Equality Issue

E Q U A L I T Y
the equality issue
E Q U A L I T Y
ISSUE no. 1 2025

FROM: EDITOR-IN-CHIEF
Striving for Equality in an Unequal World
Dear Readers,
As we put together this issue of Utblick Magazine, one word has echoed
through our discussions, our research, and our writing—equality. A
deceptively simple concept, equality remains one of the most persistent
challenges of our time, shaping global politics, economies, and societies in
complex and often unpredictable ways. While we may universally acknowledge
its necessity, the pathways toward true equality remain contested, fraught
with historical injustices, systemic barriers, and diverging ideologies.
In this issue, you will find analyses of inequality concerning women’s
rights, health, and pay along with global movements that strive to alleviate
such inequalities, making space for women in decision-making roles, a deep
dive into the disparities that overtourism has created, and a closer look at
class and urban inequalities. We finally address the classes between
indigenous people, tribes and governments that are adamant to impose laws
and cultural traits.
We recognize that equality is not a destination but an ongoing struggle. It
demands critical reflection, engagement, and most importantly, action. As
readers of Utblick Magazine, you are part of this conversation. We invite you
to question, challenge, and contribute to the discourse, because only
through collective effort can we move closer to a world that truly values
and upholds the rights of all its inhabitants.
We hope this issue informs, provokes, and inspires you to think about
equality in new ways—and perhaps, to take part in shaping a more just
future.
Last, but not least, a sincere appreciation for
Utblick’s staff writers, editors and
illustrator for their commitment to the project.
Happy reading.
Aikaterini Roka
2

For questions regarding our writing, please e-mail the
Editor-in-Chief
utblick.got@gmail.com
All illustrations by Maite Allerborn
Pictures from Unsplash
This is the first issue of Utblick 2025

STAFF
Aikaterini Roka
Editor-in-Chief and
legally responsible publisher
Luna Gao
Editor
Sylvia Bezakova
Editor
Linda H.
Editor
Maite Allerborn
Illustrator and Staff Writer
Manuel Pagura Ghioni
Staff Writer
Eetu Juvonen
Staff Writer
Emrik Solymar
Staff Writer
Sara Seregni
Staff Writer
Khalil Jezzini
Staff Writer
Oliver Kristiansson Degerborg Lena-Sophie Steinert
Giulia Penta
Staff Writer Staff Writer Staff Writer
4

Centuries of Silence: The Long Neglect of Women’s Health
Lena-Sophie Steinert p. 6-10
Urban Inequality in Paris: Between Center and Periphery
Manuel Pagura Ghioni
From dream destination to housing nightmare
Maite Allerborn Ibañez
p. 11-14
p. 15-17
Equality in Foreign Policy, Utblick Magazine Equality Issue
Emrik Solymar p. 18-21
The right to exist and to live free: the land dispute between the
Negev Bedouin and Israel
Giulia Penta p. 22-25
Why The Gender Pay Gap is Bad For Everyone, Especially in
Developing Countries
Khalil Jezzini
Cringe or not the New Zealand Parliament Haka is democratic
Oliver Kristiansson Degerborg
The Fight for Freedom: Women’s Struggle against
Discrimination in Iran
Sara Seregni
Engaging over the Champagne - Scandals, Elites, and a Ton of
Sparkling Wine
Eetu Juvonen
p. 26-29
p. 33-35
p. 36-38
p. 30-32
CONTENT
5

Centuries
of
Silence
The Long Neglect of Women’s Health
By Lena-Sophie Steinert
6

In July 2024, shocking findings made
headlines everywhere - a new pilot study
had found heavy metals in tampons. How
could such a significant issue have gone
unnoticed for so long? After all, tampons
have been around for decades, and over
100 million people use them every day.
The answer is as simple as it is outrageous:
no one had ever cared to research it. To
make matters worse, this barely scratches
the surface of a far deeper issue - women’s
health has been neglected for centuries.
Apart from a fundamental lack of
research, women are often not taken
seriously, their concerns dismissed as
mental health issues or emotional
overreactions. After being excluded from
scientific study for centuries, women are
now left to bear the consequences of these
systemic failures.
The Tip of the Iceberg
The US-American study found 12 different
metals and metalloids in the 14 most
popular tampon brands. While many of
them, such as zinc, are considered safe, the
study also found elevated concentrations of
toxic metals like cadmium, arsenic, and lead.
Lead, in particular, is classified as a major
public health concern by the World Health
Organization (WHO), as even minimal
exposure can be harmful. Due to a lack of
research, it’s unclear whether tampons
release these metals into the body and
therefore pose a health concern.
Considering that the average person uses
approximately 11,000 tampons in their
lifetime, with each one staying inside the
body for several hours at a time, the
implications of potential exposure warrant
serious investigation.
Generally speaking, the negative health
effects of heavy metals include damage to
the cardiovascular, nervous, and
endocrine system, as well as harm to the
liver, kidneys, and brain. They are also
linked to an increased risk of conditions
such as dementia, infertility, diabetes,
cancer, and complications affecting
maternal health and foetal development.
If tampons are found to contribute to
such exposure, the consequences would
be dramatic. Yet, a few months after the
study was published, the world seems to
have forgotten about it. Everyone has
seemingly moved on and tampons
remain widely used. Given the potential
health implications, it is worth asking
why this issue has received so little
scientific attention until now.
The Bigger Picture
The lack of research into women’s
health has deep historical roots. For
much of medical history, research has
been biassed towards the male
perspective, and the male body has been
used as the default model to represent all
of humanity. Sex differences have often
not been considered as a variable in
clinical and preclinical trials, where both
animal and human test subjects have
been predominantly or exclusively male.
Consequently, there is limited data on
how certain drugs or treatments affect
women, especially considering that safe
levels of drugs have been determined
based on male physiology.
7

This male-centric approach has also shaped the
general understanding of diseases. The textbook
symptoms have been based on the male experience
and treatment catered to the male body. For
instance, the most prevalent symptom of a heart
attack is generally known to be chest pain, which is
the most common symptom in men. Women,
however, are more likely to experience other
symptoms like nausea and shortness of breath, but
these signs have long been under-recognized. The
consequences are manifold. Women may not
recognise their symptoms and delay seeking care,
while health care professionals may fail to identify
their symptoms as a heart attack and therefore not
treat them accordingly, due to a lack of training on
how heart attacks can present in women. There are
still dozens of other diseases and ailments with
similar stories. How much longer must women suffer
these disparities?
The Missed Disease
Generally speaking, diseases that affect primarily or
exclusively women are fundamentally underresearched
and under-funded. The most prevalent
example to reflect this issue is endometriosis - a
chronic disease where tissue (‘lesions’) similar to the
uterine lining grows outside the uterus, typically in
the ovaries and fallopian tubes. In line with the
menstrual cycle, this leads to bleeding, inflammation,
and scarring, which causes severe, life-impacting pain
during menstrual periods, sexual intercourse, bowel
movements, and urination. It can also lead to chronic
pelvic pain, nausea, fatigue, depression, anxiety, and
infertility. With pain so debilitating that it prevents
people from going to work or school, or even moving
at all, endometriosis significantly decreases quality of
life. Approximately 10% of women and girls of
reproductive age are affected by endometriosis, yet
research into it has received insufficient attention.
8

