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IMPERIAL CHALLENGERS: BULLA FELIX AND MATERNUS<br />

As already described, Bulla Felix’s game of cat and mouse brought home<br />

to the emperor and his security forces the limits of their power. We are told<br />

that in planning his robberies he had available to him such a wonderful<br />

intelligence network that he knew precisely who had left Rome, or had put<br />

into harbour at Brundisium – how many they were, and what they had<br />

with them. 24 If this is true, Bulla must have had many well-wishers and supporters<br />

among the population, perhaps even in public positions. 25 We may<br />

gain an idea as to how he may have won a certain sympathy among ordinary<br />

people from the following. Dio says that whenever Bulla captured anyone,<br />

he robbed them of only a portion of their possessions, then immediately let<br />

them go on their way, otherwise unharmed. This sounds very much like the<br />

romanticisation of a proto-Robin Hood, who did not strip his victims of all<br />

they had and, above all, spared their lives – Hobsbawm’s ‘noble bandit’. 26<br />

The reality will have been rather different. Apart from the fact that not all<br />

bandits need be bloodthirsty killers (one has only to think of the English<br />

highwaymen, who famously plied their trade as ‘gentlemen of the road’),<br />

their overwhelming preference (as, presumably, that of the historical Bulla)<br />

is naturally for well-to-do victims: they are, after all, primarily interested in<br />

booty. Seneca’s observation that the bandit lets through the destitute, 27 is<br />

only a more elegant way of saying that a naked man has no pockets. Cold<br />

calculation would become noble motive only when transformed by legend.<br />

This had little to do with the real Bulla Felix.<br />

It follows that if Bulla Felix, the noble bandit of legend, was projected<br />

as mirror image and challenger of emperor and state, the emperor is to be<br />

seen as the true bandit, who robbed his victims of all they possessed. His<br />

‘victims’ were, in the widest sense, all those who, through taxation and<br />

special exactions, were brought to the brink of ruin, 28 more narrowly, however,<br />

the well-to-do who, because of their property, were hauled before the courts.<br />

From the case of Commodus we know that an emperor could be directly<br />

reproached for being a bandit. A contemporary document from Egypt calls<br />

him a ‘robber chief ’ (leistarchos), 29 and according to his biographer, ‘He slew<br />

whomsoever he wished to slay, plundered a great number, violated every<br />

law, and put all the booty into his own pocket.’ 30 Though Bulla Felix was<br />

not set up against Commodus, he was set up against the latter’s so-called<br />

adoptive brother, Septimius Severus, criticised by senatorial historiography<br />

for his anti-Senate policy, his execution of senators, his confiscation of property<br />

and, generally, for his raising of cash by any possible means. 31 It therefore<br />

seems acceptable to interpret the narrative concerning Bulla Felix, who<br />

was merciful to his victims, as indirect criticism of imperial greed.<br />

Similarly transformed by legend appears to be the notice that follows,<br />

that Bulla temporarily detained technitai to make use of their skills, and then<br />

let them go with a gift. 32 Modern translations of Dio render technitai as<br />

‘craftsmen’. 33 There can be no doubt that, for example, weapon smiths and<br />

wheelwrights could have rendered Bulla valuable service. On the other hand,<br />

113

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