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Pat Gibb<strong>on</strong>s, Brigitte Piquard (eds.)<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>Work<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>C<strong>on</strong>flict</str<strong>on</strong>g> -<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>Work<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g</str<strong>on</strong>g> <strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>C<strong>on</strong>flict</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

<strong>Humanitarian</strong> <strong>Dilemmas</strong> and Challenges


<str<strong>on</strong>g>Work<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> C<strong>on</strong>fl ict -<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>Work<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g</str<strong>on</strong>g> <strong>on</strong> C<strong>on</strong>fl ict<br />

<strong>Humanitarian</strong> <strong>Dilemmas</strong><br />

and Challenges


<str<strong>on</strong>g>Work<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> C<strong>on</strong>fl ict -<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>Work<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g</str<strong>on</strong>g> <strong>on</strong> C<strong>on</strong>fl ict<br />

<strong>Humanitarian</strong> <strong>Dilemmas</strong><br />

and Challenges<br />

Editors<br />

Pat Gibb<strong>on</strong>s<br />

Brigitte Piquard<br />

Assistant Editor<br />

Ladislas Bizimana<br />

2006<br />

University of Deusto<br />

Bilbao


No part of this publicati<strong>on</strong>, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>clud<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the cover design, may be<br />

reproduced, stored or transmitted <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> any form or by and means,<br />

whether electrical, chemical, mechanical, optical, record<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g or<br />

photocopy<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g, without prior permissi<strong>on</strong> or the publisher.<br />

Publicati<strong>on</strong> pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ted <strong>on</strong> ecological paper<br />

Illustrati<strong>on</strong> of fr<strong>on</strong>t page: Agencia EFE<br />

© Universidad de Deusto<br />

Apartado 1 - 48080 Bilbao<br />

I.S.B.N.: 84-9830-039-8<br />

Legal Deposit: BI - 2.168-06<br />

Pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ted <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Spa<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>/Impreso en España<br />

Design by: IPAR, S. Coop. - Bilbao<br />

Pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ted by: RGM, S.A.


C<strong>on</strong>tents<br />

Acr<strong>on</strong>yms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .<br />

Editorial - <strong>Humanitarian</strong>ism: Mean<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g, Actors, and Scope<br />

9<br />

Pat Gibb<strong>on</strong>s and Brigitte Piquard . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11<br />

I. <strong>Humanitarian</strong>ism and <strong>Humanitarian</strong> Acti<strong>on</strong> . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25<br />

C<strong>on</strong>temporary <strong>Humanitarian</strong> Assistance: Fill<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the Gaps or Blurr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the<br />

L<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>es?<br />

Ladislas Bizimana . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27<br />

The Democratic Republic of C<strong>on</strong>go: Security Obsessi<strong>on</strong> and Military-<strong>Humanitarian</strong><br />

C<strong>on</strong>fusi<strong>on</strong><br />

Xavier Zeebroek . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47<br />

II. Actors and Acti<strong>on</strong>s . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61<br />

State <strong>Humanitarian</strong>ism/ Private <strong>Humanitarian</strong>ism Relati<strong>on</strong>ship: What<br />

Form Should It Take?<br />

François Grünewald and Vér<strong>on</strong>ique de Geoffroy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63<br />

CIMIC (Civil-Military Co-operati<strong>on</strong>): Bridg<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the Gap between the Military<br />

and <strong>Humanitarian</strong>s. Field Testim<strong>on</strong>ies<br />

Bruno Smets . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83<br />

<strong>Humanitarian</strong> NGO Networks<br />

Kathr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Schick . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95


8 CONTENTS<br />

Forbidden Journalism: Tribute to the Informati<strong>on</strong> Thieves<br />

Jean Paul Marthoz . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105<br />

III. <str<strong>on</strong>g>Work<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> C<strong>on</strong>fl ict, <str<strong>on</strong>g>Work<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g</str<strong>on</strong>g> <strong>on</strong> C<strong>on</strong>fl ict . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119<br />

The Dynamics of <strong>Humanitarian</strong> Acti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> C<strong>on</strong>fl ict Situati<strong>on</strong>s: Some Characteristics<br />

Serge Rum<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121<br />

<strong>Humanitarian</strong> Aid for Susta<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>able Peace Build<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

Luc Reychler . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135<br />

C<strong>on</strong>fl ict Sensitive <strong>Humanitarian</strong> Assistance: Build<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g Capacity for Ma<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>stream<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

Maria Lange . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155<br />

Towards a Better Understand<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of the Culture and Heritage of War<br />

Brigitte Piquard . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 171<br />

