The Trumpet Newspaper Issue 647 (April 16 - 29 2025)

TheTrumpet
Africans now have a voice... Founded in 1995
V O L 31 N O 647 A P R I L 16 - 29 2025
£10k reward
to locate
missing man
An African family (Photo - Rawpixel 2282519, CC 1.0)
Woman-towoman
marriage in
West Africa:
a vanishing tradition of
power and agency
By Bright Alozie,Portland State University
Continued on Page 3>
Alexander Sloley
Detectives investigating the
disappearance of
Alexander Sloley - reported
missing from his home in Islington
in 2008, are offering a reward for
information that leads to him being
found.
Alex was 16 at the time of his
disappearance and described then
as a light skinned Black male, 5ft
5ins tall and of medium build with
striking blue eyes. His family and
friends have not heard from him
since August 2008 and despite
repeated appeals and enquiries,
police have not been able to locate
him.
Detective Chief Inspector Sarb
Kaur, who leads the investigation,
said: “Alex was reported missing to
police on 8 August 2008. Since
then, there have been extensive
enquiries made by police but sadly
Alex has not yet been found.
“We are now offering a reward
of up to £10,000 for anyone who
has information relating to Alex’s
whereabouts.
“This remains an active missing
person investigation, subject to
regular review by senior officers,
with the aim of locating Alex and
bringing some comfort to his
family. We have recently met with
Alex’s mother to outline how we
intend to progress our investigation
to find him.
“I would ask anyone with
information who could help to
please get in contact immediately,
no matter how insignificant you
Continued on Page 4<

Page2 TheTrumpet APRIL 16 - 29 2025
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News
APRIL 16 - 29 2025 TheTrumpet
Woman-to-woman marriage in
Page3
West Africa
Continued from Page 1<
Marriage in West Africa has
played a central role in shaping
aspects of society, and has
evolved over time. While traditional
heterosexual unions dominate
discussions, a lesser-known but
significant practice – woman-to-woman
marriage – has existed for centuries.
In my research, I examined this
institution, which allows a woman to
assume the role of a husband by marrying
another woman. There’s evidence of
woman-to-woman marriage in more than
40 societies across West Africa,
including the Igbo of Nigeria, the Frafra
of Ghana and the Dahomeans of presentday
Benin.
How it works is that a woman – often
wealthy or of high status – pays a bride
price and takes on a wife who is expected
to bear children. A male relative or
chosen partner, known as the genitor,
fathers the children. The children will
legally belong to the female husband and
are considered part of her lineage. This
reinforces kinship structures, or family
ties within traditional communities and
clans, vital to West African societies.
Unlike romantic same-sex unions,
these are social contracts. They aim to
preserve lineage, secure inheritance, and
enhance a woman’s economic and
political agency.
Female husbands gain significant
control over property by assuming the
role of head of household. This enables
them to own and manage assets
independently, a right typically reserved
for men.
Securing heirs through their wives
ensures the continuation of their lineage
and the inheritance of their property and
status. It solidifies their long-term agency
and influence within the community.
The union also grants them more legal
standing – they can enter into contracts,
Continued on Page 4<

Page4 TheTrumpet APRIL 16 - 29 2025
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Woman-to-woman
marriage in West Africa
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resolve disputes, and represent their
family in legal matters, further
empowering them in a patriarchal
society.
This all translates into considerable
influence. Female husbands can hold
positions of authority, and command
respect. They challenge traditional
gender roles.
Colonial distortions and modern
misconceptions have obscured the
meaning and function of this historically
prevalent practice. Despite its important
role, it has declined over time. With
growing stigma, the old customs have
become less common.
My research seeks to underscore the
historical value of woman-to-woman
marriage. It offers a lens for
understanding the complexities of
African gender systems, female agency
and social structures.
Tradition rooted in kinship and
social stability
Using a combination of oral
interviews, archival research and
literature reviews, I found that there are
various scenarios in which woman-towoman
marriage is practised in West
Africa.
In Okrika, in Nigeria’s Rivers State,
for example, I was told how a married
woman who has no male child in her
family is allowed to marry a woman so
that a male child can be born into the
family. If her marriage does not produce
a male child and she has money, the
culture allows her to marry more than one
wife as long as she can take care of them
and the union can produce a male child
to carry the name of her family.
In my interview with Chief
Nkemjirika Njoku, of the Mbaise Igbo in
Nigeria, he described another scenario.
He explained that if a man died without
male heirs, his daughters could pay a
bride price for a woman to bear children
in his name. This ensured his lineage did
not disappear.
Similarly, among the Frafra people of
Ghana one study shows how:
a wealthy woman may marry one or
more women for her husband by
providing the bride-wealth. These
women bear children in her name in the
event of her being childless or to offer
extra labour.
These accounts illustrate how
marriage and kinship complement each
other and how this practice provided
women with economic influence and
social mobility, often rivalling men’s.
Colonial disruptions and modern
challenges
Despite the tradition’s important role,
during the 19th century European
colonial officials and Christian
missionaries misunderstood and
condemned the practice.
Viewing it through a Victorian moral
framework – rigid and conservative
values of 19th-century Britain which
emphasised strict gender roles, sexual
restraint and moral purity – they
mistakenly equated it with homosexuality
and sought to outlaw it. For instance, in
1882, British colonial authorities in
Ghana criminalised same-sex relations.
These laws included woman-to-woman
marriages, despite their deeply rooted
cultural significance.
The practice persisted in various
forms, however, but did become less
prevalent.
In some cases, the unions were subtly
restructured to avoid colonial scrutiny.
Participants framed them more as
business partnerships or familial
arrangements rather than marriages. For
instance, many prominent traders would
use the unions to expand their wealth and
business networks. Among the Hausa-
Fulani textile traders of the Sokoto
Caliphate, for example, a wealthy widow
could marry a woman to manage her
trade. This ensured that children born
within the union inherited her wealth.
Subverting or reinforcing
patriarchy?
Today, woman-to-woman marriage
remains misunderstood. Some argue it
reinforces patriarchal structures, while
others conflate it with lesbian
relationships.
The growing influence of Christianity
and Islam has led to its stigmatisation.
Meanwhile modern legal systems fail to
recognise the unions, leaving female
husbands and their children vulnerable in
inheritance disputes.
Advancements in reproductive
technology provide alternative means for
childbearing, reducing the need for these
marriages.
In my opinion, though, this tradition
remains a valuable and powerful system.
It highlights the ingenuity of African
societies in creating alternative structures
of power, kinship and economic security
– especially for women.
Based on my research I concluded
that woman-to-woman marriage is an
example of flexible African gender
constructs. Gender is not strictly tied to
biological sex but to social roles and
responsibilities. African societies have
creatively adapted marriage and kinship
to meet economic and social needs.
More than a marriage practice,
woman-marriage has been an assertion of
female agency, an economic strategy, and
a means of preserving lineage.
Bright Alozie is Assistant Professor at
Portland State University.
This article is republished from The
Conversation under a Creative Commons
license. Read the original article at:
https://theconversation.com/woman-towoman-marriage-in-west-africa-avanishing-tradition-of-power-and-agenc
y-251919.
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£10k reward to locate
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Continued from Page 1<
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our work in this area.

