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BANDITS IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE<br />

Great after his victory over the Cilician pirates, was awarded the corona<br />

rostrata in recognition of his ‘Sicilian pirate’ victory. 37<br />

Sextus Pompey and Mark Antony were the last ‘bandits’ of the collapsing<br />

Republic. Before moving to examine the further evolution of the term ‘bandit’<br />

in its application to political opponents during the Principate, I first wish to<br />

take a look at foreign relations in the late Republic. This will allow us to see<br />

how the usage of latro as a defamation of one’s political opponents, as it had<br />

developed in polemical speeches of the Senate and the public assemblies,<br />

came to be transferred to anti-Roman politicians of the Hellenistic world.<br />

3 Local dynasts of the late-Hellenistic East as <strong>latrones</strong><br />

In a narrative that may be seen as typifying the Greek East at the time of the<br />

Mithridatic wars, Strabo reports that numerous tyrants had seized power<br />

in Cilicia, and that robber bands had appeared everywhere, and their suppression<br />

continued down to his own day. 38 The Hellenistic monarchies had<br />

disappeared or else were in decline, while Roman dominance had not yet<br />

fully established itself. 39 At sea, piracy was in its heyday, able, under such<br />

favourable circumstances, to develop into a military and quasi-political force. 40<br />

On land, in particular in Asia Minor, areas subject to no external rule<br />

appeared where local men of power seized the chance to set themselves up as<br />

dynasts. 41 What follows is based on the observation that such self-styled<br />

politicians figure very frequently in the Roman tradition as <strong>latrones</strong> or leistai.<br />

Here, too, we find ourselves dealing not with authentic brigands, but with a<br />

figurative use of the term: politicians who had aroused Rome’s displeasure<br />

were depreciated as bandits.<br />

My first example takes us into the 70s of the first century bc, when<br />

P. Servilius Vatia Isauricus was, as proconsul, given command of the war<br />

against the Cilician pirates. 42 Contemporary with this, a Cilician dynast<br />

called Zeniketes was attracting attention. 43 He had set himself up near the<br />

coast on Olympus (a mountain near modern Delik Tas), from where he was<br />

able to oversee a much larger area, defined by natural features. 44 Strabo<br />

characterises his main base as a peiraterion. Taken literally, the term implies<br />

that Zeniketes maintained pirate vessels which exploited the disruption caused<br />

by the Mithridatic wars to go a-plundering and, perhaps, also served<br />

Mithridates for pay. There is no direct proof of this, but it is suggested by<br />

the direct onslaught of Servilius Isauricus who probably decided to proceed<br />

against Zeniketes with military force for this reason. When Roman troops<br />

threatened to storm his mountain stronghold, Zeniketes and his followers<br />

elected for collective suicide. It is interesting that this manner of death was<br />

increasingly chosen by <strong>latrones</strong>; I will examine the phenomenon in more<br />

detail below, in connection with the myth of Masada. 45 However, anticipating<br />

the results of this discussion, I declare here my suspicion that the story<br />

of the end of Zeniketes and his companions conveys no historical reality but<br />

76

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