To put this into perspective, diabetes, which affects around
10.5% of adults globally, received over 1 billion USD in
research funding from the U.S. government in 2020, while
endometriosis research received only 26 million USD, a figure
that had already been doubled compared to the previous year.
As a result of knowing very little about this disease, a cure has
not been found. On average, it takes 8.5 years to be diagnosed
with endometriosis. One of the reasons for this is that both
the general public and healthcare professionals are not aware
of this condition. Misdiagnosis is common, with symptoms
often attributed to other physical or mental health issues. This
pattern is not unique to endometriosis; other conditions that
disproportionately affect women, such as Postural Orthostatic
Tachycardia Syndrome (POTS) or migraines, face similar
challenges in research funding and recognition.
Endometriosis is also especially problematic for two other
reasons. One, the persisting stigma surrounding talking about
periods. While there has been significant progress, many people
still feel uncomfortable discussing anything related to
menstrual cycles or female anatomy, resulting in a lack of
awareness and education. Perhaps this is one of the reasons that
women remain under-recognised in the medical field. After all,
how can we understand something we can’t even articulate
without a creeping sense of shame? Especially young girls often
don’t know what a normal menstruation is supposed to look
like, making it difficult to recognize when something is wrong.
Even though regularly severe pain is abnormal, it is often
dismissed as a natural part of being a woman, leaving many to
endure symptoms in silence. As a consequence, individuals
experiencing this may not seek medical care, and even when
they do, their concerns are often downplayed. It’s a vicious
cycle where women’s pain is trivialised, these beliefs are then
passed onto their friends and daughters, and to people who
later on become health care professionals who fail to take
symptoms seriously. This highlights the second reason: the
broader tendency to dismiss women’s pain. Breaking this cycle,
after so much time of building it up, is difficult.
9

“You’re Overreacting”
The dismissal of women’s pain is not limited
to menstrual complaints, it extends across
healthcare in what is known as the gender
pain gap. This term refers to a phenomenon
where women’s pain is more likely to be
underestimated by health care professionals
than men’s. This is due to pervading gender
stereotypes - men are seen as strong and stoic,
women as emotional and prone to
exaggeration. It’s assumed that women are
quicker to complain of pain and seek care. So,
when men complain of something, it must be
really serious. However, there is no evidence
to suggest that sex contributes to one’s
likelihood to seek medical care. As a result of
these stereotypes, women are also more likely
to receive anti-anxiety medication instead of
appropriate treatments, with their pain
written off as a mental health problem.
The medical field represents yet another area
where women fall short due to systemic failures.
Perhaps if women had always been allowed to
become doctors and scientists, the medical
world would look very different today. Perhaps
the first step to make up for centuries of neglect
is to understand and discuss the ways that
medical history has failed women and how these
very failures affect them to this day. In line with
taking down gender stereotypes of all kinds, it is
vital to ensure that women’s health concerns are
taken seriously and that they receive appropriate
medical care. Research, be it of diseases or
drugs, ought to account for sex as a variable, and
research into diseases that primarily affect
women needs to receive more funding. Most
importantly, young girls need to be educated on
how their bodies work, and learn how to
recognise when something isn’t right and
articulate their ailments without shame.
10

Urban Inequality
in Paris
Between Center
and Periphery
By Manuel Pagura Ghioni
11

The
Parisian banlieues, those maligned
suburban enclaves encircling the City of
Light, stand as a stark testament to France's
enduring struggle with urban inequality.
Often teeming with immigrant populations
and socioeconomic challenges, these
peripheries present a jarring contrast to the
opulent central arrondissements, embodying
spatial segregation that perpetuates a cycle of
social and economic disparities.
The roots of this urban schism run deep,
tracing back to the grand boulevards of
Haussmann's 19th-century renovation. While
birthing the iconic cityscape we know today,
this monumental reshaping of Paris also
sowed the seeds of division, displacing
working-class families to the city's fringes.
The post-war era saw the hasty erection of
vast housing projects (HLMs) in the
banlieues, a well-intentioned attempt to
house a burgeoning workforce that ultimately
crystallized into concentrated pockets of
poverty.
As the 1970s dawned, the banlieues
underwent a metamorphosis. An influx of
immigrant populations coincided with
deteriorating living conditions, exacerbated
by the economic fallout of the 1973 oil crisis.
This transformation laid the groundwork for
the complex tapestry of social and economic
challenges that define many banlieues today.
Once envisioned as modernist utopias of
social progress, the banlieues have become
synonymous with urban decay and social
unrest. The brutalist architecture of the
grand ensembles, initially hailed as a
solution to the post-war housing crisis,
now stands as a physical manifestation of
isolation and neglect. These towering
concrete structures, often poorly
maintained and lacking in basic amenities,
create an environment of alienation that
permeates the daily lives of their
inhabitants.
Despite sporadic attempts at revitalisation,
the chasm between centre and periphery
yawns ever wider—unemployment,
poverty, and social exclusion plague the
banlieues at rates far exceeding national
averages. The stigmatization of these areas,
fueled by sensationalist media and
opportunistic politicians, creates a selffulfilling
prophecy of marginalization. This
stigma falls particularly heavily on youth
of North African and sub-Saharan descent,
who face discrimination in education,
employment, and daily life. The banlieues
become not just physical spaces of
exclusion, but psychic ones as well, shaping
the very identities of those who call them
home.
12

The socio-spatial contrasts in the Paris
region have continued to intensify. While
western Paris reinforces its status as a
bastion of affluence, northern areas have
seen a concentration of relative poverty. In
Aubervilliers, a banlieue adjacent to Paris,
a staggering 42 per cent of residents live
below the poverty line, compared to 14 per
cent nationally.
The physical boundaries between
Paris and its suburbs create tangible
disadvantages for banlieue residents.
Limited public transport
connections, exemplified by
Clichy-sous-Bois' 90-minute
journey to central Paris despite a
mere 11-mile distance,
exacerbate the isolation of these
communities. This spatial
segregation has led to a
concentration of social
housing, limited access to public
services, and higher
unemployment rates.
The educational landscape in
the banlieues further entrenches
inequality. Schools in these
areas often struggle with
overcrowding, high teacher
turnover, and limited resources. The
French education system, while
theoretically based on meritocracy,
often fails to provide equal
opportunities for banlieue youth.
The complex interplay of
socioeconomic factors, cultural
barriers, and systemic discrimination
creates a formidable obstacle to
academic success and social mobility.
The banlieues have also become crucibles of cultural
tension, where questions of national identity and
belonging are constantly negotiated. The large immigrant
populations in these areas, many from former French
colonies, grapple with the challenges of integration into a
society that often views them with suspicion. The concept
of "laïcité," or French secularism, has become a flashpoint
in these debates, particularly concerning the visibility of
Islam in public spaces.
French urban policy has attempted to
address these inequalities through various
means, including the designation of
priority neighbourhoods and efforts to
improve public transport and social
mixing. However, these
interventions have often fallen
short of addressing the underlying
structural issues, including systemic
racism and economic marginalization.
The failure of these policies is perhaps
most starkly illustrated by the recurring
episodes of urban unrest that have
erupted in the banlieues. The riots of
2005, which saw weeks of violent
confrontations between youth and police,
brought the plight of the banlieues to
international attention. These events, and
subsequent outbreaks of unrest, have
been interpreted variously as expressions
of despair, acts of rebellion against
systemic oppression, or symptoms of
failed integration.
To truly address the urban inequality plaguing Paris, a
paradigm shift is required. We must reconceptualize equality
not merely as equal access to resources, but as equal
participation in shaping the urban environment. Aligning
with the concept that Lefevre pushed forward in 1968, I’m
talking here about the "right to the city," empowering
banlieue residents to actively participate in urban planning
and decision-making processes that affect their communities.