Opinion
June 12, annulled dreams
and the unending agony
APRIL 16 - 29 2025
TheTrumpet
Page5
June 12, 1993 marked a
significant setback for Nigeria,
harking back to the January 15,
1966, coup-d’état. This unfortunate
event pushed the country back by at
least a century, primarily due to the
suspension of the 1963 Republican
Constitution. Although the
masterminds behind the coup never
explicitly stated that they had
abolished the Constitution, the
consequences of its suspension
continue to manifest in Nigeria’s
persistent underdevelopment.
Ayo Ademiluyi, a civil rights
lawyer and political activist, recently
pointed out that the General Ibrahim
Badamasi Babangida government,
similar to previous and succeeding
military administrations, was
characterized by diarchy. This system
of governance, which combines the
military top brass and parts of the
political establishment, was more
pronounced under IBB, as Babangida
is known, than any other military
administration. This diarchy was on
full display during the publication and
public presentation of a book, titled ‘A
Journey in Service: An
Autobiography of Ibrahim
Babangida’, and fundraising for the
Presidential Library, where startling
revelations about Babangida’s
military rule came to light.
A gentleman on the podium stated
that he and others present owed their
success not to entrepreneurial spirit,
Ibrahim Babangida
but rather to State capture and
favours. In contrast, entrepreneurs
like Adeola Odutola, Louis
Odumegwu Ojukwu, and Aminu
Dantata from the previous era
achieved success through genuine
entrepreneurial zeal and innovation.
Unfortunately, under Babangida’s
regime, State favours became the
primary means of economic
advancement, leading to a society that
is uncompetitive
The concept of State capture,
which originated in South Africa, was
exemplified in Nigeria during the IBB
era. However, for Nigeria to make
progress, it should focus on
promoting entrepreneurship among
its citizens. Notable examples include
Bayo Ogunlesi of Global
Infrastructure, Olugbenga Agboola,
Iyinoluwa Aboyeji and Adeleke
Adekoya of Flutterwave, as well as
Shola Akinlade and Ezra Olubi of
Paystack. The new generation banks,
led by individuals like Atedo
Peterside and Fola Adeola, are also
worth mentioning. Instead of
promoting entrepreneurship, the IBB
book presentation unfortunately
celebrated an era marked by ‘manknow-man’
and ‘padi padi’
arrangements, commonly referred to
as State capture. This approach will
not make Nigeria competitive, create
much-needed jobs, catalyze growth,
or achieve sustainability.
One of the most troubling aspects
of the June 12, 1993, election saga is
how Babangida inadvertently
relinquished his authority as
Commander-in-Chief of the Armed
Forces. By refusing to uphold the
mandate of the free and fair election,
Babangida exhibited a cowardly copout,
as noted by Reuben Abati in his
column. Abati’s critique, however,
stopped short of drawing a more
profound conclusion. A more incisive
analysis would have contrasted
Babangida‘s actions or inactions with
those of Chile’s democratically
elected President Salvador Allende
Gossens, who made the ultimate
sacrifice for his principles on a fateful
night in 1973.
In a tale of two leaders, Salvador
Allende, a medical doctor-turnedpresident,
stood in unambiguous
contrast to General Ibrahim
Babangida, who rose through the
military ranks. When faced with a
coup, Allende’s commitment to his
people and his mandate was
unwavering. Despite an American
plane waiting to whisk him to safety,
he opted to fight alongside his Chief
of Staff and eleven ministers, refusing
to give up their mandate. It’s one of
the most remarkable acts in recent
political history. So, who’s a
‘General’? Allende, a trained medical
doctor, or Babangida, who entered the
BY ABIODUN
KOMOLAFE
army straight from secondary school?
Lieutenant Colonel Adekunle
Fajuyi’s ultimate sacrifice for Major
General JTU Aguiyi-Ironsi during the
1966 military coup in Nigeria also
exemplified the enduring power of
loyalty and duty in the face of
overwhelming adversity. So, there’s
no point in blaming General Sani
Abacha, Augustus Aikhomu and
others, who are no longer here to
defend themselves; and dead men tell
no tales! What’s more? IBB has
simply shot himself in the foot, for,
certainly, he has not presented
himself as a Commander-in-Chief!
The entire book presentation was
clearly a jarring celebration, utterly
disconnected from the somber
reflections that events like the
Holocaust or Soweto Massacre
demand. As Peterside aptly noted,
such tragedies cannot be
commemorated amidst joviality. This
is a very bad taste, which should not
have happened. In sane climes, the
occasion would have been an
Continued on Page 9<

