percent of
respondents with tertiary education feel the same
way. The otherwise unsubstantial difference
between the sexes is somewhat significant only in
one direction: while slightly over one in six women
(17 percent) seldom or never feel that they have
someone to turn to with their problems, the same
proportion reaches 20 percent among men. In
a generational breakdown, findings confirm an
assumption that has been proven by numerous
earlier researches, namely that interpersonal
relationships are most important in the teenage
years. 15-19-year-olds exceeded the average in
all examined dimensions: 84 percent (often or
always) feel that they have someone in their life to
turn to with their problems (average: 80 percent);
88 percent are part of a group of friends (average:
78 percent) and 80 percent identify shared traits
with those in their surroundings (average: 77
percent) and 82 percent never or seldom feel
lonely (average: 80 percent).
Poor mental health often evokes a negative cultural
image in society, leading to the issue becoming a
taboo subject in society. However, some progress
can be observed in recent years, largely due to the
constant discourse on the mental health of young
people. Still, the fear of stigmatization can still
lead to the sense of loneliness being concealed.
As for the societal perception of loneliness, it is
telling that despite three quarters (76 percent)
of young people reporting that they are not
afraid to talk about loneliness, a similar share
(78 percent) completely or rather agree with the
assumption that people do not talk about being
lonely. There are two possible explanations to this
phenomenon: firstly, openness towards the issue
may be increasing more dynamically among youth,
meaning that young people possibly find it more
natural to talk about certain mental health issues
and challenges. On the other hand, the findings
could also be explained by people’s unwillingness
to admit that they themselves are turning certain
societal issues into taboos. An overall glimpse
at their answers, however, reveals that young
Hungarians fundamentally care about people in
their surroundings: every second young person
(52 percent) believes that more and more people
are lonely in their environment and 78 percent
notice if a friend or family member is experiencing
loneliness. However, most respondents stress
the responsibility of the individual as opposed
to society as a whole in tackling loneliness, with
close to two thirds (64 percent) arguing that
whether or not someone feels lonely is a matter
of personal choice. The majority of young people
(81 percent) completely agree with the idea that
even people who have friends can be lonely; there
are divided, however, on how natural it is to spend
a lot of time alone (51 percent agree, 47 percent
disagree).
The sense of loneliness can become pathological
if young people have no tools at their disposal to
42 43

confine if to a brief period of their lives. Social
support is among the most important resilience
strategies and – due to its potential in preventing
pathological mental and physical consequences
– is vital in terms of protecting health. The
overwhelming majority of young Hungarians (82
percent) actively take steps against being lonely:
the majority spend time with their family (31
percent) or seek the company of their peers (26
percent). In order of frequency, social support
covers resilience strategies such as going on
excursions or hiking (20 percent) and doing
sport (20 percent). The fact that close to one in
five of young people turn to digital appliances to
overcome loneliness reflects society’s obsession
with technology: 19 percent consume audiovisual
content (watching television or videos, listening
to music), an identical share uses their computer,
phone or Facebook, and 17 percent contact
an acquaintance through social media. The
44 45

importance of various relationships visibly varies
with age: the younger one is, the more important
friendships are in overcoming loneliness, while
people increasingly turn to family members as
they get older.
A passive attitude towards loneliness is most
typical of men, people with primary-level education,
inhabitants of villages and young people living
in Southern and Central Transdanubia, as these
groups are the least likely to take steps against
feeling lonely.
The highlighted role of social support is also
apparent along another dimension: while every
second young person feels that they can rely
on both their friends and their family, a third
rather relies on their family and one in six rather
opt for their friends. On average, there are four
people in the environment of young people and
young adults with whom they can organize joint
activities; nearly three people whom they hug and
who provide emotional support, useful advice or
practical help in performing tasks if necessary.
Furthermore, young people know of an average of
two people who can help them out financially if
needed.
46 47

The quality of
interpersonal relationships is
influenced by a variety of factors.
Nine in ten young people, however, feel
close to person whose help they can rely
on, to whom they are able to open up, who
provides them with useful advice and with
whom they can spend quality time – i.e.,
joint activities. Financial help is the
least important factor: only seven in
ten young people feel close to
someone if they provide
financial help.
48 49

