Henning Wrogemann: The Call to Islam (daʻwa islamiyya) (Leseprobe)

Henning Wrogemann
The Call to Islam
(da´wa islamiyya)
A Brief History and Contemporary
Approaches

Table of Contents
Introduction ............................................... 9
̣
1. Islamization ofthe World – Threat orContribution? ..... 9
2. The Call to Islam – Modes ofIslamization ............ 10
3. Methodology ................................... 11
4. Sources ....................................... 12
5. Structure, Content and Aim of this Book ............. 13
6. Acknowledgments ............................... 13
I. Dawa from the Beginnings Until the 19 th century .............. 15
§1 The Call to Islam inthe Qur’a nand in Early Muslim History 15
1. Da‘wa in the Qur’a n ............................. 15
2. AShort History of the Early Expansion of Islam ....... 20
3. The Abba sid Da‘wa (750–1258) .................... 25
4. The Fa timid Da‘wa (909–1171) ..................... 27
5. The Sụ fī Da‘wa ................................. 29
6. Conclusion .................................... 31
§2 Islamic Reform in the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth
Centuries ......................................... 32
1. Precursors to Salafiyya: Taqīy Ad-Dīn Ahṃad Ibn
Taymiyya (1263–1328) ........................... 36
2. Jama lad-Dīn al-Afgha nī (1838–1898) ................ 37
3. Muhạmmad Abduh (1849–1905) ................... 38
4. Islamic Reactions to Developments of the Colonial Era ... 41
5. Strands of Islamic Movements ..................... 42
6. ATypology of Islamic Movements oh the 20 th Century ... 43
II. Da‘wa in the 20 th Century: Organizations and Ideologies ......... 45
§3Hạsan al-Banna ’ and the Muslim Brotherhood .............. 46
1. Hạsan al-Banna ’ (1906–1949) and the Early Years ofthe
MB .......................................... 46
2. Dawa According to Hạsan al-Banna ’–Theory and
Practice ....................................... 48
3. Sayyid Qutḅ (1906–1966) – Radical Thinker of the MB .. 52
4. Qutḅʼs Dichotomic Worldview ...................... 55
5. Radical Thinking and Militant Islamism .............. 59
6. MB Activities from the 1970s until 2000 ............. 61
§4 Muhạmmad Ilya sand the Tablīghī Jama ‘at ............... 63
1. Muhạmmad Ilya s(1885–1944) ..................... 63

6 Table of Contents
2. Dawa Preaching Tours to the Mewati People (India) .... 64
3. Sụ fīsm and the Dawa Concept of Muhạmmad Ilya s ..... 65
4. On the Profile of Tablīgh-Journeys ................... 66
5. Worldwide Spread of the Tablīghī Jama ‘at ............. 66
6. ACompeting Movement: Dawat-e Isla mī (Pakistan) ..... 67
§5 Sayyid Abu ’l-A‘la Maudu dī and the Jama ‘at-i Isla mī ........ 68
1. Abu ’l-A‘la Maudu dī (1903–1979) ................... 68
2. Dawa as Individual-Elitist Action ................... 69
3. Maudu dīʼs Late Dawa-Strategy ..................... 70
4. Dawa, Revolutionʼ, and Islamic State ............... 71
5. Islamic Order as All-encompassing Solution ........... 71
6. The Lasting Influence of Maudu dī ................... 73
§6 Dawa Activities by Governments: Egypt and Saudi-Arabia ... 74
1. Egypt: Jama lAbd an-Nasser and Arabic Nationalism .... 74
2. The Role of the Al-Azhar University ................. 75
3. Saudi Arabia: The Muslim World League and Wahha bism 76
4. The Role of Islamic Universities and Their
Stipendee-Programs .............................. 77
5. Dawa Competition Among Many Rivals .............. 78
6. Six Dawa Tendencies in the Late 20 th Century: Summary
and Outlook .................................... 79
III. Dawa-Theologies in the 20 th Century International Sunni Discourse 83
Introduction ........................................... 83
§7 Muhạmmad Shafiq – Dawa and Reform ................. 87
1. Dawa as aDuty for Every Muslim .................. 87
2. Dawa as aDialogical Encounter .................... 89
3. Dawa as aTask of Education ...................... 93
4. International Dawa Network: The Familyʼ-System ...... 96
5. Dawa Among Muslims and Non-Muslims in Islamic
Societies ...................................... 99
6. Dawa Work in Non-Muslim Countries ............... 102
§8 Shamim A. Siddiqi – Dawa and Conflict ................. 105
1. The Aim of Dawa ............................... 106
2. Dawa as Invitation ofNon-Muslims to Islam .......... 106
3. Dawa Stages A: (1) Dawa, (2) Community, (3) Training
&Purification .................................. 107
4. Dawa Stages B: (4) Resistance, (5) Emigration,
(6) Militant Fight ................................ 108
5. Dawa, Conflict and the Question of Violence .......... 109
6. Dawa as aRevolutionary-Political Process? ........... 110

Table of Contents 7
§9 Rabī Ibn Ha dī al-Madkhalī – Dawa and Purification ....... 112
1. Dawa as the Erection of the Oneness of God (Arabic
tauḥīd) ........................................ 113
2. The Prophetic Reasons for Tauḥīd – Noah, Joseph, Moses,
Muhạmmad .................................... 114
3. Tauḥīd Versus Political Dawa ...................... 118
4. Tauḥīd Versus Sụ fīstic Dawa ...................... 120
5. Tauḥīd Versus Kala m-Dawa ....................... 120
6. Levels of Dawa discourse ......................... 122
§10Farid Esack – Dawa and Liberation .................... 124
1. Aesthetic-Reception in the Exegesis of the Qurʼa n ...... 126
2. Criteria for aQur’a nic Liberation Theology ............ 127
3. AHermeneutic of an Interreligious Perception of Limits 131
4. Individual and aCollective Understanding of Isla m ..... 133
5. Dawa in the Context of aPluralistic Competition for the
Good ......................................... 137
6. Conclusion .................................... 139
Summary ......................................... 141
IV. Dawa in the Contemporary World .......................... 143
§11AnApolitical Da‘wa? – Saudi Arabia’s Pursuit of Soft Power 143
1. The Saudi Da‘wa From the Oil Boom to the First Gulf War
(1973–1991) ................................... 144
2. Da‘wa by way of Ministries, Organizations, Universities,
and the Media .................................. 145
3. Saudi Arabia inthe Political Context of the 1990s and
Quietist Dawa .................................. 148
4. Expanding Saudi Soft Power: Financing Islamic Studies in
the West ...................................... 150
5. Saudi-Arabia under Mohammad bin Salman: Vision 2030 152
6. Saudi Soft Power and the Future of Its Dawa ......... 155
§12Political Dawa – Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood and the
Question of Power .................................. 156
1. Social Movement Theory as an Interpretation of Islamic
Movements .................................... 156
2. Dawa Theories of aPolitical Islam – Stage Models ..... 157
3. Implementations Between Ideology, Organization and
Pragmatics .................................... 158
4. Success of the MB Through the Branch System ........ 159
5. Success of MB Through the Power of Its Narrative ...... 160
6. Political Dawa in Changing Forms – aConclusion ..... 161

8 Table of Contents
§13Da‘wa and Jiha dī Salafism ............................ 162
1. An Influential Jiha dī Theorist: Abu Muhạmmad al-Maqdisī
(b. 1959) ...................................... 163
2. Friends and Enemies: the Principle of al-wala ʼ wa al-bara ʼ 168
3. Declaring-Others-to-be-Unbelievers: the Principle of takfīr 170
4. Jiha dī Da‘wa in Concrete Terms – Ansa ral-Sharīa in
Tunisia (AST) ................................... 171
5. Jiha dī Da‘wa – Profile, Implementation, and Effects ..... 175
6. The Phase Model of Dawa and Its Consequences ....... 176
§14Da‘wa and Popular Salafism .......................... 176
1. Popular Da‘wa: Context – New Types of Media and
Globalization ................................... 177
2. Popular Da‘wa: Precursors – Sha‘ra wī (1911–1998) and
Deedat (1918–2005) ............................. 178
3. Da‘wa, Natural Science, Modernity: Amr Kha led (b. 1967)
– Egypt ....................................... 181
4. Da‘wa, Spirituality, Life: Abdullah Gymnastiar (b. 1962) –
Indonesia ...................................... 185
5. Da‘wa, Comparison ofReligions,ʼ Conversion: Zakir Naik
(b. 1965) – India ................................ 187
6. Popular Da‘wa: Profile and Effects – Individual and
Society ........................................ 190
§15Dawa, Democratic Societies and Religious Claims: Future
Challenges ........................................ 191
1. Dawa in the Present – aPanoramic View ............ 192
2. Freedom for Critical Islamic Studies in Muslim Majority
Societies? ...................................... 193
3. Democratic Societies and the Importance of
Historical-Critical Research ........................ 197
4. Historical-Critical Research Versus Disciplinary
Apologeticsʼ .................................... 199
5. Dawa and Territoriality – AHermeneutic of Space ..... 203
6. Dawa and Democracy – Looking ahead .............. 208
Bibliography .............................................. 209
Name Index ............................................... 225