Page6 TheTrumpet APRIL 16 - 29 2025
Opinion
Akpoti-Uduaghan and the
emerging controversies
By Abiodun Komolafe
The suspension of Senator
Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan for
six months, stemming from
her allegations of sexual harassment
and abuse of office against Senate
President Godswill Akpabio, reveals
a deeper issue within Nigeria’s
political system. This incident, among
others, raises questions about
Nigeria’s claim to being a Republic,
as it exhibits characteristics of a
feudal system, where social and
economic relationships are defined by
patron-client attachments.
In the case of the Senate President,
a lot has been revealed about the
misogynistic nature of much of the
Nigerian State. This issue has
persisted for more than half a century,
resulting in numerous allegations of
victimization in educational
institutions and workplaces. With the
exception of a few cases, not much
has been done to counteract this.
Although much of the
Akpabio/Akpoti-Uduaghan matter is
still hazy, it is deeply disturbing that
the matter arose in the first place,
Regardless of the outcome, the key
issues are not about to go away in a
hurry. To ensure transparency, there
ought of course to be a full and open
inquiry, broadcast live and publicly,
allowing the public to form their own
opinions. Unfortunately, such an
inquiry is not likely to occur!
In the words of Paul Johnson, “We
live in a world in which politics has
become a form of psychotherapy.”
Tragically, the incident also reveals
the lack of a clear ideological anchor
underpinning our politics.
Conventions, mores, and norms
should dictate parliamentary
etiquette, such as whether members
are sitting or standing.
Meanwhile, parliamentary time is
scarce anywhere in the world at any
time, making it deeply disturbing that
Nigeria, faced with multifaceted
challenges, is devoting so much
parliamentary space to this needless
controversy. No parliament has
enough time, even if the
parliamentarians are sitting at odd
hours. So, why waste so much time
on trivial matters? In sane climes, a
more robust political structure would
have put together countervailing
mechanisms which would have
prevented this from becoming an
imbroglio.
Underneath it all, the issue of
misogyny must be addressed
immediately. With only 4 female
Senators out of 109, Nigeria is
underutilizing the talents of its female
population, which makes up half of
Godswill Obot Akpabio
(Photo - Wikibride, CCA SA 4.0 Int)
the country. This underrepresentation
is alarming, especially considering
the scarcity of talent. Since women
make up half of the population, there
is something to be very worried
about. Even though it is still
inadequate, women are making
greater strides in the corporate world
and really proving their mettle.
Notable figures like Hannatu
Musawa - the Minister of Art,
Culture, Tourism and the Creative
Economy; Jumoke Oduwole - the
Minister of Industry, Trade, and
Investment; and Doris Uzoka-Anite -
the Minister of State for Finance; are
demonstrating exceptional ability in
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handling their portfolios. They are
truly excelling in their roles, setting a
high standard for others to follow.
Unfortunately, the legislative sphere
tells a different story. The lack of
female representation in federal, state
and local governments is concerning,
and urgent action is necessary to
address this imbalance.
There is a lot to be done to secure
a more gender-based society. One
strategy is to emulate legislatures that
have addressed tax and inheritance
issues that discriminate against
women. Political parties must commit
to promoting female entrants into
male-dominated assemblies.
To address the gender imbalance
in Nigeria’s legislatures, we have to
explore different models from other
countries, such as the all-female list
in some constituencies in places like
the United Kingdom which has over
time beefed up female representation
in the legislatures. Female legislators,
who have overcome significant
obstacles to reach their positions,
must also up the ante. They must
intensify their efforts! This is the only
way to fight back against the
structural imbalance which
discriminates against inclusivity in
society.
The Nigerian government can
learn from other countries that have
successfully implemented measures
to increase women’s representation in
politics. For instance, Rwanda has
achieved 61% female representation
in parliament, while Sweden has
implemented policies to promote
gender equality in decision-making
processes.
A key legislation already done by
the Scandinavian countries is to
ensure the provision of crèche
services in all organizations in the
public and private sectors employing
more than 50 people in the same
location. This should be mandatory
anyway in the public sector. The
private sector can also be given tax
credits to offset the additional costs in
its operations. By incentivizing
childcare provisions, governments
can boost productivity and promote
gender balance in the workforce.
To address the emerging
controversies surrounding Akpoti-
Uduaghan, it’s essential to scrutinize
the impacts of women in Nigeria’s
legislative landscape. Women must
demonstrate their capabilities and
compete for genuine political power,
rather than relying on handouts.
Inspirational figures like
Olufunmilayo Ransome-Kuti, Dora
Akunyili and Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala
have shown that women can thrive in
politics with maturity and dedication.
To achieve more empowerment
for women, this very huge female
community must understand the game
better and take the statements of the
First Lady, Senator Oluremi Tinubu,
about maturity seriously. For a long
time, Tinubu has been a strong
advocate for women’s empowerment,
supporting bills that promote gender
inclusion in governance.
Nigerian women must be willing
Continued on Page 8<