V. Hungary in
2050
and current challenges
50 51

V. Hungary in 2050 and current
challenges
Effects of the coronavirus pandemic can still be observed among young people,
who continue to regard uncertainty, purposelessness and financial difficulties as
the greatest problems facing their generation alongside the lack of friends for
company. For 2050, the majority envisages home ownership, marriage, children
and living in Hungary.
The
latest results of
the large-sample youth
survey have painted a picture
of a youth that is overwhelmingly
optimistic and realistic. The essentially
sanguine vision of the future is tinged
with frustration at uncertainty and
unpredictability, although they mentioned
the problem of an unpredictable
future primarily in relation to their
generation and not to themselves
(Székely, 2022).
In 2020, Hungarian young people considered
unpredictability, financial difficulties and
purposeless as the most severe challenges facing
their generation. The most recent data collection
of the large-sample youth survey took place in late
2020, during the second wave of the coronavirus
epidemic, the effect of which was reflected by the fact
that the lack of groups of friends and communities,
a consideration that had previously received less
emphasis, rose to the prominent fourth position on
the list of challenges mentioned by young people.
Almost one in ten young people (8 percent) between
the ages of 15 and 29 now consider it to be the
greatest problem facing their generation.
In its most recent survey, the Youth Research Institute
examined the most pressing problems faced by the
youth age group, expanded to include young adults
between the ages of 30 and 39. Findings show that
uncertainty and the unpredictability of the future
continue to be the leading causes for concern, with
29 percent of 15-39-year-olds naming uncertainty
as the most pressing problem facing young
people. 26 percent mentioned financial difficulties,
suggesting a more concentrated problem map than
6
in the under-30 age group. Purposeless was named
the third most pressing problem by 11 percent of
15-39-year-olds in Hungary.
Questionnaires collected during the second wave
of the coronavirus epidemic reflected the crisis of
peer groups, with young people identifying the lack
of groups of friends and communities as the fourth
most significant problem affecting their generations.
In previous years, the lack of groups of friends and
communities was less prominent on young people’s
problem chart; researchers have clearly interpreted
its appearance as a consequence of the pandemic
and the increasing appreciation of in-person contact.
A large proportion of young people’s leisure time
is mediatized, and there was a further increase in
screen time due to online education and remote work.
At the same time, however, in-person relationships
emerged to the forefront of young people’s leisure
time structure (Székely – Veszelszki, 2021). This
allows us to draw the conclusion that young people
are increasingly appreciative of experiencing
community life in person, as such activities are
emphasized by respondents as the most common
pastime and the lack of youth communities ranks
high on the list of generational problems.
In terms of the under-30 age group, findings for 2023
show that previous conditions were not restored as
the pandemic came to an end, meaning that young
people see the lack of communities as a lasting
phenomenon.
6
It is important to note that uncertainty and financial problems
were mentioned more often in the 15-year-old age group,
meaning that the impact of the trend effect is much more
important than the target group effect; in other words, the
difference results from not the extension of the age group but
the years passed.
52 53

Further elements on the list of problems were
mentioned by less than five percent of respondents,
e.g., the expansion of drug use, crime or
7
unemployment were all mentioned by four percent.
The disappearance of unemployment from the
top of the list confirms the generally held image of
young people’s swift reaction to societal processes.
Over the past decade, youth employment and labor
market activity had been on the rise constantly,
meaning that it is hardly surprising that young
people find getting a job less and less challenging.
Uncertainty and the unpredictability of the future,
identified as the greatest difficulties facing
15-39-year-olds, are more often mentioned at
the top of the list by those with higher educational
attainment, as well as by residents of the Southern
Great Plain, the Southern Transdanubia and the
Western Transdanubia regions. Material difficulties
are most likely to be mentioned by people with
lower levels of education, residents of smaller
settlements and in the Northern Hungary region.
Differences related to educational attainment are
also apparent when it comes to purposelessness,
with better-educated people more often citing
purposelessness as the most pressing problem. The
level of educational attainment also has explanatory
power when it comes to the lack of groups of friends
and communities; the lower someone’s level of
education is, the more likely that this is mentioned
as the most pressing problem. The lack of groups
of friends and communities is also mentioned more
often in the Southern Transdanubia region.
The above-mentioned problems can be arranged
in groups in several ways. In addition to the
already cited financial and employment-related
difficulties, existential challenges also include
housing problems, which were mentioned by a
further 2 percent of young people. Overall, a third
(32 percent) of young people mentioned existential
difficulties. The absence of community extends not
only to problems related to peer groups but also to
inadequate family relationships. Three percent of
respondents emphasized the crisis of the family and
7
In 2008, one in four 15-29-olds considered unemployment and
the difficulty of finding a job the most pressing generational
problem, which propelled it to first place on the list. Since then,
this issue has continuously been losing its importance. By
2020, it had dropped out from the top five most pressing issues
and reached only 3 percent in the 15-29-year-old age group.
family problems, meaning that a total of 11 percent
mentioned a community-related generational
problem. The group of deviance and escape,
including not only the widespread use of drugs
and alcohol but also crime and emigration (4 and 2
percent respectively), amounts to 10 percent in total.
The most prevalent group of problems covers
frustration, ranging from the already mentioned
uncertainty and purposelessness to the less
frequently cited lack of independence and
dependence from parents (2 percent) and difficulties
in curricular and learning advancement (1 percent),
as well as feelings of being neglected and young
people’s opinion not being taken into account (1
percent). This group also extends to frustration
caused by structural crises such as migration,
immigration or the climate disaster and the poor
condition of the environment, which are mentioned
by less than one percent of young people as the
most pressing issue facing their generation.
Irrespective of whether our analysis covers the
traditional or the expanded age group, youth
surveys confirm that young people’s frustration
concerning the future is the most pressing
issue facing the generation. Seeing both their
fundamentally optimistic vision for the future and
the simultaneously present frustration, the question
arises as to what kind of future do young Hungarians
envisage for themselves in more specific terms.
The questions included in our survey give hints to
personal perceptions of the future. Roughly threequarters
of 15-39-year-olds say that by 2050, they
will live in an owner-occupied house or apartment (76
percent), be married (75 percent) and live in Hungary
(72 percent); half of respondents (52 percent) say
that all three statements are likely to be true and only
8 percent says that neither of them are. Two-thirds
of respondents (68 percent) say that they are likely to
have (further) children and an identical share expect
their financial situation to improve.
Those currently in a favorable financial situation are
more likely to expect their material conditions to
improve further. Not only do a smaller share of people
who describe their current financial situation as just
about getting by or experiencing hardship expect their
financial situation to improve by 2050; current financial
situation also influences uncertainly. The worse
someone’s current financial situation is, the less likely
they are able to forecast their situation in 2050.
54 55