Introduction
1. Islamization of the World –Threat or Contribution?
When using the term “Islamization”, different people will have very different
associations with it. Looking at Muslim-majority countries around the world,
one might ask what such Islamization should consist of? What are the characteristics
ofatruly “Islamic society”? Ifyou look around in different countries,
you will notice big differences. In Iran, for example, the “Islamic Republic of
Iran” was founded after the Islamic Revolution of 1979, in which areligious police
force currently ensures that public order functions according to (what the
government regards as) Islamic principles. This includes women being forced
to wear aheadscarf. There have been protests against this for years, as large
numbers of people oppose the enforcement of this kind of religious norms.
Another example would be Afghanistan. After the withdrawal of Western
troops and the takeover of power bythe Taliban, it can be observed that the taliban
are trying to exclude women from the education sector. Iran, on the other
hand, is completely different, where women currently make up more than
50 percent of university students. So what does it mean for asociety to be “Islamized”
when ideas about what is “Islamic” vary widely? One of the core elements
of Islamization iscertainly that as many people aspossible in agiven
nation should adopt the Muslim faith.
Apart from that, however, it seems difficult to agree on common standards
of “being Islamic” or “beingMuslim”.But how did it come about that the call for
society to be Islamized has been getting louder and louder since the 1960s? As
will be shown, this is related to developments in the 20 th century, when the
question of national identity arose in many areas of the world with the establishment
of nation states as territorial states. The “Call to Islam” was propagated
in many places against governments that were perceived (by dawa movements)
as unjust and asocial reality that was perceived as un-Islamic. 1 The bat-
1
The transliteration of Arabic terms into English (i.e. dawa or at some places dawah)is
not always uniform, as different types of transliteration occur in the literature. – When
quoting, the original source text is quoted, regardless of errors in the source text itself.

10 Introduction
tle cry was, for example in the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood, “Islam is the solution”.
Since then, there have been conflicts and struggles between regimes on the
one hand and Islamist organizations on the other. The latter invoke “true Islam”
and criticize and fight what they consider to be un-Islamic societies, but they
also turn against capitalism and communism or Western countries in general.
It is clear that many activists hope that the spread of “true Islam” will bring
about ajust society. However, one has to realize that over the decades many
movements and organizations have discredited themselves, so that Muslim societies
are deeply divided on the question of how they stand on democracy and
human rights and what the path to abetter future can and should look like.
At the same time, there are now dawa activities and dawa organizations in
the diaspora, for example in North America and Europe, which feeds the fear in
these areas that these are movements and organizations whose understanding
of Islam or “true Islam” cannot be reconciled with the principles of aliberal,
secular and democratic society. What is ahope for dawa actors is therefore
often perceived as adanger by other people.
Whatever oneʼs view of it, it is important and useful to inform oneself about
the phenomenon of the Call to Islam and Islamization and to perceive the differences
that can be identified here. This book intends to serve this goal. Itʼs about
differentiation, itʼs about understanding dawa from the foundations of the Islamic
religion, and itʼs also about recognizing the range that can be observed
in theological reflections and in the practical implementation of dawa. Only
this differentiation makes itpossible to deal constructively with the question
of who, based on which phenomena, believes that dawa and Islamization are
either acontribution to society orathreat to society.
2. The Call to Islam –Modes of Islamization
In the contemporary Islamic discussion, the word da‘wa undoubtedly serves as
atechnical term for the active propagation of Islam among both Muslims and
non-Muslims. From ahistory of religion perspective, however, we should ask
whether contenting ourselves with studying the history of the concept of
da‘wa and the history of the da‘wa discourse is sufficient for us to claim to
have adequately grasped the history of the propagation of Islam. Upon closer
inspection, it turns out that this is not the case. Historically speaking, the history
of Islamic expansion and the use of da‘wa terminology are not congruent.
Looking at the long centuries of continual Islam expansion (roughly speaking,
For the sake of brevity, Ihave refrained from providing extensive references in the footnotes.

Introduction 11
from the 10th on to the 18th centuries), we find hardly any extant evidence of
da‘wa discourses during this period. The historical findings put paid to the notion
that there existed within Islam auniform concept of da‘wah as the active
propagation of Islam. We need to ask why da‘wa discourses were intensively
pursued in certain epochs, while at other times the sources essentially remain
silent. In order for us to understand these correlations, we will need to consider
the sociocultural circumstances of each epoch. Furthermore, when it comes to
history, we should bear in mind that much ofwhat happens in history was
never intended to happen. Many activities which ended up contributing to
the propagation of Islam were not primarily intended as such.
Attempts at da‘wa and da‘wa discourses come to be located in the discursive
field of political and social claims to power. Accordingly, da‘wa as the
call to Islam or, more pointedly, asthe call to true Islam thus either serves to
legitimize the existing balance of political power in aparticular social context,
or, conversely, to call it into question and to challenge it. So we must consider
the question: Which sociopolitical dynamics gave rise to certain da‘wa discourses
in the first place? Who invoked the call to Islam, and with which intention?
These questions are relevant both for ahistorical retrospective and for an interpretation
of the present. As adiscourse of power, the question of da‘wa today is
also about the legitimacy of political or of social power in general. The call for
the implementation of acertain form of Islamicity touches on the question of
the state of society and its key dynamics. These observations contribute significantly
to the understanding of da‘wa activities.
3. Methodology
With regard to methodology this study will investigate the da‘wa material in an
attempt to answer three interrelated questions. In the process, we will need to
consider three contexts: (1) The way in which da‘wa theories take recourse to
theological tradition; (2) the way in which they reference the respective societal
parameters; and (3) how the relationships to other religions and worldviews in
their capacity as possible competitors within this context are defined.
Tradition: Every kind of da‘wa activity must be anchored within the framework
of one’s religious tradition. What exactly is meant bythe invitation to
Islam, and what kind of Islamic practice is being called for? For Muslims, the
manner in which this da‘wa is to be carried out is specifically mandated bytradition
(sunna) – i. e. in the literature of the Qur’a nand the Hạdīth. Thus we will
need to study the theological justification behind the different da‘wah theories.
Which aspects of the theological tradition receive special attention? Which motives
are suppressed ordisregarded? In what ways is da‘wa theology imple-

12 Introduction
mented as da‘wa actions? Which of these actions are preferred, and which are
generally (on the part of other da‘wa actors) rejected?
Society: Asecond line of questioning seeks to locate the theological rationales
within the framework of different power discourses. Why is it appropriate
in one or the other particular social context to decide on certain theologically
motivated behavioral patterns? How do people view the link between da‘wa activity
and the social environment? How do they interpret this environment from
atheological point of view? How do they justify the strategies used to transform
this environment along the lines of aprogressive Islamization?
Religions and worldviews: If other religions and worldviews in agiven social
context compete for how people view reality, then how are these religions and
worldviews themselves interpreted, appreciated, or criticized? How do people
define their relationship to these religions? How do they interpret their truth
claims? What possibilities do they see for dialogue with these religions?
Which forms of behavior do they advocate or mandate when it comes to interreligious
encounters or relations? Isitpossible to come up with perspectives allowing
for the coexistence of these different religions on apermanent basis?
4. Sources
The present study is based – on the one hand – on source texts in English, Arabic
and German, and on the other hand awealth of detailed studies on the history
of dawa as well as on various dawa activists, dawa organizations and
dawa institutions. The material islisted in the bibliography. Amuch more extensive
bibliography can be found in my habilitation thesis “Missionarischer
Islam und gesellschaftlicher Dialog” (“Missionary Islam and Dialogue inCivil
Society”) that appeared in 2006. 2 Since then, numerous other studies have
been published, but none that provide anoverview of the overall topic. 3 This
study aims to close this gap. Itʼs about different forms of dawa in history,
about dawa organizations, dawa theologies /theories and dawa approaches
2
3
H. Wrogemann, Missionarischer Islam und gesellschaftlicher Dialog. Der Ruf zum Islam
im internationalen sunnitischen Diskurs (Frankfurt/M.: Lembeck, 2006), 451–500.
(“Missionary Islam and Dialogue in Civil Society. The Call to Islam in International
Sunni Discourse”)
Among the latest studies cf. I. Weismann; J. Malik (eds.), Culture of Dawa. Islamic
Preaching in the Modern World (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press 2020); M. J.
Kuiper, Dawa and Other Religions. Indian Muslims and the Modern Resurgence of Global
Islamic Activism (London /New York: Routledge 2018).