APRIL 16 - 29 2025 TheTrumpet
Page7

Page8 TheTrumpet APRIL 16 - 29 2025
Opinion
Akpoti-Uduaghan and the
emerging controversies
Continued from Page 6<
to compete and take on leadership
roles to effect change. As the First
Lady emphasized, “Women constitute
a vital part of our nation’s progress,
yet their representation in governance
remains limited”. So, it’s time for
women to take center stage and
demand their rightful place in
Nigeria’s politics. For example, too
many women grapple with the
problem of returning to work after
delivery. It is really disruptive, both
to the individual and the employer,
and definitely hampers the career
prospects of women! This kind of
initiative also creates its own
economy in terms of providing
employment for retired matrons and
other medical personnel across the
board to augment their pensions. It is
a win-win situation all round!
Given the typically higher
productivity of women, it’s time for
the Nigerian legislature and
supporters of women’s rights to know
where the pressure points are and
initiate conversations about their
future, establishing a benchmark for
other gender-based institutions to
follow. Female legislators should be
fixated on crafting and being at the
forefront of legislations such as this. It
will improve overall productivity and
enhance the career prospects of
women, thereby bridging the gender
gap. As far as their powers can take
them, it is time for our women to run!
A national conference of all the
female legislators should be convened
to work out a clear programme for
female advancement as well as
gender disparity. The main thrust will
be, by closing the gender gap, the
country will be using all its resources
and in the process become, not just a
more competitive society but also a
fairer one. Ignoring half of the
potential productivity of a nation does
not make economic sense. Out of the
present mindless diversion and
immersion into trivial, Nigeria must
take a new dispassionate look at the
benefits of ending gender disparity
which puts a break on the use of the
nation’s talents.
As a final point, the controversy
surrounding Akpoti-Uduaghan serves
as an unembellished reminder of the
need for integrity, transparency and
accountability in Nigerian politics. As
Tinubu rightly pointed out, the Senate
“is an inside place and it’s a matured
chamber. It’s a mature chamber, and
it should be treated with respect.” To
move forward, Nigeria must prioritize
the empowerment of women, address
gender disparity, and promote a
culture of integrity. Only then can we
build a more just and equitable
society.
Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan
May the Lamb of God, who takes
away the sin of the world, grant us
peace in Nigeria!
Komolafe wrote from Ijebu-Jesa,
Osun State, Nigeria
(ijebujesa@yahoo.co.uk)
June 12, annulled dreams and the
unending agony
Continued from Page 5<
opportune moment to establish a
Trust Fund for the countless
individuals who suffered irreparable
losses – lives, limbs, and livelihoods –
due to the annulment. Many of these
brave souls are still alive, struggling
to rebuild their shattered lives.
In this context, President Bola
Tinubu, himself a victim of the
annulment, has a unique opportunity
to make amends. By setting up the
Trust Fund, he can provide longoverdue
rehabilitation and support to
those who risked everything for
democracy. This gesture would
honour their sacrifices while allowing
him to forge his own path, distinct
from the shadows of the past, and
create a more just and compassionate
society. The last word is that, June 12,
1993, allowed the genie to escape
from the bottle. All manners of long
dormant and suppressed agitations
came out of June 12 across the six
geopolitical zones and the political
will to resolve these issues has still
not been found.
In his 1852 book, ‘The Eighteenth
Brumaire of Louis Napoleon’, Karl
Marx famously remarked: “History
repeats itself, first as tragedy, second
as farce.” As Marx pointed out, and
as Babangida demonstrated, June 12,
1993, was a tragic event and the scars
are still showing with broken limbs,
disrupted lives and people suddenly
becoming orphans. On the other side
of the coin, the book presentation and
the launch of a proposed Babangida
Presidential Library was a pure farce.
Now that the book presentation
has again highlighted the shame of a
country, IBB can still hold his head
high, not because of any personal
merit, but because Nigeria’s flawed
system often enables leaders to
deflect accountability. This
phenomenon is deeply ingrained in
our national psyche, where the
failures of leaders are frequently
downplayed or even celebrated. Here,
our justice system remains defective,
yet society inexplicably applauds it.
Nigeria’s complexities are wellknown
to those familiar with our
unique brand of ‘Nigerianness’ – a
reality marked by pervasive shock,
anxiety, uncertainty and chaos. Our
nation has become a contested
territory, where the lives of countless
individuals are being squandered
amidst this turmoil.
IBB’s ‘invented’ excuses have
been a means to an end, but the
question remains: what is that end?
Now that he has exhausted his
justifications for past inadequacies,
what’s next? This raises questions
about accountability and the lack of
genuine introspection. But, wait a
minute, the attendance of notable
figures like Yemi Osinbajo, Nigeria’s
former Vice President, and Bola
Tinubu, the current president, at
IBB’s event is also perplexing. While
Tinubu’s presence might be attributed
to diplomatic obligations, Osinbajo’s
attendance is harder to justify, given
his reputation as a democrat.
Moreover, Tinubu’s participation in
the laugh-it-off competition with the
evil genius, a man often regarded as
one of Nigeria’s most notorious
leaders, is particularly jarring.
Agreed, the dead are dead, and
nothing can be done about that again!
Twenty-six years after Nigeria’s
return to democracy, it is essential to
reflect on the sacrifices made by
individuals like Abubakar Umar, who
relinquished their military
commissions, and others like
Ambassador Musbau in Mushin-
Lagos, who went totally blind during
the agitations, all in support of the
June 12 movement. How does the
democratic system honour their
memory and sacrifices? A certain
former warlord reportedly advised
Abacha to “hang” MKO Abiola, the
winner of the June 12, 1993
presidential election, for treason.
Ironically, his wife is now a Minister
in Tinubu’s cabinet!
So, ‘eni tó kú ni ti è gbé! Indeed,
he who is dead has lost it all!
May the Lamb of God, who takes
away the sin of the world, grant us
peace in Nigeria!
Komolafe wrote from Ijebu-Jesa,
Osun State, Nigeria
(ijebujesa@yahoo.co.uk)

