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BANDITS IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE<br />

orations is Cicero’s personal animus. He refined what was clearly his favourite<br />

political term of abuse and by lending it his rhetorical authority endorsed its<br />

use by later ardent polemicists.<br />

Not long after Catiline’s fall, Cicero had to face another deadly enemy<br />

among his political opponents. This was P. Clodius, who projected the<br />

execution of the conspirators as an infringement of Roman citizens’ rights<br />

of appeal, forced Cicero into exile and was a few years later killed in street<br />

fighting against the thugs of Milo. Such a curriculum vitae made it almost<br />

inevitable that Clodius figures as the second latro among Cicero’s enemies,<br />

but he was not alone. 12 In his invective, Cicero worked himself to such a<br />

pitch 13 that he put Aulus Gabinius and Calpurnius Piso, the consuls of 58,<br />

in the same category as likely partisans of Clodius. According to him, the<br />

pair were the worst people could remember; they were not consuls but<br />

<strong>latrones</strong>, who not only abandoned him when he was in need but also offered<br />

him up to the knife. 14 Against Clodius he exploited the full range of a<br />

rhetoric that even in the field of insult was incomparable in its vocabulary,<br />

variety and inventiveness: W. Will has been able to assemble around 50 to<br />

60 terms of abuse. 15 There is no need to pursue this any further here as we<br />

are concerned only with the introduction into and development of the term<br />

‘bandit’ in Roman political discourse.<br />

We do not have far to go. The third politician of this period to be<br />

calumniated by his opponents as a latro was, apparently, Julius Caesar. In<br />

the light of what happened to Catiline and Clodius it is hardly a surprise.<br />

This time, however, Cicero was not involved. Indeed, it suggests a certain<br />

degree of respect on his part with regard to the Dictator that he maintained<br />

such restraint – at least with regard to his deployment of the term ‘bandit’<br />

– even after the Ides of March. This word which, in the meantime, had<br />

become widely applied as a term of abuse, was applied to Caesar by Lentulus<br />

just before the outbreak of the Civil War. 16 In the following year, we are<br />

told, Pompey had recourse to the same image in an address to his troops<br />

before the battle of Pharsalus. According to Appian, Pompey attacked his<br />

adversary, Caesar, as ‘a single individual who, like a bandit, is aiming at<br />

supreme power’. 17 The same author also has the tyrannicide, Brutus, resorting<br />

to the bandit label. In the speech in which Brutus addressed the people<br />

of Rome following Caesar’s assassination, the two dictators, Caesar and Sulla,<br />

were portrayed as being on the same level, since both had deprived the<br />

Italians of their goods and chattels by right of conquest and by the customs<br />

of banditry. 18 For a bandit of the stamp of Caesar the booty was, of course,<br />

the entire state; the means of his misappropriation was the army – his robber<br />

band. The latter comparison helps confirm I. Opelt’s point that statesman<br />

and bandit stand at different ends of the same spectrum. 19<br />

Under the Second Triumvirate, Cicero once more clashed publicly with a<br />

political opponent. This was the confrontation which, not least because of<br />

his unrestrained verbal attacks, 20 caused him to be declared an enemy of the<br />

74

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