Introduction 13
within Sunni Islam. However, the topicof “dawa on the Internet” cannot be discussed
here. 4
5. Structure, Content and Aim of this Book
This study subscribes tothe hermeneutical principle that areligion is to be understood
to the greatest extent possible on the basis of its own presuppositions.
In Part I we will therefore begin by outlining the different phases of the expansion
of Islam up to the early twentieth century using ahistory of religion typology.
In the process, we shall need to highlight the fundamental changes the Islamic
world has undergone since the nineteenth century.
In Part II, wewill consider some of the main da‘wa movements ofthe twentieth
century, namely the Muslim Brotherhood (Egypt), Tablīghī Jama ‘at (Pakistan,
India and beyond) and Jama ‘at-i Isla mī (Pakistan). This is not only amatter
of different da‘wa strategies, but also of their respective organizational and institutional
manifestations. We will end this part by summarizing new emphases
in the da‘wa discourse of the twentieth and twenty-first century.
Part III will present four approaches among contemporary da‘wa theologies.
These are represented by internationally renowned Muslims coming from different
contexts of the Islamic world of Sunni Islam, most of whom are associated
with influential da‘wa institutions.
Part IV will outline the developments of the early twenty-first century,
namly the strands of aPolitical dawa, anApolitical dawa, aJiha di dawa
and aPopular dawa. We will conclude with comparative observations and adiscussion
of the consequences of contemporary da‘wa theologies and da‘wa activities
for the context of plural societies of democratic countries.
6. Acknowledgments
At this point Iwould like to thank my former doctoral students and current colleagues
such as Dr. theol. Yassir Eric, Prof. Dr. theol. Detlef Hiller, Dr. phil.
Francis Abdelmassieh, Dr. theol. Dyah Ayu Krismawati, Dr. theol. Jürgen
Klein and Dr. theol. Stefanie Kleierl. The exchange with them enriched me;
their research projects opened up new perspectives for me. My special thanks
for the translation go to Dr. Karl E. Böhmer, Prof. Dr. Gudrun Löwner and Prof.
Dr. John G. Flett. Iwould also like tothank the many interlocutors in countries
4
F. Harms, Cyberdawa. Islamische Mission im Internet: Voraussetzungen, Analyse und Vergleich
von dawa-Sites im World Wide Web (Düren: Shaker Verlag, 2007). (“Cyber-dawa.
Islamic Mission in the Internet”)

14 Introduction
such as Egypt, Pakistan, Indonesia, Lebanon and Ethiopia. My hope is that scientific
studies will help to better identify, describe and address challenges in
the field of interreligious relationships. Atask that remains urgent.

I. Dawa from the Beginnings Until
the 19 th century
§1 The Call to Islam in the Qur’a nand in Early
Muslim History
The basis for the Islamic understanding of cross-border proclamation is found in
the Qur’a n. Consequently, weshould proceed by investigating the semantic
field this opens up: What do we find when we study da‘wa in the Qur’a n?
1. Da‘wa in the Qur’a n
The word da‘wa is derived from the verb da‘a ,which has many possible nuances
of meaning. 5 Derivations of the root da‘a occur in different grammatical contexts
in more than 200 places in the Qur’a n. 6 In the primary and profane sense,
da‘wa means something like an invitation,orpossibly a call,an appeal,orasummons.
(1) In the field of interpersonal relationships, the stem is used in arange of
different contexts, all of which can be simplified into three categories: Firstly,
Da‘wa can be understood as expressing awish or request. For example, da‘wa
can be used to express an invitation to ameal or awedding; in this sense,
generally speaking, it refers to the proffered invitation itself. Secondly, the
verb da‘a can be used to express adirect summons. Thirdly, it can be used reflexively
in the sense of wishing for what one would like to receive. It should be
noted that in daily life, it is possible for the call to be expressed by something
5
6
M. Mendel, The concept of “ad-Dawa al-Islamiyya”.Towards adiscussion of the Islamic
reformist political terminology, in: Archiv Orientali 63 (1995), 286–304; P. E. Walker,
Art. Dawah: Qurʼanic Concepts, in: The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Modern Islamic
World, Vol. I(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995), 343–346.
E. M. Badawi; M. A. Haleem, Arabic-English Dictionary of Qurʼanic Usage (London/Boston:
Brill, 2008), 307–309.

16 I. Dawa from the Beginnings Until the 19th century
other than ahuman agent, such asapersonified force of nature. For example,
aflame of fire can be said to call out to people.
Da‘wa has adifferent emphasis when used as aperformative expression. The
word can mean an oath, for instance, i. e. abinding word spoken between two
persons or groups, but it can also mean a vow, i.e.avoluntary obligation. The
spoken word thus enacts apowerful or legal reality. It can denote a curse as
well.
The word da‘wa also has athird possible meaning when used in the legal
sense: In the legal context, da‘wa serves as atechnical term for pressing charges.
Since pressing charges isanecessary first step in taking legalaction, da‘wa can
also refer in abroader sense to the judicial process as awhole.
(2) In the relationship between God and human beings, wecan distinguish
between different constellations. Firstly, human beings calling to God (in prayer),
and also, conversely, God appealing to human beings. Secondly, the
Qur’a nalso speaks of aseries of prophets propagating God’s call, culminating
in the prophet Muhạmmad. The concept of the Islamic umma implies the ongoing
propagation of the call after Muhạmmad’s death, since the umma is obliged
to invite people to Allah.
(a) According to the Qur’a n, Allah extends the actual call to the people. In
this address, he summons human beings to answer tohim (and him alone).
The locus classicus of this understanding isSura 13:14: “The only true prayer
is to Him: those they pray to besides Him give them no answer any more
than water reaches the mouth of someone who simply stretches out his
hands for it – it cannot do so: the prayers of the disbelievers are all in vain.” 7
True prayer (Arab. da‘wat ‘al-hạqq) istherefore the only possible way for
people to respond to the appeal of Allah. Elsewhere, this is expressed positively
in the phrase: “God invites [everyone] to the Home of Peace, and guides whoever
He will to astraight path.” (10:25) To walk the right path means to submit to
God and His will, and thus to become aMuslim. In this way, the Qur’a nestablishes
aclose link between da‘wa and Islam. The intended response of the invitation
is to confess that there is no God except God. Da‘wa thus embodies
the epitome of Islam, just as Islam isinconceivable without da‘wa.
(b) In addition to the root meaning of da‘wa as invitation, itcan also be used
in the sense of a call. Acall in the sense of an appeal signifies prayer as the
invocation of Allah. In Sura 2:186, da‘wa is understood as prayer addressed
to Allah: “If My servants ask you about Me, Iamnear. Irespond to those
who call Me, solet them respond to Me, and believe in Me, so that they may
7
Unless otherwise indicated, all quotations from the Qur’a ninthis volume are taken
from the following edition: M.A.S. Abdel Haleem, The Qur’an, Oxford World’s Classics
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004). Unless otherwise indicated, phrases in square
brackets within these quotations are taken directly from the original.

