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Rebels of Urbanism

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no 134

2026

to po s.


COVER

PHOTO: by visuals via Unsplash

The clenched fist is a symbol of courage,

defiance, and collective power. It embodies the

spirit of urban rebellion, challenging old

structures, taking action, and shaping cities

from the ground up. Bold, determined,

unstoppable: this is the energy driving change

in our urban worlds.

Cities, we are told, must be planned. They must

be orderly, resilient, smart, green, and – above

all – efficient. Their flows must flow. Their zones

must zone. Their development must be sustainable,

measurable and accompanied by stakeholder

dialogues with coffee-flavoured name

tags. And then someone comes along and plants

tomatoes in a parking lot.

This issue of topos is dedicated to those people.

To the ones who don’t wait for permission, who

don’t colour within the zoning map, who don’t

ask whether it’s allowed before asking whether it

makes sense. Rebels of Urbanism is not a celebration

of chaos – it is a tribute to disobedient

clarity. To those who look at the city not as a finished

product, but as an open system with

enough cracks to plant new ideas in.

We’re not talking about noise for the sake of

provocation. We’re talking about friction – and

how it generates movement.

From informal settlements that outsmart formal

planning, to community-built infrastructures that

succeed where governments have failed; from artists

who reprogram the meaning of public space,

to architects who refuse the rules of the market –

this issue explores urbanism as resistance, reinvention,

and, yes, rebellion.

You will encounter stories from all over the

world and beyond – places where the city has

been challenged not by ideology, but by daily

life and imagination. You’ll meet planners who

speak softly but act radically. Landscape architects

who refuse the polished masterplan. Activists

who turn dead zones into living rooms. And

fighters who remind us that rebellion does not

always wear a hoodie.

Rebels come in many forms. Some plant. Some

build. Some occupy. Some code. Some walk

slowly through a city designed for acceleration

– and that alone becomes a statement. What

unites them is not scale, but stance. They act

where others explain. They improvise where

systems hesitate. They remind us that the urban

contract is not fixed, and that rules – like kerbs

and fences – are made to be tested.

And yes, sometimes they fail. But in failure,

there is more truth than in a dozen glossy renderings.

Because rebellion, when done well, is

not just noise – it is method. So no: this is not a

handbook for polite participation. This is a

journal of urban courage, of stubborn optimism,

of brilliant misbehaviour.

I am particularly looking forward to hearing from

you, dear readers, whether via LinkedIn, email, or

in person. We are immensely proud of this issue.

On the one hand, it has once again pushed the

boundaries of topos; on the other, it has allowed

us to further broaden our own horizons.

TOPOS E-PAPER: AVAIL-

ABLE FOR YOUR DESKTOP

For more information visit:

www.toposmagazine.com/epaper

TOBIAS HAGER

Chief-Content-Officer

t.hager@georg-media.de

topos 134 005


CONTENTS

OPINION

Page 8

CURATED PRODUCTS

Page 104

THE BIG PICTURE

Page 10

METROPOLIS EXPLAINED

Page 12

"YOU CANNOT STOP LIFE"

Interview with Wladimir Klitschko

Page 24

NÚMENOR’S CODE

An Introduction by Tobias Hager

Page 16

"YOU CANNOT STOP LIFE"

Interview with Wladimir Klitschko

Page 24

THE CITY AND THE CAPITAL

From Marxist theory to the fight for equitable cities

Page 32

RUNNING ON REBELLION

(AND WINNING)

Zohran Mamdani’s fight for housing justice in New

York City

Page 38

"REBELLION HAPPENS IN

THE CRACKS"

Interview with Víctor Cano Ciborro

Page 46

(R)EVOLUTIONIZING URBAN SPACE

Architektoniczki’s feminist approach to public space

Page 56

REBELLION ON THE BUS LANE

Bogotá’s bold experiment in public transit

Page 64

"URBAN REBELLION

THRIVES ON COURAGE, CREATIVITY,

AND COMMITMENT"

Interview with Gerald Babel-Sutter

Page 70

THE NEIGHBOURHOOD THAT

REFUSES TO CONFORM

Vila de Gràcia and the art of autonomy

Page 80

"BEING REBELLIOUS MEANS TAKING UNCONVEN-

TIONAL APPROACHES"

