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AVENGERS IN DYNASTIC CONFLICTS<br />
the imperial court as well as upon the ability to conduct himself as emperor<br />
in public. This reminds us of men like the avengers of Agrippa Postumus<br />
and of the son of Herod. Though it cannot be proved, one suspects that the<br />
false Nero was also an imperial slave who set himself up as the avenger of<br />
his ruined master. At any rate, he exploited the desire for vengeance by<br />
Nero’s supporters for his own ends, thereby stamping the affair with the<br />
usual association of vengeance and the assumption of the identity of the<br />
avenged.<br />
The rumour that Nero was not dead, which in 69 allowed a warm reception<br />
for a first imposter, was still doing the rounds ten years later, so that in<br />
79 or 80 a second false Nero appeared, 113 and just ten years after this a third.<br />
The second imposter was one Terentius Maximus, a freeman from the province<br />
of Asia. He is supposed to have looked and sounded like Nero and, like<br />
the emperor, to have accompanied his singing on the lyre. In these respects,<br />
what is said about him is fully in line with what was said of the first false<br />
Nero. He gave out that Nero had escaped the squad of soldiers come to kill<br />
him and had spent many years in hiding. The story goes that, with a core<br />
of followers from Asia Minor, 114 Maximus made his way into Parthia 115 and<br />
attracted lively support. According to Dio, a Parthian commander called<br />
Artabanus, who nursed a grudge against the emperor Titus, made the false<br />
Nero welcome and promised him support in his intended return to Rome.<br />
In John of Antioch ‘Nero’ likewise reached the Parthian Empire, sought<br />
support on the basis of reciprocal generosity in respect of the Armenian question,<br />
but in the end failed to achieve anything. 116 The swindle soon collapsed,<br />
and the imposter was forthwith disposed of.<br />
The third false Nero 117 sought his fortune in the same way as his predecessor,<br />
by claiming to be ruler of the Roman Empire. He too operated from<br />
Parthian territory and received support from the Parthian king who, we are<br />
expressly told, 20 years later still cherished a special regard for Nero. 118 We<br />
do not know what happened in detail, but from the brief reports in the texts<br />
the incident clearly caused a great deal of fuss and seriously strained Romano-<br />
Parthian relations. Suetonius writes that the Parthians yielded only reluctantly<br />
to Roman efforts to have the man handed over, 119 and Tacitus even<br />
reports that war was threatened over this ‘piece of trickery’. 120 The basis for<br />
the repeated appearance of false Neros was persistent eastern sympathy<br />
for this emperor on both sides of the Parthian border. 121 Though they never<br />
posed a real danger to Vespasian, Titus or Domitian as usurpers or foci of<br />
opposition forces, we should not overlook the fact that each of the Flavian<br />
emperors was confronted by an imposter. In particular, the rulers of the<br />
Parthian empire made no secret of their regard for Nero as opposed to the<br />
Flavians. 122 This should not surprise us, given Nero’s ceremonial confirmation<br />
of Tiridates as monarch of Armenia in 66. 123 Flavian policy towards the<br />
Parthians was hardly deliberately revanchist; but what the Flavians did could<br />
be (and, by the Parthians, certainly was) interpreted as a means of improving<br />
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