Urban Inequality in Paris
The path forward demands a multifaceted approach:
investing in education and job creation within the
banlieues, improving transportation links, empowering
local communities through participatory governance,
addressing systemic racism and discrimination, and
reforming policing practices to build trust and
accountability.
Moreover, any successful strategy must recognize and
harness the cultural vitality and creativity that thrives in
the banlieues. These areas have given birth to vibrant
artistic movements, from hip-hop music to street art, that
offer powerful critiques of social inequality while also
celebrating the resilience and diversity of banlieue
communities. Supporting and amplifying these cultural
expressions can play a crucial role in changing perceptions
and fostering a more inclusive urban identity.
The persistent urban inequality in Paris reflects broader
challenges of social integration and economic opportunity
in France. Overcoming these disparities will require
sustained effort, significant investment, and a willingness
to confront the historical and structural factors that have
shaped the urban landscape of Paris and its periphery. Only
then can we bridge the divide between centre and
periphery, creating a truly inclusive and equitable Paris for
all its residents, does it?
The future of the Parisian banlieues hangs in the balance.
Will they remain symbols of exclusion and failed urban
policy, or can they be transformed into vibrant, integrated
communities contributing to a more dynamic and
equitable Greater Paris? The answer to this question will
not only shape the future of the French capital but will also
serve as a litmus test for the ability of Western democracies
to address the challenges of urban inequality and social
cohesion in an increasingly diverse world.
14

From dream destination
to housing nightmare
The housing crisis in Mallorca caused by mass tourism
By Maite Allerborn
Mallorca, the island claimed by the Swedes as
“Mallis", the Germans as “Malle” or the British as
“Majorca” is going through a gentrification and
housing crisis amid the mass arrival of tourists
who are leaving no space for “Mallorquins”.
“Flights for 100€, accommodation for 30€ and
drinks for 5€ on a sunny Mediterranean island?”
The irresistible deal that millions of tourists fail to
reject is becoming more attractive year after year.
In the span of 2023 only, Mallorca welcomed 14.4
million tourists. A number that was quickly
surpassed during 2024, reaching 18 million visitors
to the island before the end of November, most of
which came from Germany and the United
Kingdom.
The arrival of 18 times more people to Mallorca
than the number of habitants that reside in the
island has created housing shortage and
gentrification dynamics which are forcing locals
out of their neighborhoods, driving up rent and
real estate prices and transforming the sociourban
fabric as more and more accommodations
are being turned into short-term vacation rentals.
This crisis is shaped by Mallorca’s dependance on
the tourism industry, as the island’s GPD is
dominated by the tourism sector, which accounts
for an 85% of its total GPD. Leaving locals with
little chances to create options away from
unsustainable tourism practices.
15

The next question, then, is: What happens to the
residents of the island when the 18 million tourists
are done soaking up the Mediterranean sun? The
locals are left to deal with the aftermath- the
hangover that the tourists leave behind.
There’s not always room for one more
The housing shortage in Mallorca has caused
prices to rise beyond the locals' reach. The average
price for a shared apartment in the Balearic
Islands has risen 21.5% in the last year, reaching
576€, as reported by the accommodation website
Fotocasa.
And the high demand for long-term rentals, from
which there is low offer, is growing every year.
According to Idealista, the rent and housing
platform, every accommodation advertisement
published in their website accounted for an
average of over 90 interests in the Balearic islands.
The situation is also impeding student’s chances of
emancipating. Only 16% of students in the Balearic
Islands can afford independent living. In part to
the high demand of holiday housing which
encourages owners to transition into short-term
rentals for which they can ask for more money.
In Pollensa only, a city in the north of Mallorca
with a total population of less than 20.000
habitants, the AIRBNB short-term rentals added
up to 2,776 dwellings. Followed closely by Palma
with 1,695 AIRBNB’s, Alcudia with 1,644 and
Santany with 1,057.
Rising up for a home
Frustrated with the situation, locals in
Mallorca have begun organizing
demonstrations to raise awareness on the
issue and revolt against the system that
fails to protect them.
This past summer, 50.000 Mallorcans
participated in the march organized by the
platform “Less Tourism, More life”. The
main complaints and demands voiced during
the march included: ‘decent housing’, ‘a
solution to the CO2 pollution caused by
tourists’ and the ‘push up of housing prices’.
The civil organization “Brunzzit”, amongst
others, has also started organizing marches
to draw attention to the issue. Their message
is to swap the dynamic in which locals are
not the priority in order to maintain the
economic system based on the mass tourism.
Their discourse exposes the problem of
gentrification, waste of natural resources
and the increased price of living. As they see
it, the problem is that tourists will buy and
rent accomodations at higher prices than
locals can afford. This problem, they say,
affect mostly young people and migrants.
Last year, as part of an activism act, locals in
Mallorca hung ‘fake’ signs in overcrowded
beaches with warnings like “Caution
jellyfish” or “Beach Closed”. A small note, in
Catalan, underneath revealed that the texts
were fake for those able to understand the
language.
16

Change for the future
The Balearic government is aware of the
practices that owners and tourists engage in
and their consequences on the residents of
the island. Armengol, president of the
Balearic government, has addressed the need
to change the tourism model of the islands:
“We have to bet, with bravery, for quality
tourism and less quantity”, she says.
In addition to the need for a reform in the
social-urban model, the government has
started to notice a need to control ‘tourism
of excesses’ in the island. This year, the
autonomic government presented a proposal
that included the prohibition to sell alcohol
in establishments after curfew and the
implementation of quotas on tourist
accommodations to regulate the number of
beds available. The plan was quickly rejected
by business owners, whose strong opposition
caused the plan to not be approved. Instead,
the government introduced fines of 500 and
1000 euros to those who drink in public ways
and spaces.
Another development is the establishment of
a committee of representatives from the
tourism sector and civil societies created to
work together and address the impact of
tourism on the islands.
On to other problems
Mallorca’s demographic pressure is
causing additional issues that are
affecting its residents and need to be
addressed by the regional government.
The environmental deterioration, the
pollution caused by massive cruise
ships arriving to the islands, and the
capacity constraint of the wastewater
treatment infrastructure are some of
these issues that should be taken into
consideration and not be overlooked.
Counselor Miquel Mir claims that the
solution to the above is to put a stop to
the increasing number of visitors and
not to the capacity of the island's
infrastructures.
Regulations have a long way to go in
order to claim back the island that
european countries seem to see as their
private recreation park rather than a
home to thousands. Locals will
continue to raise their voice over and
over trying to get the governmental
ears to listen till Mallorca can be fairly
shared.
17