The Initial Challenges of the Kosovo Experiment<br />

Richard Cox . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 189<br />

<strong>Humanitarian</strong> Acti<strong>on</strong> as Peace-build<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g: Some Refl ecti<strong>on</strong>s over the East<br />

Timor Process<br />

Kjell-Ake Norquist . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 199<br />

List of C<strong>on</strong>tributors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 207


Acr<strong>on</strong>yms<br />

AAA Acti<strong>on</strong> Agro Allemande<br />

ACTED Agency for Technical Cooperati<strong>on</strong> and Development<br />

ACBAR Agency Coord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>at<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g Body for Afghan Relief<br />

AIA Afghan Interim Authority<br />

AOR Area of Resp<strong>on</strong>sibility<br />

ATNUSO Adm<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>istrati<strong>on</strong> Transitoire des Nati<strong>on</strong>s Unies pour la Slavo<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>e<br />

BAAG British Agency Afghanistan Group<br />

BELBOS Belgians <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Bosnia<br />

CFSP Comm<strong>on</strong> Foreign and Security Policy<br />

CIMIC Civil Military Cooperati<strong>on</strong><br />

CMTF Civil Military Co-operati<strong>on</strong> Task force<br />

CORDAID Catholic Organisati<strong>on</strong> for Relief and Development Aid<br />

DHA Department of <strong>Humanitarian</strong> Affairs<br />

DFID Department for Internati<strong>on</strong>al Development<br />

DRC Democratic Republic of C<strong>on</strong>go<br />

ECHO European Commissi<strong>on</strong> <strong>Humanitarian</strong> Aid Offi ce 1<br />

EP European Parliament<br />

EU European Uni<strong>on</strong><br />

FAO Food and Agriculture Organisati<strong>on</strong><br />

FORPRONU Force de Protecti<strong>on</strong> des Nati<strong>on</strong>s Unies<br />

FPA Framework Partnership Agreement<br />

FSA Field Safety Advisor<br />

FSO Field Security Offi cer<br />

HA <strong>Humanitarian</strong> Assistance<br />

ICRC Internati<strong>on</strong>al Committee of the Red Cross<br />

ICVA Internati<strong>on</strong>al Council of Voluntary Agencies<br />

IDP <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternally Displaced Pers<strong>on</strong><br />

1 In 2005, the European Commissi<strong>on</strong> <strong>Humanitarian</strong> Aid Offi ce (ECHO) became a<br />

Directorate-General, that is, the European Commissi<strong>on</strong>’s Directorate-General for <strong>Humanitarian</strong><br />

Aid (DG ECHO).


10 WORKING IN CONFLICT - WORKING ON CONFLICT<br />

IFOR Internati<strong>on</strong>al Fellowship of Rec<strong>on</strong>ciliati<strong>on</strong><br />

IHL Internati<strong>on</strong>al <strong>Humanitarian</strong> Law<br />

ISC Internati<strong>on</strong>al Social C<strong>on</strong>fl ict<br />

IRC Internati<strong>on</strong>al Rescue Committee<br />

JRS Jesuit Relief Services<br />

JRT Jo<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>t Regi<strong>on</strong>al Teams<br />

LRRD L<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>k<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g Relief to Rehabilitati<strong>on</strong> and Development<br />

MCDA Military and Civil Defense Assets<br />

MONUC The UN Observati<strong>on</strong> Missi<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> C<strong>on</strong>go<br />

MSF Médic<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>s Sans Fr<strong>on</strong>tières<br />

NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organisati<strong>on</strong><br />

NGO N<strong>on</strong>- Governmental Organisati<strong>on</strong><br />

NOHA Network <strong>on</strong> <strong>Humanitarian</strong> Acti<strong>on</strong><br />

OCHA Offi ce for the Coord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ati<strong>on</strong> of <strong>Humanitarian</strong> Affairs<br />

ODI Overseas Development Institute<br />

OSCE Organisati<strong>on</strong> for Security and Cooperati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Europe<br />

PRT Prov<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>cial Rec<strong>on</strong>structi<strong>on</strong> Teams<br />

QUIPS Quick Impact Projects<br />

RSO Regi<strong>on</strong>al Security Offi cer<br />

SCHR Stand<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g Committee of <strong>Humanitarian</strong> Resp<strong>on</strong>se<br />

SFOR Stabilisati<strong>on</strong> Force <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Bosnia Herzegov<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>a<br />

TCT Tactical CIMIC Teams<br />

UN United Nati<strong>on</strong>s<br />

UNAMA United Nati<strong>on</strong>s Missi<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Afghanistan<br />