Interview with Sebastian Rühl

Page 86

ASPHALT REVOLT

Tactical Urbanism in Action

Page 94

CONTRIBUTORS

Page 102

CITY GAMECHANGERS

Page 112

EDGE CITY

Page 114

IMPRINT

Page 113

THE CITY AND THE CAPITAL

An in-depth profile of David Harvey

Page 32

Photos: Press Service of Kyiv Mayor Vitali Klitschko, By FLOK Society, CC BY 3.0 License

006 topos 134


OPINION

THE

PARTICIPATORY

LIE

Participation has become urbanism’s favourite moral alibi. No masterplan

without a workshop. No redevelopment without sticky notes. No displacement

without a listening session. We tell ourselves that co-creation equals democracy

– that the presence of citizens in a room automatically redistributes power. But

what if the opposite is true? What if many of today’s participatory processes are

not tools of transformation, but instruments of pacification? Carefully moderated

arenas where anger is translated into Post-its, dissent into data, and resistance

into valuable input? In an era that celebrates inclusion as performance,

the most dangerous question is also the simplest: who still decides?

008 topos 134


Opinion

They promised democracy – we got design

thinking. From pop-up workshops to policy

hackathons, today’s planning culture celebrates

“co-creation” as the highest form of civic

virtue: inclusive, agile, and gloriously buzzword-compliant.

Participation, we are told, is

the antidote to top-down urbanism. But what

if it isn’t? What if co-creation, in its current

practice, does not dismantle power – but

politely repackages it?

What began as a hard-won democratic demand

has morphed into an increasingly hollow ritual.

Cities now perform participation like a

well-rehearsed play: invitations are sent, sticky

notes prepared, “local voices” gathered in a

semi-circle of sincerity. But scratch the surface

and a different picture emerges. The budget is

fixed. The timeline is set. The renderings are

already in circulation. The decision, quite

often, has already been made.

Let’s be clear: this is not an attack on listening.

It’s a critique of how little we’re willing to hear.

Because in too many processes, participation is

pre-structured to produce agreeable input –

not disruption. It asks residents to “share their

visions” within frames already drawn, to

colour inside policy lines, to help decorate

strategies that cannot be questioned in their

foundations. When critique emerges, it is

labelled as noise. When conflict arises, it is

“managed”. Participation, in this context,

becomes not empowerment – but containment.

The result is a peculiar choreography:

messy urban realities filtered through tidy consensus

protocols. Every stakeholder speaks.

Every opinion is heard. And in the end, the

same five firms get the contract. This is not

failure by accident. It is success by design.

Because co-creation is rarely neutral and never

honest. It is often deployed precisely where

legitimacy is lacking – as a compensatory gesture

in contexts of exclusion, speculation or

displacement. It becomes the sugar coating on

bitter pills: gentrification as “neighbourhood

revitalisation”, displacement as “strategic relocation”,

privatisation as “public–private collaboration”.

All apparently co-created. All deeply

familiar.

And yet, the myth persists. Participation, we

are told, builds trust. But trust in what? In a

system that cannot be meaningfully challenged?

In processes that invite marginalised

voices, only to translate them into bullet points

on a consultant slide deck?

In theory, participation should redistribute

power. In practice, it often performs inclusion

while consolidating control. The language of

co-creation flatters the citizen – while protecting

the architecture of the status quo.

Perhaps the real test is this: if a participatory

process cannot end in a fundamental “no” – to

the brief, the developer, the policy itself – then

what we have is not co-creation, but choreography.

And choreography, however well-intentioned

it may be, does not make a city better. It

simply makes inequality feel more polite. The

future of cities deserves better than being

polite. It demands planning processes that are

not only participatory in form, but confrontational

in content. Processes that acknowledge

conflict, redistribute authorship, and allow for

radical deviation – not just curated input.

Until then, the real work of urban rebellion

may still happen outside the planning room –

precisely because that’s the only place the rules

can still be broken.