§1 The Call to Islam in the Qur’a nand in Early Muslim History 17
be guided.” The phrase those who call Me (or: the Call of the Caller = da‘wata adda
’ī in Arabic) refers to people praying to Allah. Muslims respond to the call of
Allah by calling in prayer on him alone, and by worshiping him their entire
lives. According to Islamic teaching, the true worship of God can be seen by
way of example already in the persons of the pre-Islamic prophets. In this
sense, da‘wa therefore also refers to the prayers of the rightly-led prophets
who predated Muhạmmad – to the prayers of, say, Moses and Aaron, orto
the prayers of other prophets like Abraham.
Calling people to be guided down the right path presupposes the existence
of false paths and thus also the possible invocation of false gods. The Qur’a n
repeatedly warns against the invocation of false gods orpowers. Those who
call on other gods besides Allah act in vain, because they cannot hear them
(26:72) or intercede on behalf of anybody (43:86); on the contrary, such people
will have to give an account to God (23:117) and should expect God’s punishment
(26:213). To invoke some other deity besides Allah is therefore as futile
as it is harmful. The fact that people allow themselves to be led down false
paths is due not only to their refusal to listen, but also to the call of Satan, of
which Sura 14:22 says: “When everything has been decided, Satan will say,
‘God gave you atrue promise. Itoo made promises but they were false ones:
Ihad no power over you except to call you, and you responded to my call, so
do not blame me; blame yourselves.’”
(c) The call itself is extended by Allah, but he sends prophets, each of whom
extends an invitation from God to the nation from which he comes and to which
he is sent. Each prophet has his own da‘wa which he is instructed to extendtoa
particular nation. Hence people should not only worship God alone, but they
should also respond to the da‘wa of his prophets in which God’s call manifests
itself. However,acommon factor in the stories of the prophets is that people did
not respond to their call. Noah is said to have lamented as follows: “My Lord,
Ihave called my people night and day, but the more Icall them, the further
they run away: every time Icall them, so that you may forgive them, they thrust
their fingers into their ears, cover their heads with their garments, persist in
their rejection, and grow more insolent and arrogant.” (71:5–7)
The concept of the prophetic da‘wa clearly shows that the call is made with
the intention that an entire nation should respond to the call of Allah, i. e. follow
it. In essence, this is not about an individualistic event, but about acollective
one.
(d) Muhạmmad is also referred to as the caller of Allah. According to the
Qur’a n, he is instructed to carry out his mission to his own nation just as former
prophets did totheirs. Muhạmmad has his own da‘wa. This is described in Sura
23:73 as follows: “You call them to astraight path.” Da‘wa is thus the invitation
or the call to the right or straight path. The straight path is the true religion itself.
Da‘wa is thus equated with the straight path and the religion of Islam.

18 I. Dawa from the Beginnings Until the 19th century
This call also evokes criticism and opposition. According to the teaching of
the Qur’a n, Muhạmmad had to endure criticism just like the prophets before
him. Sura 40:41–43 reads (presumably, this is astatement by an Egyptian believer):
“My people, why do Icall you to salvation when you call me to the Fire?
You call me to disbelieve inGod and to associate with Him things of which
Ihave no knowledge; Icall you to the Mighty, the Forgiving One. There is no
doubt that what you call me to serve is not fit tobeinvoked either in this
world or the Hereafter: our return is to God alone, and it will be the rebels
who will inhabit the Fire.”
Both the prophets and the believers are to hold their ground in the face of
this criticism and opposition, and to respond in avery specific way. One of the
most frequently cited Surahs in this context, Sura 16:125, reads as follows:
“[Prophet], call [people] to the way of your Lord with wisdom and good teaching.
Argue with them in the most courteous way, for your Lord knows best who
has strayed from His way and who is rightly guided.” These words are addressed
to Muhạmmad in view of his opponents. In terms of its content, this appeal
is defined in greater detail in Sura 3:101–104, where it says: “Whoever
holds fast toGod will be guided tothe straight path. You who believe, be mindful
of God, as is His due, and make sure you devote yourselves to Him, to your
dying moment. … RememberGod’sfavourtoyou: … you became brothers by His
grace … Be acommunity that calls for what is good, urges what is right, and
fors what is wrong: those who do this are the successful ones.”
This text is about acommunity of Muslims (umma in Arabic) which is itself
determined by the good and accordingly invites (or is supposed to invite) others
to this very good. Da‘wa serves the worship of the only God in acommunal
order which corresponds to his will. It thus comprises not only individual,
but also and especially corporate aspects. So da‘wa and umma are therefore
closely interrelated.
(e) In Sura 3:104–110, the concept ofthe da‘wa is associated with the idea
that those who accept the da‘wa of Allah are joined to form an umma of believers.
The text reads: “(104) Be acommunity that calls for what is good, urges
what is right, and forbids what is wrong: those who do this are the successful
ones. … (110) [Believers], you are the best community singled out for people:
you order what is right, forbid what is wrong, and believe in God.”
Here the concept of a da‘wa (realized by asingle prophet) is broadened to
incorporate the concept of acommunal observation of da‘wa. The link between
da‘wa and umma may be seen as adevelopment within the Qur’a nic da‘wa theology.
This concept can essentially only be found in the Medinan Surahs dating
from the years 622–632 AD.
This give rise to two things: (1) Bearer of the da‘wah: After Muhạmmad’s
death, the da‘wa is assigned to the umma as awhole. (2) The content of the
da‘wa is more narrowly defined: What characterizes the umma is that it urges

§1 The Call to Islam in the Qur’a nand in Early Muslim History 19
what is right and forbids what is wrong. (3:104) In away, we can say that when
rightly led, the umma itself is da‘wa, not onlyinthe sense that its assignment is
the propagation of the invitation of Allah, but also in the sense that it incorporates
the essential directive of this da‘wa, namely to urge what is right and to
forbid what is wrong. Hence da‘wa should be understood as an invitation to
the umma, precisely because the umma is characterized by doing what is
right. This distinction tends to broaden the conceptofthe da‘wa,making it rather
unwieldy. The term becomes imprecise, and all the more so since its essential
directive – to urge what is right etc. – makes it appear to be an expression of
this essence, namely of religious law. This implies that instances where da‘wa is
equated with umma or sharīa may therefore be understood as conditioned by
the conceptual link between these three entities.
(f) For human existence, the call to God reaches its objective when the dead
are called from this earth. After the call from the earth, which is also carried out
by angels on behalf of God, comes the time in the grave, followed by the call to
the resurrection. According to tradition, and with reference to Sura 30:25 (“In
the end, you will all emerge when He calls you from the earth”), this call will
be uttered by the angel Gabriel. In terms of systematics, we come full circle:
The call to worship God leads to submission to the will of God in this world,
transitions into the call from this world, and comes to its conclusion as people
are called into God’s world in the beyond.
(g) In the Qur’a n, messengers ofGod are referred to not only as callers
(dua t in Arabic), but also using various other terms. Our context unfortunately
prohibits us from carrying out an in-depth analysis of these terms here. Suffice
it to say that the list of terms includes the following (by no means exhaustive)
selection:
– rasu l (messenger): Again and again it is emphasized that to each nation a
messenger was sent. “We sent amessenger (rasu l) toevery community
(umma), saying, ‘Worship God and shun false gods.’” (16:36)
– shahīd (witness): Words derived from the root sh-h-d occur frequently inthe
Qur’a nand constitute an entire theology of witness. The following verse deserves
mention as an important reference: “The day will come when We
raise up awitness (shahīd) from every community (umma), when the disbelievers
will not be allowed to make excuses or amends.” (16:84)
– nabī (prophet): All the different aspects of being sent are reflected by the
character of the prophet, but they are certainly not limited to prophets.
“Mankind was asingle community, then God sent prophets to bring good
news and warning, and with them He sent the Scripture with the Truth,
to judge between people in their disagreements.” (2:213)
– nadīr (warner): “Whenever We sent amessenger before you to warn atownship,
those corrupted by wealth said, in the same way, ‘We saw our fathers
following this tradition; we are only following in their footsteps .’” (43:23)

20 I. Dawa from the Beginnings Until the 19th century
– bashīr (messenger of joy): “We have sent you with the Truth as abearer of
good news (bashīr)and warning (nadīr). Every community (umma)has been
sent awarner.” (35:24)
The umma itself can be described as shahīd: “We have made you [believers] into
ajust community (umma wasatạn), so that you may bear witness [to the truth]
before others and so that the Messenger may bear witness [to it] before you.”
(2:143) To paraphrase, the community finds itself between the revealed guidance
on the one hand and the guidance which is to be proclaimed by warning
and witness on the other hand. Witness becomes the task of the entire umma of
Muslims.This is tantamount to the task of extending the invitation to Allah. The
entire umma of the faithful is expected to extend this invitation: “Be acommunity
(umma – i. e. acommunity of believers) that calls for what is good, urges
what is right, and forbids what is wrong: those who do this are the successful
ones.” (3:104)
Another expression which describes the task of the emissaries ingeneral is
the phrase “delivery of the message.” This is expressed in Arabic by forms of
the verb b-l-gh (especially FormIV). The delivery of the Qur’a nic message is generally
described as acommission given to the prophets. This commission flows
from God’s unalterable decision and finds its culmination in Muhạmmad: “This
was God’s practice with those who went before – God’s command must be fulfilled
– (39) [and with all] those who deliver God’s messages and fear only Him
and no other: (…) (40) Muhammad is (…) the seal of the prophets.” (33:38–40)
The commission is universal. This is expressed in the fact that the delivery of
the message islinked to the statement that aprophet has been sent to every
nation.
However, the broad scope of the topic ofpropagation in the Qur’a nand the
diverse terminology employed do not alter the fact that in Islamic history, the
term da‘wa increasingly came to serve as the technical term for the spread of
Islam. Although various other words could be used to explain the term, it
was never sidelined or replaced by any of them. In the next section, we will attempt
to trace the development of the term on the basis of various phases of the
history of the spread of Islam.
2. AShort History of the Early Expansion of Islam
The history of the spread ofIslam has always attracted the attention of Western
authors. For along time, Islam was said to have spread using “fire and the
sword.” In contrast, at the end of the 19 th century, the English Islamic scholar
T.W. Arnold argued in his work The Preaching ofIslam that Islam had expanded