etirement by 2050 rises with the progress of age, as
does the share of respondents considering it likely
to own their own property, be married and residing
in Hungary by that date. A reverse correlation can be
observed with view to a foreign-language working
environment, improvement of financial situation and
(further) childbearing.
Level of education also bears a strong correlation
with perceptions of the future; in general, higher
educational attainment results in an increased
likelihood of the above events taking place by 2050.
For example, 70 percent of those with primary level
education expect to be married, as opposed to 84
percent of higher education graduates. However,
level of education correlates negatively with the
chances of retirement and the likelihood of working
in a foreign-language environment; in both cases,
those with secondary education stand out from the
average.
Close to two-thirds (64 percent) of 15-39-year-olds
are somewhat certain that they will be employed
in a capacity relevant to their current position or
training in 2050; however, respondents are divided
on whether they will mostly talk to their colleagues in
Hungarian or in another language (45-44 percent).
A third (35 percent) of respondents expect to be
retired by 2050. Progressing along the age scale,
the figure of those considering it fully or rather likely
to be in retirement in 2050 surpasses 50 percent
among 38-year-olds (55 percent); by 2050, they will
be 65 years of age.
Major differences can also be observed along the
examined socio-demographic characteristics. With
regard to discrepancy between the sexes, women
are more likely to think that they will be retired (39-
30 percent), living in Hungary (76-69 percent) and
living in their own residential unit (79-73 percent)
by 2050. However, no difference can be observed
in terms of expecting an improvement in financial
conditions, and men appear to be more likely to
envisage (further) childbearing (66-70 percent).
With regard to age, the expectancy of reaching
With view to differences between settlement types,
size appears to be a significant factor: the higher the
level of urbanization, the greater the likelihood that
its inhabitants envisage living outside of Hungary.
In other cases, crosslinks reveal a far more complex
picture; for example, those living in villages are more
likely to envisage retirement, marriage and owning
their own property. A regional comparison draws
attention to remarkable differences; those living in
the northern part of the country (Northern Hungary
and the Northern Great Plain) are most likely to
expect their financial situation to improve (75 and
76 percent respectively) and to own real estate. In
terms of marriage, inhabitants of Northern Hungary
(80 percent) stand out, while further childbearing is
most likely among residents of the Northern Great
Plain region (80 percent). Those living in Southern
Transdanubia are most likely to envisage a life in
Hungary: 78 percent of them think that they will be
living in Hungary and working in a position matching
their current job or qualifications (71 percent).
Inhabitants of the region are also most likely to
expect working in a foreign-language environment
(64 percent) and be retired (51 percent).
56 57