TOBIAS HAGER is a journalist and Chief Content

Officer and member of the management board at

GEORG Media. Responsible for all GEORG brands

such as topos magazine, BAUMEISTER and

Garten + Landschaft, his focus is on the areas of content,

digital, marketing and entrepreneurship.

topos 134 009


rebels of urbanism

INTERVIEWEE: WLADIMIR KLITSCHKO

INTERVIEW: VERONIKA MINKINA

“YOU CANNOT STOP

LIFE“

Wladimir Klitschko is part of a city that refuses to stand still under siege. As

a member of Ukraine’s Territorial Defence, he is prepared to serve actively

in the war, joining his brother Vitali Klitschko, the mayor of Kyiv, in defending

the capital while also acting abroad as an advocate for military and humanitarian

support. In this conversation, he reflects on how Kyiv continues

to function as a global metropolis under constant attack, how communication

and digital infrastructure have become tools of survival, and why “urban

rebellion” in today’s Kyiv is not a metaphor, but a daily practice of resilience,

adaptation, and collective courage.

024 topos 134


Wladimir Klitschko as

part of Ukraine’s

Territorial Defence,

defending the capital

alongside its citizens

while advocating

internationally for

support and solidarity.

Photo: Press Service of Kyiv Mayor Vitali Klitschko

topos 134 025


Kyiv continues to function as a global metropolis under constant

threat. What allowed the city to keep operating despite the pressures

and destruction of war?

Since the beginning of the full-scale invasion in 2022, even though the

war really began back in 2014, Kyiv has never stopped functioning. Even

when the city was nearly encircled by Russian forces and more than 250

buildings were destroyed, life did not come to a halt.

It was a tragic and unprecedented moment when the attack occurred.

Before 25th February 2022, almost five million people lived and worked

in the city, including the residents of nearby towns such as Bucha, Hostomel,

and Borodianka –all just 10 to 15 minutes away by car. Bucha, as

you know, later became the site of a massacre. I remember how this bustling,

vibrant city suddenly emptied, with only a few hundred thousand

people remaining.

Everywhere, citizens stood in line to receive weapons and defend the city.

Volunteers queued for hours to arm themselves. Sandbags covered windows

everywhere as Kyiv prepared for street fighting. Yet, despite everything,

the city never ceased to function.

The mayor, my brother Vitali Klitschko, addressed the citizens every

morning and evening, broadcasting live through Kyiv City TV and via his

mobile phone. He never stopped communicating with the people who

stayed.

There were countless challenges at that time. Public transport had collapsed

– no subways, no buses. But despite everything, the city adapted.

Ukrainians are an extremely digitalised nation; digitalisation arrived in

Ukraine much earlier than in many European countries, including Germany.

Through digital tools we were able to coordinate supplies, identify

open pharmacies, and distribute essential goods.

Digitalisation also became a defence mechanism. Through CCTV surveillance,

we could see exactly where the enemy was –their faces, their

names, even their military units. All this data was collected and stored,

even though Russian cyberattacks tried to destroy our infrastructure. We

let them believe they succeeded, but in reality, we continued documenting

crimes, which will one day serve as evidence for justice.

So Kyiv kept functioning thanks to the mayor’s team and officials - some

left, but most stayed. Despite destruction, killings, and immense hardship,

the city never stopped working.

Many cities would have collapsed under such pressure. Which

strengths or mechanisms impressed you most when it came to keeping

daily life going?

Of course, digital tools and infrastructure have been crucial, as I mentioned.

But above all, it’s about people.

Life is both fragile and unstoppable. You cannot stop life, and we proved

that from the very first day of the full-scale war in 2022. Every day since

then, Ukrainians in the capital and across the country have shown this

resilience again and again.

What has impressed me most is the inner strength of our men and wom-

026 topos 134


rebels of urbanism

en, their resilience, their humanity. I also discovered something within

myself that I want to share. I remember sitting behind sandbags with my

weapon, preparing for street fighting, and asking myself: “Wlad, what is

really important in life? Why are you here? You could be in the US or in

Europe, living a comfortable life. Is the money in your bank account

important now? No. Are your Olympic gold medals or championship

belts important? No.”