APRIL 16 - 29 2025 TheTrumpet
Page9

Page10 TheTrumpet APRIL 16 - 29 2025
Opinion
Nasir El-Rufai’s Defections:
PDP, CPC, APC, SDP
Perhaps the most important
political event, this week in
Nigeria, so far, nobody knows if
there would be a free-for-all fight in
Rivers State tomorrow, or some
melodrama in Osun State or elsewhere,
before the week runs out – is the
announced defection of Mallam Nasir
El-Rufai from the All Progressives
Congress (APC) to the Social
Democratic Party (SDP). In a signed
statement dated March 10, 2025, El-
Rufai says “at this point in my political
journey, I have come to the conclusion
that I must seek another political
platform for the pursuit of the
progressive values I cherish”. In plain
terms, he no longer finds the APC
useful, the same party which he had
thought he would continue “to align
(with) up to the time I choose to retire
from politics”. He helped to create the
party in 2013, and worked to secure the
APC’s election victories in 2015, 2019,
and we may add – 2023. It was on the
platform of the party that he served as
Governor of Kaduna State from 2015 to
2023. He says “the party has treated its
membership with contempt in the last
two years”. By this, he is obviously
referring to himself. “I find this no
longer acceptable”, he declares. And so
now, in effect, El-Rufai has resigned
from the APC to join the SDP and
“adopt it as the platform for our future
political engagements and activities”.
His objective is to help form “a unified
democratic platform to challenge the
APC in all elections and bye-elections
between now and 2027 by the Grace of
El-Rufai and Tinubu (Photo - Asa Msue, CC 1.0 Public Domain)
God.” In other words, his goal is to get
the APC out of power most certainly and
with God as an accomplice!
Nasir El-Rufai joining the SDP is the
fourth political platform that he would
have been associated with publicly since
the return to civilian rule in 1999. His
first port of call was the People’s
Democratic Party (PDP) when President
Olusegun Obasanjo emerged as
President, after the June 12 debacle that
lasted for six years with grave
implications for national unity, progress
and stability. In 2011, he became a
member of the Congress for Progressive
Change (CPC) after his return from
exile. In 2013/14, he aligned with the
APC, and now, he has ported as they say
in common parlance to the SDP. Nasir
El-Rufai according to those who knew
him was a smart, resourceful little
known Quantity Surveyor and Business
Administrator with a First-Class brain,
doing his own little thing in his own little
corner until he was brought into public
service first by the military
administration of General Abdusalami
Abubakar in an advisory capacity. He
eventually came into prominence when
as is widely believed, he was invited to
join the Obasanjo administration by
Waziri Adamawa Atiku Abubakar who
was then Vice President of Nigeria. He
was appointed Director General of the
Bureau for Public Enterprises (BPE). In
that capacity, he proved himself as a
competent and knowledgeable
technocrat, becoming in the process a
key member of the government’s
economic team in key areas such as
privatization, commercialization, energy
security and the oversight of due process
within the economy. Nasir El-Rufai was
an influential member of an inner group
within the Obasanjo team of wellinformed,
young technocrats and
intellectuals – the shining stars of the
administration; Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala,
Oby Ezekwesili, Nuhu Ribadu, and
Charles Chukwuma Soludo. He had the
ears and the eyes of the President.
He was later rewarded with a
Ministerial appointment when he was
BY REUBEN ABATI
appointed Minister of the Federal
Capital Territory (FCT) in 2003. He was
a colourful, bold, outspoken and
assertive Minister who insisted on the
sanctity of the Abuja Master Plan. He
earned a reputation as “Mr. Demolition,”
demolishing over 900 buildings
including the properties of highly placed
members of society. He ended up with
not a few enemies, and a community of
critics. The Obasanjo administration
completed its tenure in 2007. The
Yar’Adua administration that followed
was practically anointed by President
Olusegun Obasanjo but both Obasanjo
and his foot-soldiers who wheeled the
Yar’Adua Presidency into existence
were disappointed. After an initial
thank-you visit to Ota, accompanied by
members of his family, Yar’Adua soon
began to assert himself in power as his
own man. He refused to kow-tow to any
Godfather. Obasanjo’s former aides
fared worse. Whatever sense of
entitlement they thought they deserved
was given short-shrift treatment by
President Yar’Adua. Nasir El-Rufai was
one of the lonely victims of the period.
President Goodluck Jonathan who had
been Yar’Adua’s Vice President and
who succeeded his boss after the
unfortunate incidents of illness and
death, and the doctrine of necessity also
did not feel compelled to over-pamper
the old Obasanjo brigade. Many
members of the group naturally became
critics of the Jonathan administration,
yesterday’s men and women who
fervently believed that they could
sabotage the new power elite in Abuja
to regain relevance. Those who could
find programmes of study abroad did so,
those who could find jobs too, some
went into exile, while others found a
new vocation as public affairs
commentators and a censorious,
aggrieved band of agitators.
This group found an opportunity for
vengeance between 2013 and 2014
when they joined forces with others,
notably Senator Bola Ahmed Tinubu
and other members of the Action
Congress of Nigeria (ACN), as well as a
faction of the PDP, known as the new
PDP (nPDP) led by Senator Bukola
Saraki. There was also General
Muhammadu Buhari’s CPC, and the All
Continued on Page 11<