Bibliography
Gábor, K. (2004): Ifjúsági korszakváltás. In: Új Ifjúsági Szemle, 2/4, 5-24.
Székely, L. (n/a): Alak a hálóban – Ifjúsági korrajz a hálózati társadalomban. Manuscript.
Székely, L. (2022): A magyarországi fiatalok első legégetőbb problémája: bizonytalanság,
kiszámíthatatlan jövő. In: Pillók, P. – Székely, L. (eds.): Kívánj tizet! A magyarországi fiatalok nemzedéki
önreflexiója és jövőképe. Nemzeti Ifjúsági Tanács Szövetség, Budapest. ISBN 978-615-01-7060-2
Székely, L. (2021): A járvány nemzezéke – magyar ifjúság a koronavírus-járvány idején. In: Székely,
L. (ed.): Magyar fiatalok a koronavírus-járvány idején. Tanulmánykötet a Magyar Ifjúság Kutatás 2020
eredményeiről. Enigma2001, 9-31.
Székely, L. (2017): Győztes vesztesek – az információs társadalom ifjúsága. Információs Társadalom,
17(2), 53-68.
Székely, L. – Aczél, P. (2018): Magyar világ 2.0 – fiatalok és az újmédia. In: Székely, L. (ed.): Magyar
fiatalok a Kárpát-medencében. Magyar Ifjúság Kutatás 2016. Kutatópont – Enigma2021, 351-386.
Székely, L. – Veszelszki, Á. (2021): A tartalomfogyasztás fizikai és virtuális terei. In: Székely, L.
(ed.): Magyar fiatalok a koronavírus-járvány idején. Tanulmánykötet a Magyar Ifjúság Kutatás 2020
eredményeiről. Enigma2001, 189-209. ISBN: 978-615-81136-3-2
Székely, L. (2014): Média multitasking: Az új generációk megváltozó médiafogyasztási és
kommunikációs szokásairól. Doctoral dissertation. Corvinus University of Budapest, Doctoral School of
Sociology, DOI: 10.14264/phd.2014015
Methodological background
The findings are drawn from two public opinion polls conducted between December 2022 and January
2023 among Hungarian citizens between 15 and 39 years of age, on a nationwide, representative
sample of 1,000 respondents, with tablet-assisted personal interviewing (TAPI), and in March 2023
among Hungarian citizens above the age of 18, on a nationwide, representative sample of 1,000
respondents, with computer-assisted telephone interviewing (CATI).
Youth Research Institute
The Youth Research Institute’s research activities are focused on youth affairs in the broad sense;
our chief areas of interest include the life circumstances of young people, as well as their way of life.
We regularly report on our findings through the publication of study volumes and scientific papers,
accompanied by conferences and lectures. In addition to academic publications and lectures, our
researchers also regularly appear in the media to present the results of our work. We publish firsthand
research findings roughly on a monthly basis and discuss their context on both traditional and
digital media platforms. Our most recent international survey dealt with young people’s independence,
specifically the age-related perceptions of attending entertainment venues without parental supervision.
As part of the Mathias Corvinus Collegium (MCC) network, our institute also engages in educational
activities, with courses held at several venues across Hungary. In addition to traditional courses, we also
organize academies; our latest Spring Academy saw the discussion of family planning and childbearing
with input from domestic and international experts.
The Youth Research Institute’s activities can be followed online and on social media.
https://ifjusagkutatointezet.hu
https://www.facebook.com/ifjusagkutatointezet
About the authors
Levente Székely, Ph.D. is a sociologist and Doctor of Sociological Sciences. He is head of the Youth
Research Institute and the Center for Sociology at Mathias Corvinus Collegium, as well as Associate
Professor at the Institute of Marketing and Communication Sciences at Corvinus University of Budapest.
Georgina Kiss-Kozma, Ph.D. holds a doctorate in political science. She is employed as a researcher at
the Youth Research Institute and the Center for Sociology at Mathias Corvinus Collegium.
58 59

<strong>Youth+</strong>
Until when are we young? Asking ourselves this question likely means that we have
already emerged from the youth life stage – or not.
In our times, youth is seen as a value worthy of preservation, carrying the notions of
freedom, happiness, exhilaration and a host of other positive meanings. It is also relative.
The youth(fulness) of an individual is largely a matter of self-assessment; a teenager and
someone in his fifties can equally feel young. In addition to the subjective factor, objective
age is also present, although disharmony between the two seldom leads to any substantial
difficulties. Thus, anyone who feels youthful can be young. Research materials focusing on
youth offer varying approaches to define the limits of the youth life stage; in Hungary, the term
“youth” usually refers to those between the age of 15 and 29, with the definition itself often
containing reference to its inevitable shortcomings. These limitations are largely due to the fact
that characteristics of the youth life stage that were typical of the age bracket decades ago are
either no longer relevant or exclusive to this age group. For example, people now regularly
delay starting a family and having children to their thirties.
Findings relevant to the expanded youth cohort, understood as Generations Y and Z, are
discussed along five issues. We address their economic strategies amid the inflationary
environment experienced in the previous months, the role of social media and freedom of
expression, as well as cultural consumption. The final two chapters discuss mental wellbeing
and social support, and current problems and future projections. In sum, we seek to portray
15-39-year-olds in Hungary by taking stock of the and present and drawing a sketch of the
future along hot topics of the day. Our report is dedicated to researchers and decision-makers
with an interest in youth, as well as youth workers and everyone (once) young.
Georgina Kiss-Kozma and Levente Székely
60