II. Da‘wa in the 20 th Century:
Organizations and Ideologies
One important new development in the 20 th century was the emergence of a
large number ofindependent da‘wa organizations. In the new framework of
nation states, these organizations posed achallenge to governments. Whether
directed at colonial rulers or at post-independence Islamic governments, the
call to Islam was understood as an appeal for societal change in the sense of
true Islamic identity and praxis. In each case, the call to Islam was associated
with the respective organization issuing the call. As apower discourse, the
praxis of da‘wa called into question the legitimacy of the governments of countries
considering themselves to be Islamic, as well as the legitimacy of their current
social praxis. In the process, distinct differences could be seen in terms of
the models of da‘wa theories and da‘wa praxis.
Reform-oriented thinker and activist RashīdRidạ deserves mention as one of
the first Muslims wanting toanchor da‘wa to an independent institution. Ridạ
embodies the beginnings of anew movement within the Islamic world: The
drive to establish more and more independent organizations aimed in asense
at bringing about a return to Islam and at disseminating the message of
Islam outside the Islamic umma. This was a global phenomenon. Born in
Syria in 1865, Muhạmmad RashīdRidạ (1865–1935) was aclose disciple of Muhạmmad
Abduh. 37 Ridạ certainly also understood da‘wa as an invitation to
Islam extended to non-Muslims. His efforts to found amission school should
be seen along these lines. These efforts led to the establishment of such amission
school in 1911–1912. Though there may have been underlyingmotives behind
the establishment of this first Islamic mission school, the immediate reason
was tied to the allocation of territories in Sudan to various Christian
mission societies by the British colonial government at the turn of the twentieth
37
E. E. Shahin, Art. Rashīd Rida ,Muhammad, in: The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Modern
Islamic World, Vol. III (Oxford: OUP, 1995), 410–412; D. Kerr, Islamic Dawa and Christian
Mission: Towards AComparative Analysis, in: International Review of Mission 89
(2000), No. 353, 150–171.

46 II. Da‘wa in the 20th Century: Organizations and Ideologies
century.When Muslims in Cairo applied to have areas allocated for Islamic mission
initiatives aswell, their application was rejected, ostensibly because there
were no Islamic missionary organizations to which this task could be entrusted.
The student makeup of the mission school founded in 1911 was international
in character, but the school closed down rather quickly as aresult of circumstances
at the time. Ridạ had previously already articulated the agenda of this
mission school in anumber of newspaper articles. His aim was to purify Islam
by abolishing folk religious and heterodox elements and practices. In this sense,
this was an appeal to true Islam. In addition, he had from the beginning intended
to establish an organized da‘wa among non-Muslims. Similar missionary initiatives
were also attempted in other parts ofthe Islamic world at this time.
§3Hạsan al-Banna ’ and the Muslim Brotherhood
In contrast to da‘wa attempts carried out in the national interest, the Muslim
Brotherhood believes that such endeavors should be carried out not by the
state itself, but rather by society as awhole. Accordingly, the Muslim Brotherhood
aims to transform society by means ofthe appeal to Islam. The appeal to
Islam also includes asummons to support and join that community which represents
true Islam – meaning the Muslim Brotherhood itself.
1. Hạsan al-Banna ’ (1906–1949) and the Early Years of the MB
Founded by Hạsan al-Banna ’ in Egypt in the year 1928, the Muslim Brotherhood
soon spread to other states like Syria, Jordan, and the Sudan. 38 Even though the
appeal to Islam initially took center stage, in 1937 the Brotherhood also began
to train amilitary wing of the organization. Paramilitary units of the Muslim
Brotherhood were deployed during World War II. In its checkered history, the
Muslim Brotherhood was banned as an organization in Egypt several times,
and anumber of assassinations ofleading politicians in the country can be
traced back to the Brotherhood, which was becoming more and more radicalized.
Since the seventies some more militaristic groups have split off from
the Muslim Brotherhood, and these groups combine an isolationist ideology
38
P. S. Khoury, Art. Muslim Brotherhood in Syria, in: The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Modern
Islamic World, Vol. III (Oxford: OUP, 1995), 191–194; B. Milton-Edwards, Art. Muslim
Brotherhood in Jordan, in: The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Modern Islamic World,
Vol. III (Oxfrod: OUP, 1995), 194–197; G. R. Warburg, Art. Muslim Brotherhood in
Sudan, in: The Oxford Encyclopedia of The Modern Islamic World, Vol. III (Oxford:
OUP, 1995), 197–201.

§3Hạsan al-Banna ’ and the Muslim Brotherhood 47
with armed terrorism. By contrast, the Muslim Brotherhood has repeatedly emphasized
that its task is to appeal to true Islam using peaceful means.
Hạsan al-Banna ’ has become known as the founder of the Muslim Brotherhood.
39 This movement like no other shaped the political history of Egypt in the
twentieth century. Al-Banna ’ was still ayoung man when he joined a Sụ fī-Order
called Hạsạfiyya. At the age of thirteen, he became the secretary of the Hạsạfiyya
Society for Charity, founded by this brotherhood. 40 The Hasafiyya Society
for Charity had adopted two objectives: To fight for the survival of Islamic morality,
and to present an Islamic response to the work of Christian missionaries
in the city. Hạsan al-Banna ’ saw the work of this organization as abasis for and
in acertain sense also as aprecursor of the Muslim Brotherhood he would later
found. This early period led al-Banna ’ to appreciate the significance of astrong
relationship between aspiritual (Sụ fī⌥) master and his apprentice. Italso gave
rise to his positive attitude towards Islamic mysticism, provided that such mysticism
did not manifest asanerroneous “innovation” (bid‘a in Arabic) or some
form of heresy.
In the 1920s, al-Banna ’ moved to Cairo in pursuit of higher education,
studying at the Da r al ‘Ulu m. At the time, there was among the elites of
Cairo and Alexandria a secularistic Western tendency which governed the
media (newspapers, books, magazines, etc.) and predominated in corresponding
residential areas and public institutions like restaurants, coffee houses, theaters,
nightclubs, and cinemas. Having grown up in rural Egypt, al-Banna ’ perceived
these societal changes taking place in the city as expressions of an
un-Islamic lifestyle which he believed to have acorrosive effect on Islamic
unity. After completing his teacher training (in 1927), al-Banna ’ decided to devote
himself to reforming Islamic life. He soon gathered around himself agroup
of students whose aim was to strive for areturn to Islam. The students were
sent out to preach Islam not only in mosques, but also in public and especially
in coffee houses. Emissaries were also deployed in rural areas, both toappeal to
Islam and to propagate the ideas of al-Banna ’.
39
40
R. P. Mitchell, The Society of the Muslim Brothers (London: OUP, 1969); A. S. Moussalli,
Hạsan al-Banna ’s Islamist Discourse on Constitutional Rule and Islamic State, in: Journal
of Islamic Studies 4:2 (1993), 161–174; D. Commins, Hasan al-Banna (1906–1949),
in: A. Rahnema, (ed.), Pioneers of Islamic Revival (London /New Jersey: Zed Books,
1994), 125–153; D. Sagiv, Fundamentalism and Intellectuals in Egypt, 1973–1993 (London,
1993), 1–66; B. Lia, The Society of the Muslim Brothers in Egypt. The Rise of an
Islamic Mass Movement 1928–1942 (Reading (UK): Ithaca Press, 1998), 161–198.
See also: C. R. Wickham, The Muslim Brotherhood and the Mubarak Regime, 1995–
2001, in: eadem, Mobilizing Islam. Religion, Aktivism and Political Change in Egypt
(New York /Chichester: Columbia Univ. Press, 2002), 214–226.
J. S. Trimingham, The Sufi Orders in Islam (Oxford: At The Claredon Press, 1971), 251.