Then I thought: “Is your child important? Yes,but even that’s not the

essence. What, then, truly matters?” And I realised that it was about moral

duty, the same moral strength that kept so many Ukrainians here to

defend their country, their city. Especially in those first days and weeks,

when the outcome was completely uncertain, we chose to stay and fight. I

have deep respect for everyone who made that choice and still continues

today.

One thing I can promise you: Putin’s Russia will never succeed in Ukraine.

Communication became a lifeline during the siege, both within Kyiv

and with the world. How has it shaped the city’s resilience?

Absolutely, communication is key to everything. In family life, among

friends, within communities, cities, countries, even globally ,it all begins

with communication. Without it, there is no understanding, no unity.

In modern times, communication is essential for survival. I have to say,

whatever people might think about Elon Musk, I am deeply grateful that

he created Starlink. Sometimes, even in Germany, I lose connection on a

train or motorway ,yet in Ukraine, thanks to Starlinks, we have built a

remarkable digital ecosystem.

The internet speed is extremely high, and you can connect almost anywhere

in the country, even in war zones. Mobile providers such as Kyivstar

have learned to integrate Starlinks so that, even without standard

mobile coverage, people can still send messages. For example, while sheltered

underground during an air raid.

Communication, adaptation, and innovation go hand in hand in this war.

Modern warfare changes constantly, and we must adapt as quickly as possible

– and we have. In just a few months, in February 2026, it will be four

years since the full-scale invasion, and twelve years since the conflict

began in 2014 with the annexation of Crimea and the fighting in eastern

Ukraine.

I often think of Darwin’s quote: “It is not the strongest of the species that

survives, nor the most intelligent, but the one most responsive to change.”

We live by this principle, constantly adapting to our environment to

ensure survival.

“Rebellion” has become part of daily life in Kyiv. What does this kind

of resistance mean to you on an urban level?

I can best explain it through a comparison from nature. Think of a school

of fish in the ocean or a flock of birds in the sky. You’ve seen it in documentaries

,these clouds of movement that shift form in an instant. On the

one hand, they create an ecosystem of similar beings moving together.

topos 134 027


rebels of urbanism

RUNNING ON

REBELLION

(AND WINNING)

ERIC FLOOD

038 topos 134


Zohran Mamdani didn’t just win on election night, he tapped into something. The

chants of Housing is a human right could have come from any tenant rally over the

past five or more years. This time, though, New York City had finally voted like it

believed its chant.

In part, New Yorkers chose Mamdani because the status quo had become

unbearable. The city has a 1.4% rental vacancy rate – the lowest since 1968

- with few to no affordable units left to find. If renters are looking to spend

less than $1,100, that vacancy rate drops to 0.4%. That isn’t a housing

market, it‘s a closed system. For households earning less than $50,000

without subsidies, 86% are rent burdened. For those earning under

$25,000, the same share pays more than half their income to keep a roof

over their heads. When the median asking rent is $3,500 and median

household income sits around $70,000, the maths just doesn’t work.

This is the “unliveable” New York that gave Mamdani his mandate. However,

mandates don’t equal governance - it takes coalitions to get things

done. And the coalition that carried Mamdani to City Hall now meets a

reality his predecessors couldn't solve: a housing system that was failing

even before 200,000 asylum seekers arrived to face the same closed market

as everyone else.

New York's shelter system held 48,000 people in March 2022. Then federal

policy collapsed, Texas and Florida started busing migrants north as

political theatre, and the city's right-to-shelter obligation met a scale it

was never designed for. The city declared a state of emergency in October

2022 and has renewed it monthly since. To be clear, the crisis isn't that

migrants came. It's that decades of housing underproduction left no slack

in the system for anyone: not for the teacher priced out of Queens, not for

the family from Venezuela seeking asylum, not for the lifelong New Yorker

who aged out of affordability.

Mamdani’s win was a revolt against that failure. The test is whether affordability

politics can govern through historic scarcity when shelter is a legal

obligation and housing is a moral one.

New York’s Frozen System

New York’s housing crisis was a slow process decades in the making.