Opinion
Nasir El-Rufai’s Defections:
PDP, CPC, APC, SDP
APRIL 16 - 29 2025
TheTrumpet
Page11
Continued from Page 10<
Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP). These
groups came together to form a party
known as the APC on February 6, 2013.
Coalition politics had been tested with
considerable success in other African
countries – Democratic Republic of
Congo and Tanzania - it was therefore
not surprising that Nigerian opposition
politicians embraced the same option.
Nasir El-Rufai was indeed one of the
key architects of the coalition. General
Muhammadu Buhari was the candidate,
the rallying point. He was re-packaged
and sold to the Nigerian people as a
soldier turned democrat. The APC was
a gathering of strange bedfellows. They
had one mission: to take power back to
the North and to remove President
Jonathan from power. President
Jonathan famously had said that his
ambition was not worth the blood of any
Nigerian. He was committed to the idea
of free, fair and peaceful elections.
When it became obvious that INEC was
going to announce Buhari as winner in
2015, President Jonathan conceded
defeat. While President Buhari presided
over Nigeria’s affairs at the centre, Nasir
El-Rufai was Governor in Kaduna State
(2015 – 2023) with considerable
influence within the ruling party.
I have given this background to paint
a picture of how Mallam Nasir El-Rufai
has been part of the making of Nigerian
politics since 1999. He has told part of
his own story in a book titled The
Accidental Public Servant (Safari
Books, 2013, 712 pp). In the lead up to
the 2023 General Elections, he was one
of the voices of reason in the APC who
defended the principle of Rotational
Presidency, in this instance from North
to the South and he supported Asiwaju
Bola Ahmed Tinubu who claimed the
credit for bringing Buhari to power as a
civilian President in 2015, and insisted
that in 2023, it was his turn to become
Nigeria’s President. “Emilokan (It is My
Turn), he said. Given the fervour with
which Mallam El-Rufai championed
Tinubu’s cause, it was perfectly
reasonable that he would expect to be
rewarded for his loyalty and support.
The hope that this would be so was in
fact raised by Asiwaju Tinubu, himself,
who as President-elect publicly
announced that El-Rufai would be a
member of his team. It was an open
invitation with witnesses in attendance,
the only person to be so honoured by the
in-coming President. Politicians invest.
They expect returns on their investment.
They may mouth platitudes about
serving the people but they are actually
in politics to serve their own selfish
interests. There may be exceptions to the
rule and there are notable ones including
Nelson Mandela, Obafemi Awolowo,
the Sardauna Ahmadu Bello, Margaret
Ekpo, Aminu Kano, Ibrahim Waziri,
Tafawa Balewa… El-Rufai, as expected
made the list of Ministerial nominees but
Nasir Ahmed El-Rufai
to everyone’s consternation, he
purportedly failed security screening.
How? The President had cleared him
even before his nomination. His friend,
from their days of partnership and
comradeship since the Obasanjo years,
was the National Security Adviser
(NSA). Nuhu Ribadu would not clear
Nasir El-Rufai? Which security
clearance is that? Well, that was the
beginning of Nasir El-Rufai’s troubles
or the complication of it. A perfect
storm. Trouble in Paradise. He would
later be accused of mismanagement of
public funds by the Kaduna State House
of Assembly. The lawmakers said they
were looking for N423 billion!
purportedly spent without following
“due process”. He denied any wrongdoing
during his eight years as Governor
of the State.
Some of the officials who worked
with him as Governor, including his
Chief of Staff and four others were
called in for investigation and
interrogation. They were later arraigned
by the Independent Corrupt Practices
and Other Related Offences
Commission (ICPC) on charges of
money laundering. It did not take too
long before El-Rufai, known for his
outspokenness, started fighting back. In
January, he said he could no longer
recognize the APC – a party that he
helped to create, which has now been
taken over by others and he has been left
behind. The party, he affirmed, no
Continued on Page 13 >