UNDP United Nati<strong>on</strong>s Development Programme<br />

UNHCR United Nati<strong>on</strong>s High Commissi<strong>on</strong> for Refugees<br />

UNICEF United Nati<strong>on</strong>s Children’s Fund<br />

UNMIK United Nati<strong>on</strong>al Missi<strong>on</strong> In Kosovo<br />

UNSECOORD United Nati<strong>on</strong>s Security Coord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ati<strong>on</strong> Offi ce<br />

URD Urgence-Réhabilitati<strong>on</strong>-Développement<br />

VOICE Voluntary Organisati<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Cooperati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Emergencies<br />

WFP World Food Programme


Editorial - <strong>Humanitarian</strong>ism: Mean<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g, Actors, and Scope<br />

Pat Gibb<strong>on</strong>s and Brigitte Piquard<br />

The <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>tensifi cati<strong>on</strong> and multiplicity of protracted c<strong>on</strong>fl icts, the<br />

blurr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of traditi<strong>on</strong>al dist<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>cti<strong>on</strong>s between warr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g and tranquillity<br />

z<strong>on</strong>es, together with <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>creased diffi culties <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> dist<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>guish<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g between<br />

belligerents and civilian populati<strong>on</strong> have all served to complicate c<strong>on</strong>temporary<br />

c<strong>on</strong>fl icts. Acti<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> armed c<strong>on</strong>fl icts whether driven by ideals<br />

governed by humanitarianism, peacekeep<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g, or c<strong>on</strong>fl ict transformati<strong>on</strong>,<br />

have become more complex and dangerous. The multiplicity<br />

of actors that claim space under the humanitarian banner (military,<br />

journalists, governmental agents, NGOs or private companies) are<br />

guided by vary<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ciples of humanitarianism or employ different<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terpretati<strong>on</strong>s of a small number of acknowledged humanitarian<br />

pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ciples. There is evidence that this new humanitarian c<strong>on</strong>text is<br />

impact<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g both positively and negatively depend<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <strong>on</strong> many factors<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>clud<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g: accessibility to local populati<strong>on</strong>s; ability to ma<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ta<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> an exclusively<br />

humanitarian mandate and not to become embroiled <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the<br />

c<strong>on</strong>fl ict; and ability to establish and ma<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ta<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> respect for <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>herent cultural<br />

sensitivities.<br />

In September 2003, challenged by those refl ecti<strong>on</strong>s, the Network<br />

<strong>on</strong> <strong>Humanitarian</strong> Assistance (NOHA), with the support of the European<br />

Uni<strong>on</strong> through the European Commissi<strong>on</strong> <strong>Humanitarian</strong> Aid<br />

Offi ce (ECHO) 1 and Directorate-General for Educati<strong>on</strong> and Culture<br />

(DEAC) c<strong>on</strong>vened its tenth annual <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>tensive programme <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Louva<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>-la-<br />

Neuve (Belgium). Researchers, academics, and practiti<strong>on</strong>ers jo<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ed with<br />

150 postgraduate students embark<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <strong>on</strong> the NOHA postgraduate programme<br />

to analyse some of the aforementi<strong>on</strong>ed challenges. This ten<br />

1 In 2005, the European Commissi<strong>on</strong> <strong>Humanitarian</strong> Aid Offi ce (ECHO) became a<br />

Directorate-General, that is, the European Commissi<strong>on</strong>’s Directorate-General for <strong>Humanitarian</strong><br />

Aid (DG ECHO).


12 PAT GIBBONS AND BRIGITTE PIQUARD<br />

day <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>tensive programme provided the forum for presentati<strong>on</strong>s, debates,<br />

and work<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g groups to explore several spheres of acti<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

armed c<strong>on</strong>fl ict.<br />

This book presents a selecti<strong>on</strong> of papers from this c<strong>on</strong>ference<br />

hosted by NOHA. It is presented <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> three secti<strong>on</strong>s. The fi rst explores<br />

the mean<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of the «humanitarian» c<strong>on</strong>cept, the sec<strong>on</strong>d analyses the<br />

evolv<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g mandates of humanitarian actors under a number of broad<br />

group<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gs and fi nally, the third exam<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>es the scope of the humanitarian<br />

bus<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ess and the relati<strong>on</strong>ship between humanitarian acti<strong>on</strong> and c<strong>on</strong>fl<br />

ict transformati<strong>on</strong> - hence the title of this book «work<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> c<strong>on</strong>fl ict/<br />

work<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <strong>on</strong> c<strong>on</strong>fl ict».<br />

Mean<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g: What is humanitarianism?<br />