Between 2002 and 2014, the city lost nearly half of its low-rent housing

stock. Units affordable to working-class families didn't disappear, but they

were deregulated, flipped, or priced up until they no longer existed as

affordable options. By 2021, only about 526,000 low-rent units remained.

Meanwhile, the city kept growing. Since the last housing vacancy survey,

New York added 60,000 units of housing. It also added 275,000 households.

That isn’t just a gap, it’s a structural mismatch without an easy correction.

The upstream maths is equally broken. Throughout the 2010s, New York

built only 23 units per 1,000 residents annually. Studies estimate the city

needs 560,000 new units by 2030, with 277,000 needed immediately just

to stabilise the market. That pipeline isn't coming. In mid-2022, tax incentives

for construction expired and building permits dropped significantly

within six months of the expiration. Estimates suggest 33,000 units

already in process of construction are unlikely to ever be completed without

a replacement incentive.

This results in a frozen system. New Yorkers move 41% less often than the

national average. The share of renters who've stayed in the same apartment

for over a decade is three and a half times the U.S. rate. Renters don’t

040 topos 134


INTERVIEWEE: VÍCTOR CANO CIBORRO INTERVIEW: VERONIKA MINKINA

"REBELLION HAPPENS

IN THE CRACKS"

Victor Cano–Ciborro explores the city through the lens of its most overlooked

inhabitants. From street vendors in Ahmedabad to rappers in the Parisian

banlieues, he studies how bodies—human and non-human—produce, contest,

and transform urban space. In his work, “rebellion” is not defiance for

its own sake, but the everyday assertion of presence, creativity, and agency

within cities designed for conformity. By listening, mapping, and making visible

these non-normative practices, Cano-Ciborro reveals how urban life

thrives in friction, improvisation, and the gaps between regulation and reality.

Photo: Víctor Cano-Ciborro

046 topos 134


rebels of urbanism

Victor Cano Ciborro

explores how everyday

practices, from street

vending to youth culture,

shape cities from within,

revealing the hidden

rhythms and conflicts of

urban life.

topos 134 047


Photo: Carlos Martinez via unsplash

The enduring relevance

of TransMilenio may lie

less in its success story

than in its imperfections.

It reminds us that urban

rebellion is not a heroic

endpoint but a fragile

beginning – that it is

easier to redistribute

space than to govern it

justly over time.

topos 134 065


TransMilenio turned Bogotá into a global symbol of a rebellious transport revolution:

built swiftly, comparatively inexpensive, and driven by Enrique Peñalosa’s

vision of redistributing the city more fairly. Yet today, the celebrated bus rapid transit

system reveals the limits of infrastructural revolution. Between political ambition,

social reality, and chronic overload, Bogotá has become a case study in how urban

rebellions age—and what cities can learn from them.

The revolution did not arrive on rails. It came on rubber tires, painted red,

articulated instead of locomotive, and with the promise of reclaiming the

city – not for cars, but for people. When Bogotá began building its bus

rapid transit system, TransMilenio, in the late 1990s, it was less a technical

innovation than a political act. And perhaps that is why Enrique Peñalosa,

the man driving this transformation, can with some justification be

called a rebel.

Enrique Peñalosa Londoño, born in 1954 in Washington, D.C., the son of

Colombian diplomat Enrique Peñalosa Camargo, spent his childhood

between North America and Colombia and later studied at Duke University

in the U.S. and at the University of Paris. Early on, he became engaged

with questions of urban justice and social inclusion before entering politics

in the early 1990s.

A system as an attitude

TransMilenio is inseparable from his name. Peñalosa served as mayor of

Bogotá from 1998 to 2001 and again from 2016 to 2019. He was no traffic

engineer but an urbanist in the political sense: someone who saw the city

not as a set of infrastructures but as a moral project. His central conviction

was as simple as it was provocative: a city is only just if those without

cars also have access to mobility, space, and dignity.

Peñalosa is regarded internationally as a leading advocate of a “city for

people rather than for cars”. His speeches and writings on public space,

equality, and the reclaiming of streets have attracted worldwide attention.

Later he advised organisations such as UN Habitat and the Institute for

Transportation and Development Policy (ITDP), and lectured at numerous

universities and conferences.