Page12 TheTrumpet APRIL 16 - 29 2025

News
Nasir El-Rufai’s Defections:
PDP, CPC, APC, SDP
APRIL 16 - 29 2025
TheTrumpet
Page13
Continued from Page 11<
longer practices internal democracy, it
has since abandoned its founding
principles and has been taken over by
illiterates and internal mercenaries! “No
party organ has met in two years – no
caucus, no NEC, nothing. You don’t
even know if it is a one-man show; it’s a
zero-man show.” By February this year,
the matter had degenerated into a faceoff
between Mallam El-Rufai and NSA
Ribadu. The former Governor
condemned the President’s economic
reforms and the quality of the people
implementing the reforms, some of
which he considers “wrong.” He
frontally accused the President of being
the one who rejected him as a
Ministerial nominee. Still firing from all
cylinders, El-Rufai said his friend,
Ribadu is not good enough to be the
country’s National Security Adviser. He
accused him of working hard to tarnish
his reputation, because he thinks he, El
Rufai, poses a threat to his 2031
Presidential ambition. The biggest blow
came yesterday with him walking away
from the APC.
This should not be surprising to
students of Nigerian politics though. It
is usual practice for Nigerian politicians
to move from one political party to
another. They are driven not by
ideological beliefs, or principles, but
convenience, expediency or wherever
they think they can easily realize their
ambitions. There are Nigerian politicians
who since 1999 have been in different
political parties. This is Nasir El-Rufai’s
fourth. He must be given credit however
for the forthrightness of his defection
statement: he is calling on opposition
politicians to unite and get the APC out
of power in 2027. He is not quite
mouthing those pretentious cliches about
saving Nigeria. He has drawn a line in
the sand. His exit from the APC is the
equivalent of the declaration of political
war.
This was a strategy that worked in
2015. But there is no guarantee that it
would work again this time around.
Nonetheless, it is clear that El Rufai is
not alone. He has been seen visiting and
meeting with other politicians who
many have an axe to grind with
President Tinubu and the APC, and there
has been so much talk about a Grand
Coalition to unseat President Tinubu in
2027. This is easier said than done. It
may not be so easy to intimidate Tinubu
out of office, and certainly not by the
likes of politicians who were once
beneficiaries of his own method of
politics. They know him. He knows
them too. Those who do not know
anybody are the hapless masses in
whose name the politicians commit
atrocities, and settle their differences
when it suits them. Tinubu also does not
have a strong opposition challenging his
government. Between 2013 – 2015, the
then emergent APC had a team of
aggressive, hyperactive and
hypertensive spokespersons who
specialized in abusing and attacking the
Jonathan administration. I should know.
I was a constant target of their malicious
vituperations. President Tinubu does not
have that kind of challenge. He has at
least one prominent agent within the
PDP, at the highest levels, who is also
within the corridors of power serving
Tinubu. The planned Grand coalition of
anti-Tinubu opposition forces may also
be dead on arrival as there is no clearly
identifiable, symbolic figure to lead the
gathering. The ambitions of the key
figures are equally dissimilar. Nasir El-
Rufai who has now presented himself as
a rallying and roving coordinator plays
a kind of politics that could alienate
many. As Governor in Kaduna State, he
was constantly accused of favouring one
religion against the other, and within the
larger Nigeria space, his critics consider
him a polarizing, irredentist. The SDP
which he has opted to join had its
brightest moment in Nigerian politics
way back in 1993, when Chief MKO
Abiola won the June 12 Presidential
election on its platform, and even that
outcome was annulled. That was 32
years ago! By showing his hands and
intentions so early, so prematurely,
Mallam Nasir El-Rufai may have begun
a long journey into political wilderness.
As a two-time yesterday man, he should
know better, except he is playing the
Trumpian game of striking first, to force
a negotiation. But even that does not
look like a prospect. The Presidency has
dismissed El-Rufai’s defection as
“inordinate ambition.” His former
colleagues in Kaduna APC have simply
said: “we are unperturbed… we are not
disturbed and we are not going to lose
sleep over El-Rufai’s moves.”