By Emrik Solymar
US Strategy for
Women, Peace and Security
At the start of the new millennium, the United
Nations Security Council passed Resolution 1325
calling for the inclusion and participation of women
in all peace and security initiatives. Now, more than
two decades since the resolution, an ever-growing
belief that gender equality has a significantly positive
effect on global prosperity and development has
been expressed. It is estimated that up to potentially
$28 Trillion could be added to global GDP if the gap
in labor participation is bridged and that advancing
gender equality would bolster security and stability
worldwide. As a result, there has been an increasing
focus on the equality dimension of foreign policy,
especially among developed nations. The concept of
a ‘feminist/gender oriented foreign policy’ was first
introduced as a government policy by the Swedish
Foreign Ministry and has since been adopted by
various governments. While Sweden's initiative, and
its subsequent implementation by other countries,
along with the role of the European Union is
certainly worthy of attention, the advancement of
equality as a pillar of American foreign policy is
perhaps an even bigger headline.
The United States’ status and influence in the
international community has undoubtedly placed
them in the driving seat in advancing equality and
freedom abroad. Greater emphasis on women and
equality in American policy, both domestic and
foreign, has been apparent for quite some time.
Women’s issues were included in the United States
foreign policy agenda as early as under the Carter
Administration in the late 1970s, and since then, the
issue has been progressively advanced.

Various pioneering legislations have been signed, such as the
Afghan Women and Children Relief Act in 2001 which
provided for medical and educational assistance. Even more
notable was the Women, Peace, and Security Act of 2017,
which is widely regarded as a milestone for both the United
States and global policy.
The Act recognized women as significant actors in the pursuit
of peace and stability and as part of international security
policy. In line with the legislation, the United States has
committed itself to the pursuit of gender equality worldwide
through the US Strategy on Women, Peace and Security
(WPS). The strategy was first implemented, albeit with some
constraints between policy and practice, by the Trump
administration, and has strengthened America’s priority of
gender equality as a means to promote peace and stability.
After a somewhat slow start during the Trump presidency,
the strategy was recently updated and expanded by the Biden
Administration in October of 2023. Even though it involves
several departments and agencies, such as the Departments of
Defense and Homeland Security, the strategy is primarily
centered around the State Department and the US Agency
for International Development (USAID). Prioritizing
countries and regions suffering from armed conflict, violent
extremism, and areas where violence and systemic abuse of
women is prevalent, the new strategy also outlines five core
lines of effort and engagement: Participation, Protection,
Relief, Integration and Institutionalization and Partnerships.
Each component faces various challenges, but also opens up
for unique approaches and tremendous potential to achieve
significant results.
The first core line ‘participation’, aims to prepare for and
support the meaningful participation of women in all forms of
leadership and decision-making roles. The strategy highlights
that high levels of gender equality are correlated with healthier
democracies and that women’s participation results in a 35%
increased likelihood of peace agreements lasting 15 or more
years. Yet, only 13% of negotiators and 6% of mediators and
signatories (average for 1992-2019) were women, and genderbased
violence continues to be a major issue.
19

The United States
aims to tackle these
challenges and increase participation globally by
supporting safe environments for women’s
contribution, interagency cooperation, and the
integration of experts in decision and policy-making.
Increased funding, through frameworks such as the
Summit for Democracy, USAID’s Advancing
Women’s and Girls’ Civic and Political Leadership
Initiative, will be channeled towards supporting
these various programs. The Biden Administration’s
budget request also included $2.6 billion and $3.1
billion in additional funding for gender equality
foreign assistance programs for FY2023 and FY2024
respectively, although a divided government
leaves future commitments
more questionable.
The WPS strategy also
demonstrates a strong
commitment
in combating gender-based
violence (GBV) worldwide,
which becomes one of the focal
issues for engagement.
The ‘protection’ line specifically,
acts as a reminder for the
United States' commitment to
protect human rights and prevent all
forms of gender-based violence which
is seen as one of the main obstacles to
achieving gender equality in the
international community. The
American plan involves a
multifaceted approach, in which
several methods are mobilized to
combat GBV; including an emphasis
on justice and accountability through
diplomatic and legal frameworks.
20
The report also outlines how measures have
already been implemented by the Biden
Administration, such as the utilization of
sanctions and security assistance. In 2023, the
United States issued its first set of sanctions
targeting certain perpetrators of GBV in
South Sudan,
which was also the first time that
American sanctions had been imposed with
a dedicated focus on sexual violence in
conflict.
The European Union has also
imposed similar measures,
emphasizing the need for
international cooperation on the
issue. The Department of Defense
has also approved several new
programs aimed at advancing WPS
principles within the United States
Armed Forces as well as through
partnerships with security forces
abroad.
In order to fully combat and eradicate
GBV worldwide, however, total and
consistent commitment is necessary,
not just from the United States but
from the international community as
a whole. The American strategy
recognizes the importance of
consistency and affirms that it will
continuously work to protect and
support women and girls subject to
gender-based and sexual violence
regardless of any obstacles that may
arise.
The effort, though, must be the result
of cooperation with other like-minded
actors on the global stage.

This sentiment becomes apparent in the WPS strategy’s fifth line of effort regarding
partnerships. As the world's largest power, The United States leads the way in taking a stand,
mobilizing global efforts to combat gender-based violence, and promoting equality. The
strategy outlines equality as both a moral and a strategic
imperative, and has been designed to
organize governments, NGOs, civil society,
and the private sector to combat
gender-based violence in all fields.
It is however crucial moving forward
that more actors are involved in the
efforts, whether they are
US-launched actors, such as
The Global Partnership for
Action on Gender-Based
Online Harassment and
Abuse, among
others.
Cooperating with
affected
communities has
become the focal
point of the WPS
strategy which
makes the
strategy vital in a
survivor-centered
and
locally driven
approach.
21
While the WPS strategy is a milestone
agenda for the United States, its
effects remain to be seen. In order to
measure the success of the strategy,
the United States government has
announced a framework to
consistently monitor and track
progress across the board.
Annual reports and
evaluations of the
Strategy’s
implementation by all the
departments and agencies
involved will be released,
allowing for careful
analysis of the strategy
and its impact. With
Trump’s election again it
remains to be seen how a
second term will affect
the WPS strategy, but as
of now there is little
information to suggest
that it specifically will be rolled back
significantly. For now though, the
strategy provides an incredible
advancement for American commitment
to gender equality within its foreign
policy. Coupled with solid global
partnerships and cooperation, with actors
such as the European Union, one could
hope that significant progress will be
made in combating gender-based violence
and promoting equality worldwide.