In Bogotá, a metropolis of around seven million residents, mobility is not

a marginal concern but an existential one. Approximately 15 to 18 million

trips are made daily, nearly half of them by public transport. For almost

one in two residents, transit is the only realistic means of moving across

the city, especially for low income households, students, and young people.

Rebellion against the rail

The true provocation of TransMilenio did not lie in its efficiency but in

Peñalosa’s deliberate decision to reject the construction of a metro. While

many cities of the Global South viewed rail systems as symbols of modernity

and progress, Peñalosa opted for a bus rapid transit model: exclusive

central bus lanes, level boarding platforms, pre paid fare collection, high

frequency, and large capacity vehicles.

066 topos 134


Discarded rubber boots

turned into planters – a

subtle intervention in the

asphalt. The spirit of

Tactical Urbanism takes

material form between

roadway and bloom:

improvised and

temporary, yet intent on

renegotiating urban

space.

Photo: Brett Bennett

topos 134 095


It often begins with a modest gesture: a row of planters placed on asphalt, a bench

assembled from salvaged timber, a stretch of roadway suddenly marked as a bike lane

where none existed the day before. What appears improvised is, in fact, symptomatic

of a profound shift in how cities are imagined and transformed. Tactical Urbanism – an

approach defined by temporary, low-cost, and often citizen-led interventions – has

evolved into one of the most compelling insurgent forces in contemporary urbanism.

Within the broader constellation of today’s urban rebels, Tactical Urbanism

occupies a singular position. It does not rely on iconic architecture or

sweeping masterplans; its currency is immediacy rather than spectacle.

Its protagonists are rarely starchitects or elected officials. Instead, they are

residents, neighbors, activists, and planners who share a dissatisfaction

with the inertia of conventional processes. Their rebellion is neither theatrical

nor purely oppositional. It is practical. It unfolds at the scale of a

crosswalk, a curb, a single block – and yet its implications reverberate far

beyond, reshaping how institutions think about risk, participation, and

the temporality of change.

The city as a prototype

At the heart of Tactical Urbanism lies a simple but radical premise: those

who inhabit a place possess an intimate understanding of its failures and

potentials. Traditional planning frameworks, with their procedural

rigour, expert-driven assessments, and extended timelines, often estrange

citizens from decision-making; years can pass between identifying a

problem and implementing a solution. In that temporal vacuum, frustration

accumulates – and with it a readiness to bypass established channels.

Tactical Urbanism collapses that distance. It substitutes deliberation with

demonstration, proposal with prototype. Streets become laboratories;

public space becomes a test site. An intervention is installed not as a final

answer but as a question posed in physical form: What if this intersection

prioritised pedestrians? What if this parking space became a micro-park?

What if a painted line could recalibrate traffic behaviour? Each of these

questions becomes legible, and contestable, in situ.

The power of this approach lies in its reversibility. Because interventions

are temporary and inexpensive, they lower the threshold for experimentation

and reduce political risk. If a measure proves ineffective, it can be

removed with minimal cost. If it succeeds, it provides tangible evidence to

justify permanent investment. Municipalities in Europe have increasingly

used this logic to reprogram streets and squares, testing pedestrianisation,

outdoor seating, or new mobility regimes over a few weeks or months

before committing capital budgets. The city, in this sense, is no longer a

static artefact but a continuous experiment conducted at full scale.

This experimental ethos aligns Tactical Urbanism with broader trends in

governance and urban innovation: “real-world laboratories” in which

policies are tested under everyday conditions, and “street experiments”

that deliberately unsettle established mobility patterns. Rather than treating

public space as a finished product delivered by experts, Tactical

Urbanism frames it as a shared prototype – a work in progress in which

design, use, and negotiation are inseparable.

From guerrilla gesture to institutional strategy

The genealogy of Tactical Urbanism is heterogeneous. It draws from the

ethos of guerrilla gardening, from informal placemaking, from activist

traffic calming and do-it-yourself safety measures. In the early 2000s,

experimental pedestrian plazas in New York City signalled a pivotal

096 topos 134

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