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BANDITS IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE<br />

were not those of nature, but created by human beings, and therefore in the<br />

end rested on no absolute justification. It is unlikely, to say the least, that<br />

such conversations between bandits and rulers ever took place in reality.<br />

Let us now turn again to Bulla’s downfall. While Corocotta was granted<br />

the bounty that was on his own head and given his freedom by Augustus,<br />

Bulla was thrown to ravening beasts in the arena. Without its leader, Bulla’s<br />

band scattered to the winds. 76 He alone gave the movement its direction and<br />

its strength. 77 There is no mention of further state action against it, suggesting<br />

that the rest probably escaped unpunished. 78 This, too, was no good<br />

advertisement for the imperial authority, which always set itself out to be<br />

the guarantor of security throughout the provinces. 79<br />

4 Cassius Dio on bandit history:<br />

contemporary criticism and perception of crisis<br />

In saying what he does about bandits such as Claudius and Bulla Felix, Dio<br />

diverges considerably from one of the avowed principles of his narrative.<br />

Earlier in his work he had sworn deliberately to eschew detail and minutiae:<br />

the passage concerned has already been considered in the Introduction. 80<br />

‘This avoidance of detail is a characteristic of his work throughout, not<br />

merely in the rhetorical passages.’ Fergus Millar’s remark, 81 though referring<br />

to another matter, may be extended to this same passage. However, in the<br />

context of a comprehensive account of Roman imperial history, if anything<br />

was trivial it had to be tales of bandits. What, therefore, made Dio move<br />

away from his original conception and, in the contemporary part of his<br />

work, introduce episodes which, viewed overall, are minor? One might respond<br />

that the passages in question appear unimportant only when taken at<br />

face value, without regard for what lies behind them. Though, indeed, their<br />

facts remain trivial, consideration of their deeper meaning reveals them to be<br />

a means for practising cryptic criticism of current conditions.<br />

In the light of its close similarity to that of the false Agrippa Postumus,<br />

it may plausibly be claimed that Dio’s account of Bulla Felix was, after the<br />

manner of Tacitus, conceived of as covert censure of the emperor. As has<br />

already been shown, in a number of different ways, the episode also displays<br />

parallels with other bandit stories within Dio’s history aimed at increasing<br />

the attractiveness of his reporting of his own times. In this respect one<br />

might cite those of Isodorus leader of the Bukoloi, Maternus the deserter (of<br />

whom more below and concerning whom Dio may have been the inspiration<br />

for our only source, Herodian), and Claudius the bandit. As we have seen,<br />

the historical authenticity of all of these accounts is, at least with regard<br />

to detail, extremely questionable. At the core of what has come down to us<br />

we can probably assume the existence of each of these individuals as bandits<br />

capable of sensational deeds. Dio will have elaborated on oral tradition,<br />

through which dry facts will already have been dressed up as legend. However,<br />

120

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