the
Right
to
Exist
and to
Live Free
Nine years ago, Palestinian Bedouins
interviewed by Al Jazeera in the Negev
desert, said “we want to contribute to the
community but in our way. We have long
standing rights that go back to seven
generations. Our rights are not negotiable,
this is our land, where our ancestors were
born and lived; we didn’t give it to Britain
and we won’t give it to Israel”.
State vs. nomadic land ownership and the
Bedouins' rights to lead their lives according
to their culture, is an on-going dispute
originating as early as the Ottoman Empire.
Forced into sedentarisation under the
Turkish rule first and then under the British
Mandate, Bedouins were yet allowed to
migrate to search for water or pasture for
their flocks during the dry season. To be able
to do so, in 1850, the Turkish Tabu Law
obliged Bedouins to register their properties
by paying land taxes. Videos from CNN and
the New York Times show their contracts
with fingerprints that prove they own the
land since the 1920s: the desert is their home.
By Giulia Penta

The process of urbanisation and the one of
sedentarisation were forcefully accelerated
after the founding of the State of Israel in
1948. Since then, two different narratives
have been put in place to recount the
history of these families' rights to lead their
unique way of life and the violation of these
rights when rounded up and confined to
reservations by the Jewish State.
Before the establishment of Israel in 1948,
the Negev was a region of Palestine, and
home to tens of thousands of Bedouin
Palestinians. They were groups of nomadic
shepherd tribes of Arab descent who
migrated in waves from Arabia to Sinai and
the Negev, predominantly since the end of
the eighteenth century.
In 1948, on the eve of the War of
Independence, approximately 65,000
Bedouin lived in the Negev desert. During
the war, their tribal system was fragmented
and many Bedouins fled the area in fear or
got expelled to the neighbouring Arab
countries.
At the end of the war, only 11,000 Bedouin
residents remained, and a military
administration was imposed on them.
During the early 1950s and until 1966, Israel
concentrated the Bedouins in a restricted
area called “al-Siyāj” and banned them from
returning to their traditional grounds.
The 1959 Israel’s Arab policy limited
Bedouins freedom of movement with permits
to transpass the land which were rarely given
out. From the 1960s, settlements have been
planned and established as an initiative of
the Israeli government. As an integral part of
the Arab Palestinian minority, as well as
citizens of the State of Israel, Bedouins have
thus been living in these governmentplanned
townships, but also in unrecognized
villages.
23

For the State, the 35 unrecognized Bedouin
villages in the Negev are illegal and their
inhabitants are criminals. Systematic
discrimination and Jewish control and
privileges are legislated into the structure of
citizenship in all basic aspects of life: access to
land and water, the economy, education, the
civil service and political institutions.
Evicted from their homes, left in poverty, with
no access to water nor basic services, their
economic and social life changed abruptly.
According to the Central Bureau of Statistics,
Bedouin communities are the most
impoverished in Israel and suffer from high
unemployment rates and low education rates.
In addition to that, a high birth rate caused
the expansion of the population, meaning that
more land was needed in order to provide the
basic means of subsistence. The reservations
are located in low-rainfall areas, causing a
decrease in land dedicated to grazing and
forcing the purchase of expensive fodder to
avoid their stock starvation.
Israel claims that Bedouin settlements are illegal
constructions and that Negev’s lands are no man’s
land - although the State is fighting for them.
From the Israeli perspective, Dr.Havatzelet
Yahel says, the nature of the dispute is much
more nuanced than it appears: while it is true
that in the past the State acted without
sufficient sensitivity toward its Bedouin
citizens, things have changed since the 1970s.
However, the narrative that justifies Israel
actions to put an end to the dispute over these
lands is uncanny for the reality tells a different
story. Since the beginning of the 1970s, Israel
has been conducting a non-consensual
urbanization process.
According to Dr. Kurt Goering, in April 1979,
Bedouin property in Lagiya was bulldozed by
Israeli police, and Bedouin women who
attempted to interfere were beaten.
The demolition was carried out without court
orders: the government was confident in the
possibility of invoking the security threat for
the new confiscations of Bedouin property.
In Yahel’s study one can read “Many residents of
the Negev sometimes feel that they live on a
different planet from the rest of Israel. No wonder
it is sometimes referred to as the "Wild South."
The "wildness" is manifested above all in the illegal
construction and the invasion of state lands by
some Bedouins”. A narrative where the Bedouins'
rights are depicted as foolish or not in compliance
with the State “equality” plan: the Bedouins are
outlaws who do not respect nor are grateful
towards the State's efforts and investments to
create “a better Negev”.

The State has never explicitly described its
programme as "initiated sedentarization”, but
rather as a way to encourage and assist the
Bedouins to the full transition from a nomadic
or semi nomadic life to a permanent settlement
on the land, which they do not want. While
Israel’s denial is made official, it appears clear
that an initiated sedentarization has become
explicit in practice.
The veil that conceals these operations also takes
the form of the tourism industry, which
monetizes the identity value of these
communities by transforming Bedouin culture
and their daily struggles into the perfect
spiritual retreat for far more affluent social
groups. Some Bedouins farms have been turned
into tourist attractions, partly by the Israeli
tourism industry that aims to promote cultural
exchange and economic opportunities.
Platforms such as Booking.com and
TouristIsrael.com offer many options for those
who want to experience “the Bedouin
hospitality”, a concept that includes overnight
accommodation in traditional tents, camel
riding and dishes of the Bedouin cuisine. A
charming lifestyle that is described as “ecofriendly”
or “with a low environmental impact”.
Hot tubs in the middle of the Negev desert, free
wifi, air conditioning and the possibility of
parking for free are key features in the luxury
camping sites. On the other hand, the
development of Bedouin tourism has indeed
created economic opportunities for some.
Initiatives like the "Community Trails" project,
have turned tourism as a source of income, with
younger generations feeling encouraged to learn
traditional crafts and cooking methods to
participate in the tourism economy.
The transformation of Bedouin communities into
tourist attractions raises ethical questions about
cultural exploitation and the impact on
indigenous ways of life. The ongoing dispute over
land ownership in the Negev between Israel and
Palestinian Bedouins is deeply intertwined with
the broader narrative of Israel's perception of
Palestinian presence in the land it claims as its
own. Since its founding,
Israel has often viewed Palestinian inhabitants as
temporary and unjust occupants, despite their
long-standing ties to the region. The
expropriation of Bedouin lands and their
exploitation for commercial purposes, such as the
tourism industry, are part of a supremacist design
and narrative that disregards fundamental human
rights. This approach not only perpetuates
historical injustices but also undermines the
possibility of a just and lasting resolution to the
conflict. As Israel continues to grapple with its
complex history and diverse population, it must
confront the ethical implications of violent
policies that marginalize and displace indigenous
communities.
25

By Khalil Jezzini
Why
the
Gender Pay Gap
isBad
For Everyone
Especially, in Developing Countries
When one thinks about “hard labour”, the
first images to come to mind are probably
men working in factories with heavy tools, or
men working in construction lifting heavy
objects that strain the body. This might be an
accurate representation of reality for a lot of
places in the world, however there is a side to
the picture that many people miss. In large
parts of the developing world, the ones
usually doing the hard labour are actually
women. Not only are 75% of these women part
of the so-called “informal economy”, meaning
jobs with no rights, they are also generally
paid significantly less than men. In some
regions like for example Sub-Saharan Africa,
that number jumps to about 92%. As a
comparison, about 66% of men in the same
regions are reported to work in the informal
sector.