Page14 TheTrumpet APRIL 16 - 29 2025
Opinion
2027: A crossroads of choice
By Abiodun Komolafe
We are at midterm, which
means that the next
electoral cycle has
already started. Unfortunately,
governance will begin to slow down
as politicking and jockeying for
advantage become more
pronounced, distracting from the
real work of administration and the
quest to achieve sustainable
development.
The ruling party currently holds
a significant advantage, facing an
ill-defined and unfocused array of
interest groups lacking cohesion.
Unlike parliamentary systems,
presidential systems don’t truly
have an ‘opposition’ concept.
Instead, they offer a focused
alternative platform, presenting a
distinct and more positive stance
than the governing party’s. It sums it
all that, within the reality of a very
difficult economic crisis, there is no
realistic, properly-costed alternative
on offer. This is a clear indication of
intellectual indolence and the
absence of political parties showing
up our present reality that what we
have are Special Purpose Vehicles
(SPVs).
To understand the 2027 outlook,
we need to examine past election
data, shifting alliances and current
trends. One key point from the past
data is that the presidential
candidate of the All Progressives
Congress (APC), now President
Bola Ahmed Tinubu, got 63% of his
total votes from the 1966 Northern
Region. This raises important
questions: What does this mean if
there’s growing disaffection with
the current administration in the
North and how will this impact the
national majority that brought
Tinubu to power?
Assuming, of course, that there’s
genuine disaffection in the North,
rather than just posturing by those
seeking advantage, it’s essential to
recognize that there’s no
‘monolithic North’. So, the strength
of the Tinubu coalition will vary
significantly from State to State. In
Kaduna, for instance, the APC is
currently gaining ground due to
defections, despite Abubakar
Atiku’s comfortable win in the last
presidential election.
Given these dynamics,
projections suggest Tinubu will win
Kaduna by a comfortable margin in
2027, particularly as Southern
Kaduna appears to be shifting
towards the APC for the first time.
The dynamics will shift from State
to State, requiring analysis from this
perspective, particularly as it affects
senatorial and local government
elections. With an expanding base
in the South, the odds strongly
favour Tinubu’s reelection by a
convincing margin. Furthermore,
the opposition’s disorganization and
focus on personalities rather than
programs undermine their
effectiveness.
Had Nigeria been blessed with a
robust opposition, it would likely
have by now replicated the ‘Popular
Front’ model, which was
successfully done in Europe and
Latin America in the past. This
approach, which originated in the
1920s, reached its peak with
Salvador Allende Gossens’ victory
in Chile in 1971, and the subsequent
formation of a Government of
Popular Unity. A Popular Front is
essentially an alliance of diverse
groups, activists, political parties,
and Civil Society Organizations
(CSOs). In Latin America, it
incorporated the LT, which was
rooted in the Catholic Church. The
Popular Front’s key strength lay in
its clearly-defined alternative
economic program, which aimed to
achieve macro-economic stability as
a means to attain social justice.
Influential figures like Pope
Francis and St. Karol Józef Wojtyła
emerged from the Liberation
Theology Movement (LT). Other
prominent figures associated with
this movement include St. Óscar
Romero, Jamie Cardinal Sin, Carlos
Filipe Ximenes Belo and Jean-
Bertrand Aristide. This movement
was particularly powerful in Latin
Nigeria at a crossroad of
choice for 2027 elections
American countries like Brazil,
Argentina and Mexico. It was
similar to Nigeria’s National
Democratic Coalition (NADECO),
with its own political,
socioeconomic and related
programmes.
In today’s Nigeria, many of those
competing for power have no
intention of forming a popular front
that would lead to a government of
popular unity. Otherwise, the
Christian Association of Nigeria
(CAN) wouldn’t have been so
entangled in the Godswill
Akapbio/Natasha Akpoti-Uduaghan
drama at a time when Sunday
Jackson, who had killed his attacker,
was facing a Supreme Court ruling
upholding his conviction. If you ask
CAN about Leah Sharibu’s
whereabouts, they might respond
flippantly, saying she’s sipping
‘fura de nono’ in its coldest state,
somewhere in the Sambisa Forest.
Similarly, inquire about what has
come out of the senseless murder of
Deborah Samuel, and the usual
refrain, ‘God gives, God takes;
glory be to God’, would rent the air!
It is that bad; and it is sad!
For the religious leaders, religion
is more of a means to an end even
as the followers continue to wallow
in self-deceit. The sanctity of
traditional thrones in Nigeria has
also been carelessly and
dangerously politicized that any
Ganduje could just wake up from
the ‘other room’ and disrupt an ageold
system without considering the
consequences of his actions. So,
how do we develop a society in the
midst of all kinds of social-yetavoidable
threats?
Without an alternative
perspective and the formation of a
unified popular front, 2027 is
looking like it’s going to be an
anticlimax. Why? There will be
gales of decamping to the ruling
party, eliminating any impetus for
policy review. It therefore means
that Nigeria is actually between a
rock and a hard place, with an
opposition driven by self-interest
rather than a genuine desire to
provide alternative solutions and
position itself as a viable
government-in-waiting. Even
Organized Labour today resembles
what Karl Marx described as “an
aristocracy of labour”, rather than an
organization fighting for sustainable
development and the continuous
elevation of living standards. The
country will have to grin and bear it,
for such is the nature of a political
economy that’s based on rent
seeking, rather than building a
sustainable production base.
Tinubu’s reelection in 2027
appears certain, and one doesn’t
need to be a soothsayer or visit
Okija Shrine to foresee this
outcome. As Detective Sherlock
Holmes would say, “Elementary
logic, Watson!”
May the Lamb of God, who takes
away the sin of the world, grant us
peace in Nigeria!
Komolafe wrote from Ijebu-
Jesa, Osun State, Nigeria
(ijebujesa@yahoo.co.uk)

Opinion
APRIL 16 - 29 2025
TheTrumpet
Page15
Ekiti’s next leap! By Abiodun Komolafe
billion for this project, aiming to
enhance connectivity and economic
growth. As the State’s resources
continue to improve, the expectation
is that the ongoing Ado-Ekiti Ring
Road project, connecting the new
airport, will also be dualized.
The dynamics of Ekiti State
provide the incumbent Governor
with a highly favourable position,
particularly in terms of electoral
advantage. In a country seething in
the grip of its own helplessness,
Oyebanji has proven himself to be a
quality leader! Fortunately for him,
but unfortunately for the polity,
there is currently no coherent
alternative emerging from the
grassroots to convincingly challenge
his position.
To upset an incumbent, one
needs a coherent position, even if
the incumbent is laughably
incompetent. It is tragic that no such
alternative position is in the offing,
which says a lot about the current
state of politics, not just in Ekiti
State but nationwide.
May the Lamb of God, who takes
away the sin of the world, grant us
peace in Nigeria!
Komolafe wrote from Ijebu-
Jesa, Osun State, Nigeria
(ijebujesa@yahoo.co.uk)
Ekiti State Governor - Mr Biodun Oyebanji
One of the off-cycle elections
next year will take place in
Ekiti State, where Governor
Biodun Oyebanji will face reelection.
Oyebanji has several
strengths to leverage when
campaigning begins, particularly his
efforts to redirect the State’s
political economy in a positive
direction, as widely acknowledged
by conventional wisdom.
Ekiti State has navigated the
current economic transformation in
very steady ways. The State’s
poverty level is relatively
manageable, rather than crippling.
The Governor’s strategic
intervention in agriculture has built
up buffers of price-modulating as
well as supply-adjustment
mechanisms. This approach has
effectively withstood economic
headwinds, serving as a model that
other States would do well to
emulate.
In many ways, Oyebanji’s
agricultural policies echo those of
Gabriel Akinola Deko, a former
Minister of Agriculture from
neighbouring Ondo State. Deko,
known for his astuteness,
established Marketing and
Commodity Boards to shield the
masses from inflationary pressures.
Oyebanji continues this approach!
The Governor also excels in two
key areas: infrastructural
development and management of
the political class. His efforts have
secured the Federal Government’s
approval for the reconstruction of
the Ado-Iyin-Igede-Aramoko-
Itawure Road. The Bola Tinubu
government has allocated N5.4

Page16 TheTrumpet APRIL 16 - 29 2025
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