48 II. Da‘wa in the 20th Century: Organizations and Ideologies
As time went on, al-Banna ’ became more and more convinced that the traditional
mosque nolonger sufficed to govern society according to the rules of
Islam. The establishment of an independent organization thus appears to be a
logical consequence ofthis insight. Another point of his agenda also seems
to have been set during this early stage already: The emissaries were sent
out not to become active in political and social organizations, but primarily to
inspire simple people to live out the Islamic faith again. This clearly shows
the influence of Sụ fīsm, which al-Banna ’ was trying to apply in the broader
sense: Whereas initially, his focus was on the individual Muslim or Muslims,
he hoped in the course of the renewal process for the transformation of society
as awhole. In the summer of 1927, he leftCairo and went to live and work as an
Arabic teacher at aprimary school in the city of Ismailiya near the Suez Canal,
staying there until 1946. Here the British influence was palpable since the
headquarters of the Suez Canal Company was located in Ismailiya, aswere
the luxurious bungalows of the Britons responsible for the infrastructure. Moreover,
aBritish military camp clearly communicated the status of the British
working here.
In order to avoid getting drawn into political disputes, al-Banna ’ began to
preach not in the local mosques but in the city’s three main coffee houses.
By means of regular visits and brief speeches he was soon able to attract interested
listeners, very quickly gathering around himself asmall circle of followers
to whom he provided additional instruction in private. The Muslim Brotherhood
had been founded in 1928 already and had spread throughout Egypt within the
following four years. Hạsan al-Banna ’ served as its leader until his death. In the
1930s, al-Banna ’ began to expand his political activism by sending written messages
to all kings and prime ministers or governmental representatives ofArabic
countries, calling on them to enact societal reforms in the sense of acomprehensive
Islamization. His tract entitled Towards the Light (nahẉa an-nu r in
Arabic) contains awide-ranging and detailed catalog for the Islamization of social
life. The introduction of print media contributed to the dissemination of the
body of thought ofthe Muslim Brotherhood among the general population. By
the end of 1938, the Brotherhood had founded its own publishing house, magazines,
and cultural programs.
2. Dawa According to Hạsan al-Banna ’ –Theory and Practice
As early as 1936, al-Banna ’ had authoredaletter to the king and prime minister
of Egypt and to other rulers of the Arabic world, in which he called on them
actively to advocate for an Islamic social order. Al-Banna ’ continued todevelop
his agenda in later editions of this tract, but the basic flow of his argumentation

§3Hạsan al-Banna ’ and the Muslim Brotherhood 49
and aims changed only gradually. He frequently refers to the drive to Islamize
society using the term da‘wa.
In his tract entitled Da‘watuna ,meaning Our Message or Our Mission, al-
Banna ’ systematically outlines his program as follows: “Listen, Brother! Our
mission is one described most comprehensively by the term ‘Islamic’, though
this word has ameaning broader than the narrow definition understood by people
generally. We believe that Islam is an all-embracing concept which regulates
every aspect of life, adjudicating on every one its concerns and prescribing for it
asolid and rigorous order. (…) Some people mistakenly understand by Islam
something restricted to certain types ofreligious observances or spiritual exercises,
and confine themselves and their understanding to theses narrow areas
determined by their limited grasp. But we understand Islam – as opposed to
this view – very broadly and compehensively as regulating the affairs ofmen
in this world and the next.” 41
This clearly amounts to aradicalization of Salafi thinking, which we may
summarize with the term neo-Salafiyya: (a) The referential association between
revelation, reason, and society isgenerally defined in such away that Islam no
longer refers merely to religious practices in the narrow sense. According to al-
Banna ’, Islam is not simply a religion, but “an all-embracing concept which regulates
every aspect of life”. (b) As acomprehensive order, Islam is seen as an
alternative concept to current (undesirable) social developments. This draws attention
ever more to the inevitability of an exclusive decision for or against this
alternative concept. (c) The return to the Qur’a nand to the sunna is envisioned
such that all rational people (and especially Muslims) will intuitively grasp the
internal consistency of the consequences for which the reformist group is striving.
Al-Banna ’ argues that because this view can be directly traced back to the
Qur’a n, people simply need to study the Qur’a ninorder to understand the
teachings and praxis of the Muslim Brotherhood. But since no political support
for this program can be expected from governmental or social institutions,
it needs tobeimplemented by other means. Hạsan al-Banna ’ prefers to conceptualize
da‘wa work as away from below. He sees the way leading from the individual
to the group and from the group to society asawhole. The goal of the
comprehensive Islamization ofsociety istobeachieved only by way of amass
movement. Inthe ideology of al-Banna ’, neither military force nor political/institutional
decrees may be employed; persuasion is the only acceptable
means to which this da‘wa movement may resort.
41
Vgl. H. al-Banna ,Our Mission (dawatuna )(1936), in: C. Wendell, Five Tracts of Hasan
al-Banna (1906–1949), trans. by C. Wendell (Berkeley: Univ. of Califonia Press, 1978),
40–68, 46f. – Emphasis added.

50 II. Da‘wa in the 20th Century: Organizations and Ideologies
Al-Banna ’ reasons that from an Islamic point of view, human community
rests on two pillars – on all people having descended from Adam, and on the
fact that all people are called to do good. The differences between the religions
need to be overcome, and the same goes for the differences within Islam.
Whereas the latter have the bond of religion in common, what the religions
have in common is the bond of the Islamic da‘wa, since the call as an invitation
to Islam applies to all of them. The differences may be understood as expressions
of different aptitudes, perceptive faculties, and historic circumstances.
Thus no matter how legitimate they may be, these differences – both between
Muslims and between the religions – may not divert attention away from the
heart of the matter, “since God desires only that this religion last, survive,
and endure for ages and eons. It is for this reason easy, flexible, simple, and
mild, without rigidity or severity.” 42 This is the nature of religion itself.
Al-Banna ’s conception of da‘wa may be characterized asabottom-up mission,
since he expects the Islamization of society to take place not by way of
agovernmental or institutional apparatus of power, but in the first instance
by the transformation of individual Muslims.The aim is not to create an Islamic
state, but to establish atruly Islamic society (at least initially). The idea is that
the social engagement ofthe Muslim Brotherhood will play asignificant role in
the process. Firstly, individuals must become true Muslims, then whole families,
then the society, and finally the state.
The first da‘wa emissaries ofthe Muslim Brotherhood were trained in the
years after 1936. Following the example of the hijra of the Prophet Muhạmmad
and the model of Hạsan al-Banna ’s own restless travels throughout Egypt,
young students were trained in summer courses and then sent out to certain
areas, usually to provinces and their centers. These young propagandists
were known as callers or emissaries (du‘a t in Arabic). Money was raised within
the Brotherhood to provide them with alivelihood. Al-Banna ’ wrote atract in
which he described at length the various methods of proclamation according
to the respective addressees. Once ayear, afestive event was held during
which emissaries were commissioned and given a certificate assigning to
them the right of proclamation and of support by the Brotherhood. Da‘wa
trips generally lasted about amonth. Whereas there were only twelve students
in the year 1936, the number of emissaries soon grew exponentially.
In 1939, a Summer Team for Preaching and Leadership was created and
led by al-Banna ’ himself. This institution provided the framework for carrying
out the practical and theoretical training of the emissaries. Such efforts were
first conducted in Cairo and soon elsewhere as well. Similar training institutes
were created in the various provinces of Egypt. In 1939, various degrees were
introduced into the education of emissaries. One degree was awarded for knowl-
42
H. al-Banna ,Our Mission, 58.

III. Dawa-Theologies inthe
20 th Century International
Sunni Discourse
Islamic dawa discourse underwent asustained period of development through
the 20 th century. The number of movements, initiatives and organizations grew
steadily at aglobal level. Such growth illustrates how dawa efforts responded
to changed circumstances and how they have undergone gradual development
through sustained encounter with different worldviews and religions.
Introduction
Before presenting these new developments, weshall examine actual global developments
ofimportance for the Islamic dawa as well as the general conditions
for the expansion of other religions.
Globalization, Pluralization and dawa. Since the 1989 collapse of the eastern
block, the terms “globalization” and “pluralization” have come to describe
the general political and economic atmosphere. Though there may be large variation
across the particular social contexts, for the different religions and worldviews
these conditions present similar challenges. The following will highlight a
few of these general characteristics.
“Globalization” includes ahuge semantic range and any attempt at definition
is, for sociologist Ulrich Beck, like trying “to nail a pudding on the
wall.” 86 This notwithstanding, it remains possible to sketch abroad outline.
First, globalization indicates the growing economic network that developed
after the collapse communism. Globally, different markets became accessible
in away that was not previously true. Next to no national economy is today independent
of the world market and the flow of capital through the investments
of multinational companies, the so-called “global players.” With the demise of a
socialistic alternative, the capitalist market economy is unchallenged, and has
clearly resulted in growing political interdependencies. Second, there is agrow-
86
U. Beck, What is Globalization? (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2000), 41.