So what is the reason for this and why is it
important to talk about? In the developing
world, poverty is one of the biggest factors that
leads to inequality. Poverty drives women to find
jobs and work out of necessity, meaning they
often take jobs just to get by.
This can lead to accepting jobs that exist “in the
shadows”, also called the informal economy.
Essentially, it means jobs that offer very little pay
for very long hours without offering any type of
basic rights, contracts or other types of
guarantees and protections.
These jobs are a reality for nearly 600 million
women worldwide. Since women and their work
are less valued in many developing regions, the
pay is also much lower than for men working in
the same sector. This reinforces poverty since
families cannot earn enough money to escape it
and become trapped in the cycle of
impoverishment.
A glaring example of this inequality can be
found in the statistics. Women make up about
400 million of the people that work in
agriculture globally, and in some regions like
South Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa, up to 70% of
all women employed work in agriculture.
Despite this, less than 20% of the world's
landowners are women.
The importance of helping women gain fair and
equitable work outside the informal economy
are evident.
27

It would give women in developing countries a
larger degree of freedom over their lives if they
could choose what type of work they would like to
engage in. It would also help them and their
families out of poverty while improving their
health. So what are some possible solutions to
achieve this? First and foremost, there needs to be
a significant change in labour laws and regulations
in countries that lack them.
These need to ensure rights to workers and limits
to how employers can exploit them. There is also a
need for regulation that ensures equal pay between
men and women while also ensuring that gender
discrimination in the workforce is tackled.
Outside law and regulation, there also needs to be
an emphasis on giving women the opportunity to
educate themselves. Education is one of the most
effective ways to achieve social mobility and leads
to skills that can greatly expand sustainable job
opportunities, while also increasing pay. The data
suggests that a majority of women want to work,
so the will is there. The only thing these societies
need to do is support them in reaching their goals
and help them develop.
In many developing countries, traditional gender
roles often constrain women’s potential, making it
difficult for them to pursue upward social
mobility and achieve higher pay. Securing bank
accounts and loans might be harder for women in
patriarchal societies, even though it has been
shown that women are better at paying them back.
At the same time, women are also more likely to
use the loans effectively by, for example, using
them to educate their children. .

These factors might be why the phenomenon
of “microfinance” has been so successful in
alleviating poverty, especially among women.
Microfinance is an initiative that aims to help
struggling individuals by offering “mini-loans”
that aim to support women in becoming more
financially independent. For example, the loans
have helped many women in developing
countries start businesses as well as other
ventures.
One report shows that household income in a
certain poverty-stricken region increased by
37% as a result of a microfinance initiative
aimed at helping women become financially
independent.
Investing in the rights and education of
working women in developing countries is not
only beneficial to women themselves, but also
to their families and society as a whole.
Increasing the pay for women and closing the
gender pay gap will help decrease the amount
of poverty and lift families out of poverty,
while also increasing the GDP of developing
countries. With more money in society there
will be increased spending, something which
will be widely beneficial to a country’s economy
and may even trigger economic growth. It goes
to show that investing in women, as well as
closing the gender pay gap, is a good
investment for all.
29

Cringe or not
the New Zealand Parliament Haka
On November 14th,
the New Zealand
Parliament was
suddenly “disrupted”
as MP Hana-Rawhiti
Maipi-Clarke broke
into a Haka and
ripped apart –during
the vote– the bill to
reinterpret the
Treaty of Waitangi
The controversial
bill has found little
support among other
political parties,
except for the ACT
party. During the
Haka, a few people
in the parliament
were seen rolling
their eyes, shaking
their heads etc.,
is
Democratic
By Oliver Kristiansson Degerborg

showing dissatisfaction with the disruption of the
process that the Haka brought about. The speaker
of the house of representatives, Gerry Brownlee,
was visibly uncomfortable, uttering the words
“Oh, no, don't do that ”. Following this, the
parliament was temporarily suspended and
according to the Australian newspaper 9news,
Brownlee had later commented about the state of
the parliament calling the situation “grossly
disorderly” and calling for the house to judge
Maipi-Clarke’s conduct.
While many in public
opinion have found the .
performance powerful,
empowering, and expressed
positivity around it, others
have expressed their
rejection towards the
protest. Seen in
comments online on
youtube, on reddit posts.
Stanford University's school
paper refers to it as “cringeworthy”
and claims that the
Maori protest was disruptive
and shows a lack of respect
for the legislative process.
These are views that seem to reflect
the reaction and comments shown
by the house of representatives Gerry
Brownlee, and ACT party leader David Seymour.
The latter, in an interview with the news channel
Sky News an Australian news outlet who shares
Seymour’s view that the Haka was “ridiculous” –,
said that the Haka protest showed that the Maori
party have a total lack of understanding of
parliamentary democracy. However this view
completely ignores the fact that protest and
resistance is an inherent part of democratic
processes. In this vein it is important to
understand the context and history that led the
Maori party to react in this way
31
Historical and
contemporary context: The
treaty of Waitangi and ACT
In 1769 the English arrived in New
Zealand, approximately 500 years after
the indigenous Maori had made New
Zealand their home. Around 70 years
later in 1840, on the 6th of January, the
British and many (but not all) Maori
tribes signed the
Treaty of Waitangi. This treaty put
out a broad statement of
principles on which the
Maori and the British set out to
build a nation-state and formed
a government in New Zealand.
This was seen as a positive
development by some Maori
tribes since it could
potentially stop the unruly
behaviour of some settlers.
However, the treaty had two
versions. One in English and
another in the Maori
language, while largely similar
they differed somewhat in
certain wordings. In the
English version the Maori
relinquish their sovereignty of
the land of New Zealand,
granting sole right to the
British crown to buy and sell the lands as they
wish, and in return the Maori are guaranteed
full rights of ownership of their lands, and
fisheries, forests as well as other possessions.
In the Maori version, a deliberate choice or
(less likely) a mistake in translation made it so
the word
sovereignty was replaced with the Maori
word for governance. The New Zealand
government writes that:

“ Some Maori believed
they were giving up government over their
lands but retaining the right to manage their
own affairs. The English version guaranteed
‘undisturbed possession’ of all their ‘properties’,
but the Māori version guaranteed ‘tino
rangatiratanga’ (full authority) over ‘taonga’
(treasures, which may be intangible).”
That there exists not one, but two
versions and that the wording differs
between the two has led to a division of
understanding regarding the “social
contract” set by the treaty. This
difference in understanding has been
subject to a long debate, the same
debate that made MP Maipi-Clarke
initiate the Haka in parliament
against the ACT party’s attempt t
o reinterpret the treaty.
The ACT claims that the
reinterpretation is needed so that
all New Zealanders, Maori or not,
are subjected to the exact same
rights and principles. In this vein
they claim that the treaty is an
effort to combat race-based politics
and policies.
However, earlier this year the coalition government,
which the ACT party is part of, abolished the Maori
Health Authority, as well as removed a law that gave
the Maori a unique voice in environmental matters.
The law was seen as important in order to protect the
traditions and practices of the Maori.
If the bill passes, the reinterpretation will, according to some
experts, lead to suppression of the indigenous Maori to practice
their culture, and undermine their rights. A view shared by the
Maori party and by a large part of their community as well as non-
Maori Kiwis. Which is why in November last month, thousands of
people marched in protest for the protection of Maori rights and
the treaty.
Disruptive as Democratic:
Resistance towards different forms and
structures of power is present in all levels of
society. It is part of what makes us humans.
Examples from the UK parliament feature
shouting matches such as during Brexit in 2019,
from Japan in 2015 where MPs pushed, shoved,
and screamed at each other due to a
controversial security bill, and from Italy in
2024 due to a controversial policy that could
result in Italy's regions getting greater
autonomy shows that the way resistance is
shown, and what sparks it is different between
cultures and contexts. However, it exists
everywhere, and the case of the Maori party's
protest in parliament is integral to the
democratic process.
When something is perceived as
unfair or going against selfinterests,
values or moral conduct,
people show resistance and they
act. The buzzword in news and
media that usually describes this
moment is “disruptive” or “unruly”,
but ‘disruptive’ does not need to
have a bad connotation. And
perhaps showing this resistance in
the form of a Haka is most fitting
when the focus of the protest by
the Maori MP is on protecting the
rights of the Maori and
safeguarding their culture.
Resistance is the most effective
when it becomes uncomfortable for
the opposing side.
32

THE
FIGHT
FOR
FREEDOM
Women’s Struggle against
Discrimination in Iran
By Sara Seregni

Women and girls in Iran face systemic
discrimination and serious human rights
violations, making them some of the most
vulnerable members of society. Despite the
dire situation, Iranian women continue to
fight for dignity, respect, and equality. Their
courage and determination often face brutal
repression, highlighting a struggle that
deserves more international attention and
support.
In recent years, women have been protesting
in the streets in defiance of the regime’s
oppressive and discriminatory laws. Freedom
movements like “Women, Life, Freedom”
have become symbols in their fight for basic
rights and gender equality. However, these
protests have been violently suppressed by
the morality police. Hundreds of women
have died, and thousands have been
unlawfully detained. The tragic death of 22-
year-old Jina Mahsa Amini in September
2022, who was brutally murdered after being
detained for allegedly violating Iran’s
mandatory hijab laws, highlighted the
regime’s brutality. Her murder ignited
national protests, which the Iranian
Government responded to by crushing any
initiative of women’s activism and adopting
harsher punishments for women who violate
the law. Under the “Hijab and Chastity” Bill,
women face up to 10 years in prison, travel
bans, and exclusion from education,
healthcare, and employment if they do not
comply. These protests have consequences
not only on societal dynamics but also raise
inequalities, increase unemployment levels,
and worsen living conditions for Iranian
citizens.
The roots of Iran’s gender inequality lie in the
aftermath of the 1979 Iranian Revolution. The
overthrow of the Western-backed Shah
Pahlavi by Ayatollah Khomeini established the
Islamic Republic, which dismantled many of
the rights women had gained under the Shah’s
modernization regime. Although the Shah was
westernizing Iran and had enacted a policy
called “unveiling”, the Islamic Republic
imposed compulsory veiling, and introduced
severe punitive measures for non-compliance.
The revolution dismantled the rights that
women had gained under the Shah’s
modernization policies. Since then, women in
Iran have faced oppression, especially
restrictions on their clothing, mobility, and
access to basic freedoms.
Iranian law severely restricts women’s rights
across various aspects of life, especially
divorce, child custody, and inheritance, in
which men have greater authority.
34

Women also face discrimination against fair access
to the job market and freedom of movement. A
married woman cannot travel alone without her
husband’s permission. Certain professions, such as
judges or firefighters, are considered “unsuitable
for women”. As a result, women’s participation in
the labor market is extremely low compared to
other countries globally, and unemployment
among women continues to rise due to
discrimination, corruption, and sanctions.
Marriage and freedom of expression are also
heavily impacted. Child marriage remains a
disturbing issue in Iran, aggravated by poverty and
cultural norms. Legally, girls can marry at the age
of 13 years, and younger girls can wed with their
father’s permission. In 2020 alone, 31,379 girls aged
10 to 13 were married. Families often resort to child
marriage to alleviate financial burdens, forcing
young girls into lives of lost opportunities.
Freedom of expression, association, and assembly
are strictly limited. The Iranian regime has created
an environment where dissent is silenced,
depriving citizens of their ability to advocate for
change. Social media and television channels are
censored or blocked completely to prevent
nationwide protests.
While the international community has
condemned Iran’s human rights violations, the
international response has lacked substantial
approaches to tackle gender discrimination
effectively. The EU has criticized the Iranian
regime’s repression of citizens and urged adherence
to international laws prohibiting torture and
discrimination. However, this criticism has
resulted in a rather narrow policy framework.
Stronger policies that safeguard protesters’ rights
and condemn violent responses from the Iranian
authorities must be adopted. The Office of the
High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR)
has called for greater international attention to
women’s and children’s rights in Iran, emphasizing
accountability for perpetrators, and the United
Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC)
established an independent international factfinding
mission in 2022 to investigate human rights
abuses in Iran. Despite these internationalized
condemnation efforts, the Iranian regime does not
condemn discrimination against women.
International treaties like the International
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR)
and the International Covenant on Economic,
Social, and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) emphasize
the obligation to “ensure the equal rights of men
and women”. While Iran is party to these
treaties, and its compliance is monitored by the
Committee on Economic, Social, and Cultural
Rights (CESCR), Iran does not abide by these
principles. Iran has yet to ratify key international
treaties like the Convention on the Elimination
of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women
(CEDAW). This legally binding instrument calls
for measures to eliminate discrimination against
women and achieve gender equality.
Despite initial hopes for reform under Iran’s new
President, kidnappings continue. After the death
of former Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi in a
helicopter crash in May 2024, Masoud Pezeshkian
was elected President, considered by some as
“the first reformist leader” in the last two
decades. He pledged to eliminate the “Hijab and
Chastity” Bill, reduce violence against women
linked to clothing laws, and abolish mandatory
veiling. While there have been reports of more
women appearing in public without veils, a
recent incident has raised doubts about these
promises. Italian journalist Cecilia Sala, who was
in Iran conducting interviews on the new Hijab
laws, was kidnapped and detained for 21 days.
Despite traveling under the protection of a
journalist visa and signaling what seemed to be
growing freedoms for women, Sala was accused
of “violating Islamic laws”. Her captivity in
precarious conditions sparked media outrage and
triggered international tensions. Sala’s treatment
shows that women’s systemic oppression is still
evident even after Pezeshkian’s pledges of
reform. For women, and those advocating for
their rights, Iran remains a risky place, far from
the reforms it so desperately needs.
35