<strong>Humanitarian</strong>ism, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> its purity, is described as «sav<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g lives, alleviat<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

suffer<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g and ma<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ta<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g human dignity». Bizimana, Zeebroek<br />

and Grünewald et al. (Chapters 2, 3 and 4) <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terrogate the chang<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

understand<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of the humanitarian c<strong>on</strong>cept. Bizimana (Chapter 2) describes<br />

the pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ciples govern<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the delivery of humanitarian assistance<br />

namely: humanity, neutrality, impartiality and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dependence. However,<br />

s<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ce the end of the Cold War these pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ciples have been <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>creas<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gly<br />

challenged. It is debateable whether these challenges are the result<br />

of less<strong>on</strong>s learned/ experiences of high profi le c<strong>on</strong>fl icts like Somalia,<br />

Rwanda, the Balkans, Afghanistan and Iraq, etc.; or the result of manipulati<strong>on</strong><br />

by political, military, and other actors to adopt the humanitarian<br />

label for their own ends.<br />

Two recent events are frequently cited as milest<strong>on</strong>es <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> shap<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

c<strong>on</strong>temporary humanitarian acti<strong>on</strong>. The fi rst of these, the end of the<br />

Cold War, brought an abrupt end to the geopolitical dom<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ance of<br />

the superpowers. C<strong>on</strong>fl icts <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the Cold War period were largely manipulated<br />

by the superpowers that <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>variably sided with <strong>on</strong>e party to<br />

the c<strong>on</strong>fl ict, leav<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g space for the humanitarian community to access<br />

those <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> need. In the aftermath of the Cold War, the UN and its extended<br />

family played a lead<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g role <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terven<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> c<strong>on</strong>fl icts to promote<br />

c<strong>on</strong>fl ict resoluti<strong>on</strong> and peace. Zeebroek (Chapter 3) shows how,<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the Democratic Republic of C<strong>on</strong>go, the UN plays a central role <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

the political/ diplomatic, military as well as the humanitarian aspects<br />

of the c<strong>on</strong>fl ict. The enhanced role of the UN, with its uncerta<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>/ unclear<br />

relati<strong>on</strong>ship with state and NGO partners served to blur the<br />

boundaries between relief and development actors, complicated the<br />

mean<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of humanitarianism and its govern<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ciples, and en-


EDITORIAL - HUMANITARIANISM: MEANING, ACTORS, AND SCOPE 13<br />

croached <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> that space that was heretofore occupied by humanitarians2<br />

.<br />

The c<strong>on</strong>text of c<strong>on</strong>flicts <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the 1990s was very different to those<br />

of the Cold War period. Grünewald and De Geoffroy (Chapter 4)<br />

describe the new complexity that emerged follow<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the proliferati<strong>on</strong><br />

of actors: state, military as well as private. These emergencies<br />

were different <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> that belligerents could no l<strong>on</strong>ger source fund<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

from Northern allies and many turned to black market activities<br />

such as drugs, people traffick<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g, m<strong>on</strong>ey launder<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g, etc., to fund<br />

their cause(s). These activities <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>creas<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gly raised global security issues<br />

for Northern states whose capacity to <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>fluence c<strong>on</strong>flict was<br />

limited <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> this post Cold War era. Bizimana (Chapter 2) describes<br />

how the manipulati<strong>on</strong> of aid by belligerents set <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> tra<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the c<strong>on</strong>cept<br />

of «new humanitarianism». This new humanitarianism requires actors<br />

to assess the negative and positive impacts of their acti<strong>on</strong>s<br />

before <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terven<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g. It is rights based i.e. new humanitarianism requires<br />

that aid be judged <strong>on</strong> how it c<strong>on</strong>tributes to the promoti<strong>on</strong>/<br />

respect for human rights rather than classic humanitarianism which<br />

focuses <strong>on</strong> reliev<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g suffer<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g and meet<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g basic needs. New humanitarianism<br />

requires humanitarian actors to address the root cause of<br />

the crises and views classical humanitarianism as naïve, frequently<br />

counterproductive and a c<strong>on</strong>tributor to protracted crises. Classical<br />

humanitarians, <strong>on</strong> the other hand, challenge new humanitarianism<br />

<strong>on</strong> the basis that it fails to prioritise the needs of victims, encourages<br />

the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>strumentalisati<strong>on</strong> of aid to meet the political and<br />

military needs of d<strong>on</strong>ors; it creates barriers between humanitarians<br />

and the populati<strong>on</strong> they serve; and it places aid workers <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> a compromise<br />

positi<strong>on</strong> forc<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g them to deal with political issues bey<strong>on</strong>d<br />

their capacity and authority.<br />

The sec<strong>on</strong>d milest<strong>on</strong>e that triggered major changes <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the humanitarian<br />

community was the tragedies of September 11th 2001, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> New<br />