84 III. Dawa-Theologies in the 20th Century International Sunni Discourse
ing media network. The different contexts of the world are increasingly connected
via the Internet, e-mail, television etc. Geographical distance is not the limiting
factor it once was. Third, there is agrowing cultural interaction. Through
these developments and the greater awareness of foreign cultural contexts,
one can perceive the spread of aglobal “Hyper-culture.” Through the consummation
of similar products, atype of cultural universalism, a “McWorld,” is
emerging.
Migration and Pluralistic societies. Such developments result in the extensive
pluralization of very different societies. Global migration and the consequential
growth of ethnical, cultural and religious minorities in different countries
exacerbate this plurality. Coexistence in apluralistic context is, for many
societies, arecent phenomenon and its many implications still need to be
worked through. In the final phases of decolonization during the sixties large
Islamic diaspora communities developed in France (with Algerian refugees),
in Great Britain (with Pakistani migrants) or in the Netherlands (with migrants
from Surinam and Indonesia), and, as aresult of aworker shortage, inthe sixties
and seventies in Germany (with Turkish migrants). Equally, large Christian
diaspora communities can be found in Islamic countries, seen, for example, in
Filipino workers in Saudi-Arabia and other Arabic states.
Plurality and Identity. These global developments have stimulated anincreasing
interest in identity, especially were this is perceived as endangered
by the global hyper culture or requires particular definition over against the
pluralistic context. Such efforts at retaining and strengthening one’s identity
can, after acertain period, produce an external orientation. Many of the socalled
“fundamentalist movements” (in this study Iemploy the more inclusive
and neutral term “revitalization movements”) can be interpreted as areaction
against these global developments. The establishment and associated propagation
of religious identity over against the entire society invites arange of challenges
for different religious communities.
– Identity and the other: Many religious communities have the task of describing
their own identity in the context of anew social framework.
– Identity and media: The ubiquitous media culture requires new means for
the transmission of religious traditions from one generation to the next.
– Identity and propagation: The contemporary context challenges the right to
propagate one’s own religious tradition and praxis.
– Identity and other worldviews: One’s own identity has to be described over
against alternative religions and worldviews in all their peculiarity.
– Identity and new contexts: The religious community must develop political
or social proposals toaddress issues arising from new contexts, such as urbanization,
environmental questions, social changes, ethical questions in
relation to technical developments, poverty and health, etc.

Introduction 85
While this list might be easily enlarged, the basic frame of reference is important
for astudy into dawa theologies and strategies because it indicates both
the central question of how one defines “Islam” or “true Islam” and that this
definition is itself framed by the context of reactive self-assertiveness and propagation.
Dawa theories in the Sunnitic Discourse. An escalating volume of monographs
dealing with dawa has occurred over the recent decades. This is properly
a global discourse as the authors come from different continents and
contexts. Asmight be expected, aregional centre lies in Arabia. Many of the
authors hail from Egypt 87 , Saudi Arabia 88 , Syria 89 and the Lebanon 90 . But
works also derive from the Indo-Pakistani area 91 ,from Southeast Asia 92 and finally
from the USA 93 and Europe 94 .The literature in the footnotes only provide a
few examples.
87
88
89
90
91
92
93
See among others: M. A. bin- c Ali Mahdali, Ad-dawa al-islamīya fi ’l-asṛ al-hạ dịr (al-
Qa hira, 1996) (“Islamic Dawa in the Contemporary Age”); M. A. A. al-Jauharī, Ta’ammula
tqur’a nīya fi ’d-dawa wa-’l- mujtama, (al-Qa hira: Maktabat al-Wahba, 1998) (“Qurʼa n-
ic considerations on dawa and society”); M. Mala ika, Fī usụ lad-dawa: muqtabasa tmin
kutub ad-duktu rYu suf al-Qaradạ wī (al-Qa hira: Maktabat Wahba, 1999) (“On the priciples
of dawa: Quotations of the books of doktor Yu suf al-Qaradạ wī”); M. A. al-Quddu s,
Fī ’d- dawa wa-’d dua h (al-Qa hira: Nahdạt Misṛ, 2000) (“On the Call to Islam and the
Caller”).
See among others. Abdul Azeez ibn Abdullah Ibn Baz (1998): Words of Advice Regarding
Dawah (Birmingham, UK: Al-Hidaayah Publishing, 1998); M. Ibn Rabee Haadee al-
Madkhalee al-Qahtaanee ( 2 2000): The Methodology of the Prophets in Calling to Allaah.
That is the Way ofWisdom and Intelligence, 2 nd ed. (Birmingham, UK: Al-Hidaayah Publishing,
2000); A.-S. Marzouq, Conquest Through Ideas. Ends And Means (Makkah, dateless).
M. al-Abdah, On Contemporary Dawah,translated by Ahmad M. Ibrahim (London: Eden
Books, 1998).
Cf. A. al-Jundī, Āfa qjadīda li’d-dawa al-Isla mīya fi a lam al-gharb (Beyrut: Mu’assasat
ar-Risa la, 1984) (“New Horizonts of Islamic Dawa in the Western World”); Hạsana, U. U.,
Mura jaa tfī ’l-fikr wa-’d-dawa wa-’l-hạraka, (Beyrut, 1998) (“Studies on Reasoning,
Dawa and the Movement“).
Cf. Kh. J. Murad, Dawah among Non-muslims in the West – Some conceptual and methodological
aspects (Leicester: Islamic foundation, 1996); M. Shafiq, Islamic Dawah.
AMessage For All (Islamabad /Lahore, 1996); A. A. Islahi, Islamic Faith and itʼs Presentation
(Org., Urdu 1948, English translation by Sharif Ahmad Khan (New Delhi: Adam
Publishers &Distributors, 2004).
A. Abdurrahman, Method of Islamic Dawah (Kuala Lumpur: Perniagaan Jahabersa,
2003).
Cf. Abdullah, F. (Johnson, Steve A.), Dawah to Americans: Theory and Practice (Plainfield
(IN): Islamic Society of North America, 1984); Emerick, Y., How To Tell Others

86 III. Dawa-Theologies in the 20th Century International Sunni Discourse
Though they receive adifferent stressacross the selected corpus, each work
includes four characteristic dimensions.
(1) Analysis of society: It is fundamental to dawa theology to enquire after
the undesirable developments in society (morally, economically, politically,
etc.), observable at boththe local and global levels. In general, these undesirable
developments are attributed toother social groups or historical developments,
and this analysis frames the call to and corresponding expression of Islam.
(2) The Spiritual Ground of Islam: Special attention focuses on the spiritual
ground of Islamic existence and the associated call to live in accordance with
Islamic precepts. One stress falls on the inner conduct of Muslims, which
alone constitutes the sufficient basis for dawa and correct conduct in every aspect
of life.
(3) Historic reconstruction of the dawa method: The majority of authors attempt
to construct aform of dawa method by referring tothe Islamic “early
history” (the history of Muhammad and the first caliphs) and to the pre-Islamic
prophets. The general assumption is that an ideal and eternally valid form of
dawa exists and that this can be extrapolated from pre-Islamic and Islamic history.
(4) Practical methodological formulations: Many authors devote attention to
the practical application of dawa – sapient methods, media techniques, communication
theory, and tactical and organizational perspectives.
The following chapter will focus on aselection of authors from Sunni Islam,
and their particular formulation of the central questions and different dawa
models. Four contributors, originating from different corners of the Islamic
world, receive detailed attention. Muhạmmad Shafiq is Pakistani by birth. Shafiq’s
work mirrors the dawa theology and strategies ofone of the most important
Pakistani dawa institutions, the International Islamic University in Islamabad
and the related Dawa Academy. Shafiq emphasizes the shaping power of
Islam for the entire society, but does so without sharing in the radical consequences
ofthe neo-salafītic approaches. Shamim Siddiqi, born in India, later
on moved to Pakistan. He currently lives in the United States. Siddiqi’s writings
detail an approach with clear implications towards amilitant understanding of
dawa. Rabī Ibn Ha dī al-Madkhalī proceeds in anearly diametrical direction.
This Saudi Arabian author, who teached at the Islamic University in Medina, de-
94
About Islam, 3rd ed. (Long Island City: International Books &Tapes Supply, 1996);
A. H. Sakr, Dawah Through Dialogue (Lombard, IL: Foundation for Islamic Knowledge,
1999).
A. von Denffer, Dawa in der Zeit des Propheten – Der Ruf zum Islam des Propheten
Muhammad (s) und seiner Gefährten, in: Al-Islam 3 (1998), 13–18; Al-Islam 5
(1998), 15–19; S. Mourad (2000): Gedanken über die Einladung von Nichtmuslimen
zum Islam, in Al-Islam 4(2000), 10–16; Al-Islam 5(2000), 4–7.