By Eetu Juvonen
Engaging
over the
Champagne
Scandals, Elites, and a Ton of Sparkling Wine
On the 6th of December 2022, during
the traditional Independence party in
Helsinki, Finland's President shook
hands with several people including
Sanna Marin, the former Prime
Minister and now strategic counsellor
at the Tony Blair Institute. Their
encounter was unremarkable, and
there was nothing out of the ordinary.
However, Sanna's appearance caused
a little buzz on social media. While
some praised her for her elegance,
others blamed her for mistakes made
by the previous government. There
was nothing noteworthy about the
political discourse on social media. In
other words, it was a typical day in
the world of politics.
The next morning, the media reported
that Marin held her independence party
in the most expensive suite in Helsinki.
Several Finnish actors attended the
party. The combination of glamour,
politics and Marin's strong personal
brand quickly sparked a conversation.
This event was compared to a past
scandal involving the former Prime
Minister, who hosted a controversial
party in the Prime Minister's official
residence.
36
During that scandal, some of the guests were
influencers, which led to the story being
leaked. It was only a matter of seconds for
the influencers' videos to be analyzed by the
public and evidence for drug abuse to be
searched by internet pundits. At that time,
some commentators criticized the news
coverage as biased and rooted in
misogynistic bias against a young female
leader. Her opposition wanted to paint her
as a reckless socialite and party animal
unsuited for her position. She eventually
survived the scandal, stayed in power and
became a well-known Finnish prime
minister.
The criticism that surfaced had a unique
tone to it, as it was directed towards the
political elite. The focus was primarily on
the inequality that exists between politicians
or former politicians and their constituents.
In 2023, a similar viewpoint was observed on
Finnish social media when Marin accepted
her new position at the Tony Blair Institute,
which some considered an unconventional
choice for a Nordic progressive social
democrat. The issue of revolving doors in
political circles has been a topic of
discussion for quite some time now, raising
concerns about the fairness and equality
between politicians' interests and citizens.

Her decision to leave the Finnish
parliament drew even more attention given
her role in helping her party gain more
seats. The success of the party was
surprising given the historically low votes
received by the party of the prime minister
in parliamentary elections.
Therefore, her voters and commentators
were shocked when she announced her
departure. The surprise turned to criticism
quickly. At the heart of criticism was the
idea that she turned her back on her voters
to achieve her own goals. There are two
very different narratives: politicians as
victims of gender bias and the narrative of
inequality between politicians and their
constituents.
Champagne Socialism and other
constructs
Looking at the latest scandal from another
angle, it can be seen as a discussion on
equality and social class, rather than just
how an individual's characteristics impact
media representation. “Gauche caviar”,
“Rödvinsvänster”, “Salonsozialist”... A dear
child has multiple names. "Champagne
Socialism" is a term used to criticize the
perceived hypocrisy among elites, especially
politicians, who promote social equality
while indulging in luxurious or privileged
lifestyles. Essentially, the term suggests a
contradiction between a public figure's
rhetoric supporting social justice and their
personal affluent choices or lifestyle. This
construct highlights the difference between
a political figure's public statements, often
advocating for policies benefiting the
working class, and their personal actions or
lifestyle choices.
For example, when a politician
champions egalitarian ideals but lives a
lavish lifestyle or hosts extravagant
parties, it raises questions about their
sincerity and commitment to those
ideals. This narrative emphasizes the
inconsistency between public
statements and private actions,
contributing to accusations of
insincerity and reinforcing
perceptions of an out-of-touch
political elite. For example, Sanna
Marin was a leader of a social
democratic party, where key voters at
least used to be from the working
class. Meeting film stars and appearing
in Paris’ fashion week can be framed as
hypocritical from this perspective.
In this perspective, institutional
politics is perceived to be controlled
by a group of distant elitists and
opportunists. But alcohol-laced elitism
is not only a criticism towards one
former Finnish politician nor is it only
a problem for the politicians on the
left side of politics. Who could forget
Boris Johnson and the infamous
“Partygate”? It echoes similar
criticisms of politicians or public
figures in other nations who advocate
for social equality while leading
extravagant lifestyles, thereby
creating perceptions of insincerity
or detachment from the reality of
the populace they claim to represent.
Drawing parallels with other
constructs such as the perception of
right-wing "corporate puppet"
politicians, a similar narrative emerges
—public distrust of certain political
archetypes.
37

Again, these stereotypes highlight the inequality and
disconnection between politicians and their
constituents. Both constructs underscore the erosion
of public trust in political figures who are seen as
disconnected from the everyday realities of the people
they represent. These constructs contribute to
diminishing confidence in institutional politics,
emphasizing the need for authenticity and
transparency in leadership regardless of political
affiliations.
Last words before popping a new bottle
Unconscious biases can often affect how journalists
report, resulting in a disproportionate focus on
personal aspects rather than policy implications.
While objectivity is a crucial element of journalism, it
is difficult to achieve completely. Unfortunately,
political figures, especially women like Sanna Marin,
may be evaluated based on gender bias, which can
lead to unfair perceptions. It is important to
recognize the influence of such biases and strive for
fair and objective evaluations of our leaders. Only
then can we ensure that our society progresses
towards a more equitable and just future. The whole
scandal about wild parties and extravagant lifestyles
also begs the question: Would this lifestyle be
romanticized if the politician were a young male with
an entrepreneurial background?
In the digital era, the fusion of social media, scandals, media biases, and constructs like
"Champagne Socialism" has reshaped how we perceive our political elite. The immediacy of
social platforms magnifies disparities, amplifying scrutiny and biases. Media portrayal often
reinforces societal inequalities, fueling public distrust. Swift judgments from incomplete
information worsen power imbalances, impacting marginalized individuals disproportionately.
An individual needs to understand these underlying dynamics of political media. The ability to
notice a bias is the first step to becoming a more media-literate member of society. This also
falls on us as consumers of media to advocate more egalitarian discourse.
38

The Society of International
Affairs in Gothenburg
Become a member
at ufgbg.se
Membership at UF is free of charge as of 2019.
You get to attend lectures, movie screenings and other
events.
Follow us on
Facebook:
UF - Utrikespolitiska Föreningen Göteborg
Instagram:
@ufgbg
And read more about
us on our
website:
ufgbg.se

E Q U A L I T Y
the equality issue
E Q U A L I T Y