§7 Muhạmmad Shafiq –Dawa and Reform 87
lineates aclear wahha bitical approach accented by ulama . With the South African
Islamic Liberation theologian Farid Esack, adawa theology emerges that
is – contrary to all other approaches – decisively based in the context of religious
pluralism. As aco-founder and leading representative of the South African
Islamic Group of Theologians (the name of the group: Call of Islam) 95 , Esack is
not only an Islamic scholar, but an activist of great importance. One might characterize
his approach as modern-salafītistic.
The presented approaches, while necessarily limited, constitute arepresentative
selection in light of the common source material. The intention of these
thinkers to communicate to awider social public constitutes one further selection
criteria. Toresearch the dawa theories of militant groups would necessitate
aseparate project. Asummary of the different models is presented in
the last section of this chapter.
§7 Muhạmmad Shafiq –Dawa and Reform
After receiving aclassical Islamic training, Muhammad Shafiq served as aProfessor
in the Department of Islamic Studies at the University of Peshawar in Pakistan
until 1997. Inthe same year, he relocated to the USA and is presently
Imam and Executive Director of the influential Islamic Centre, and Executive
Director ofthe Centre for Interfaith Studies and Dialogue at the Nazareth College,
both located in Rochester, New York. 96 His book, Islamic Dawah: AMessage
For all, addressed to an international audience, first appeared in 1996. 97
Shafiq worked closely with the International Islamic University in Islamabad,
and specifically with the Dawa Academy located there. Awhole chapter in
this work is devoted to the training programs (121–153), which have both anational
and international focus, of Dawa Academy.
1. Dawa as aDuty for Every Muslim
Shafiq regards dawa as abinding obligation on Muslims. Scholars differ over
whether this duty applies only to especially trained experts or to every Muslim.
Shafiq opts for aboth/and approach: specialization is necessary, but its absence
does not excuse the dawa duty of all Muslims. The task of dawa includes both
remuneration (20) for its execution and punishment for failure to perform it.
95
96
97
It is worth noting that Call of Islam is different from Call to Islam.
Vgl. dazu: www.theicr.org und www.naz.edu/dept/cisd .
M. Shafiq, Islamic Dawah: AMessage for All (Rawalpindi: Universal Books, 1996), 10.
The numbers of this section refer to this book.

88 III. Dawa-Theologies in the 20th Century International Sunni Discourse
Specialization is considered necessary because dawa, asaconstant process,
needs to be organized. (22) The author derives his end-point for dawa from
the analysis of the contemporary situation in many Muslim countries and in
the Islamic diaspora.
An Analysis of the Current Situation. For Shafiq, the present context in many
Islamic areas might be characterized by ignorance towards Islam as such. Few
have really internalized Islam, resulting in ageneral ignorance, fanaticism and
barbarism, internal divisions amongst Muslims and aggressive attitudes towards
non-Muslims. Shafiq regards this behavior as counter-productive to the
task of dawa. In addition, he attributes constant seeking of inspiration from
the past and the “backwardness” of many Islamic societies to this ignorance.
(25) In reaction, it must be asserted that Islam isarational religion in accordance
with the natural talents of mankind. Failing to acknowledge this or to hinder
its realization is an expression of ignorance. It is against this backdrop that
Shafiq developed this understanding of dawa and the thrust ofthe encompassing
dawa activities.
Dawa as isla ̣ ḥ. Aconcentration on the reform (isla ̣ ḥ) ofIslam is the principal
task of the present. “Dawah work should concentrate on Islah reformation
on all levels.” (23) The necessary activities in this context require ahigh degree
of organization, perseverance and patience on behalf of the co-workers. Dawa
helps Islam reflect upon itself and shows agreat interest in arenewal of Islam
through intensive education programs. The permanent recall to Islam through
dawa activities occurs both in apreventive and arestitutive way. It is preventive
because only by participating in dawa it is possible to avoid internal struggles
and oppressive structures (fitṇa) and to be lured in the wrong direction
(fasa d). The call to the true Islam is matched by the call to Islamic unity
(umma). It is restitutive because dawa is apower against different forms of injustice,
oppression and the misuse of political or other power. The vision is to
fight against injustice and “oppression” (zụlm). Suffering, hardships and the
presence of many obstacles characterize the dawa engagement of the Muslims.
Resistance against dawa derives from Satan or the general enemies of Islam –
aprinciple that applies regardless ofthe concrete form of resistance in any specific
instance. Armed conflict against these powers should not be the aim, but it
is not precluded as alast recourse. One should opt for the fight only when the
victory is sure or when the possibility of bloodshed would be low. Nevertheless,
Shafiq considers the use of military power anopen option. (21–23)
The main task of dawa – understood as “reform” (isla ̣ ḥ) – is that of spreading
the knowledge of, deepening, and strengthening Islam. The “reading”
(’iqra ’) ofthe Qur’an and the sunna is indispensible to this end. If possible,
this reading should be undertaken using the original Arabic language. The
“written word” (qalm) isofgreat importance along with “the power ofspeech”
(al-baya n). (26) These basic elements may have to be transferred to different or-

§7 Muhạmmad Shafiq –Dawa and Reform 89
ganisational forms, atopic to which we shall return. Yet, the priorities themselves
emerge, on the one hand, from the principles of the Qur’an. Shafiq, On
the other hand, argues in acontextual manner. Regarding the contemporary
media culture he states: “It is not the sword that controls the modern world:
it is the print and electronic media that today determine the fate of people
and the superiority of one nation over another. Dawah institutions and organizations
run by committedMuslims have toput their resources together to meet
modern world challenges.” (26) For Shafiq, it is the duty of every Muslim to
meet the challenges ofsocieties worldwide in an adequate way building from
the basic foundation of the Islamic religion.
2. Dawa as aDialogical Encounter
Under the heading “Principles of Dawah,” the author articulates abasic framework
for undertaking dawa. Above all, dawa is to be executed without any
force or coercion. This position rests on the clear direction of Sura 2:256: “No
coercion in religion”. (27) Furthermore, ifAllah had wanted all human beings
to be Muslim, he could have achieved this without difficulty. Some meaning
must lie in why Allah has not chosen so to act. But, whatever the answer,
the main point is clear: only Allah prepares people to convert to Islam or to
close themselves toward Islam. (28) Dawa, asaresult, becomes aprocess of
dialogical interaction.
Shafiq supports this mode of dawa by citing Sura 16:125.Inthe translation
given by Shafiq: “Invite (all) on the Way ofthy Lord with wisdom (hikmah) and
beautiful preaching (al mawʼizat al hasanah); and argue with them in the ways
that are best and most gracious: for thy Lord knoweth best who have strayed
from His path and who receive guidance”. (28 f.) From this, Shafiq develops
both the beginnings of an Islamic theology of religions and astarting point
for dawa as dialogue.
Dawa as an invitation for thinking and the dialogical constitution ofthe
human being. According to Shafiq, every human being has an innate right to
think and to be allowed to think. From this axiom follows aparticular understanding
of Islamic dawa. “Dawah is an invitation to think, to debate and to
argue.” (27) Any force is strictly forbidden. Dawa should, instead, stimulate
aprocess of reflection and encourage an exchange. Facilitating this kind of encounter
requires aspecial sensibility. Shafiq argues that: “In Dawah work, the
use of wisdom (hikmah) isthe most important. Abul Ala Mawdudi in his Tafhim
al Qurʼa n, (16:125) says that the tone, manner, method and content of
Dawah shall be adjusted wisely and judiciously according to the time, occasion,
place and educational level of the person(s) addressed. Al Mawizat al Hasanah
(the best of advice, beautiful preaching) refers to satisfies the needs ofthe

Henning Wrogemann, Dr. theol. habil, born in 1964, holds the chair
for Science of Religion and Intercultural Theology at the Protestant
University Wuppertal, Germany. He also heads the Institute
for Intercultural Theology and Interreligious Studies (IITIS) at the
Protestant University Wuppertal (www.iitis.de). His work focuses
on intercultural hermeneutics, mission and dialog, interreligious
relations and contemporary issues in Islam.
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