York. It resulted <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the accelerati<strong>on</strong> of new humanitarian trends. Grünewald<br />

et al. (Chapter 4) identifi es four «agendas» that emanated from<br />

September 11th , namely:<br />

— Re<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>forc<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the coherence agenda which advocated closer alliance<br />

between political, development, and humanitarian <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terests;<br />

2 <strong>Humanitarian</strong>s here refer to organisati<strong>on</strong>s and agencies whose primary goals are<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> keep<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g with the aforementi<strong>on</strong>ed humanitarian c<strong>on</strong>cept <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> its purest sense i.e. sav<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

lives, alleviat<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g suffer<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g and ma<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ta<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g human dignity’


14 PAT GIBBONS AND BRIGITTE PIQUARD<br />

— Promot<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g a collective security agenda that encourages states to<br />

take a more proactive approach to prevent<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g, mediat<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g, and<br />

even forcefully <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terfer<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> c<strong>on</strong>fl icts to <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>fl uence its course;<br />

— Ignit<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the war <strong>on</strong> terror that promotes Manichean th<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>k<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

and encourages tak<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g side between the «good guys» and bad/<br />

evil guys», fundamentally breach<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the humanitarian pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ciples<br />

of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dependence and impartiality; and<br />

— Strengthen<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the civil-military agenda that is now employed by<br />

the vast majority of the world’s armies.<br />

So what is humanitarianism? <strong>Humanitarian</strong>ism will always be c<strong>on</strong>cerned<br />

with sav<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g lives, alleviat<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g suffer<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g and ma<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ta<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g human<br />

dignity. The questi<strong>on</strong> is: should it be described <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> m<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>imalist terms, as<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the case of classical humanitarianism that aims to do no harm while<br />

deliver<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g relief or should it adopt the maximalist approach that sees<br />

humanitarian acti<strong>on</strong> as part of an ambitious strategy to transform c<strong>on</strong>fl<br />

ict? On balance it would appear that both approaches have their<br />

strengths and limitati<strong>on</strong>s. Political, military, development and humanitarian<br />

actors all have roles to play <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> c<strong>on</strong>temporary complex emergencies.<br />

A c<strong>on</strong>stant theme across the chapters <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> this book is the need for<br />

improved co-ord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ati<strong>on</strong> that provides for clear role del<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>eati<strong>on</strong>, professi<strong>on</strong>alism<br />

am<strong>on</strong>g all actors (know<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <strong>on</strong>e’s mandate and liv<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g by that<br />

mandate), and the need to respect <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al law as it applies to<br />

each specifi c c<strong>on</strong>text. There is general c<strong>on</strong>sensus <strong>on</strong> the need to reta<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

the humanitarian pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ciples. However, humanitarians need greater <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>genuity<br />

to realise their goal and not to be manipulated by belligerents,<br />

political actors, the media, and other parties to modern day c<strong>on</strong>fl icts.<br />

External Actors <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> C<strong>on</strong>temporary Crises<br />

Grünewald et al, Smets, Schick and Marthoz (Chapters 4, 5, 6 and<br />

7) present the role of state, military, NGO networks and the media as<br />

they relate to humanitarianism. These chapters exam<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>e the roles of<br />

their respective actors and forward ways to improve coord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ati<strong>on</strong> with<br />

humanitarian actors.<br />

State <strong>Humanitarian</strong>ism<br />

What is the role of the state <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> humanitarianism? Grünewald et<br />

al. (Chapter 4) forward three widely held views <strong>on</strong> this issue. The fi rst<br />

fi rmly rejects the noti<strong>on</strong> of state humanitarianism <strong>on</strong> the premise that


EDITORIAL - HUMANITARIANISM: MEANING, ACTORS, AND SCOPE 15<br />

states, and their governments, are primarily answerable to their own<br />

c<strong>on</strong>stituency and they are driven by ec<strong>on</strong>omic, political, and media objectives,<br />

which are at odds with the selfl essness, impartiality, and humanity<br />

central to humanitarianism. The sec<strong>on</strong>d view fully subscribes to<br />

the c<strong>on</strong>cept of state humanitarianism believ<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g that the state has resources<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the form of its military and emergency service that should be<br />

employed <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> emergencies. F<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ally, the third view acknowledges the legal<br />

obligati<strong>on</strong>s of all states that are signatories to the various laws and<br />

c<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>s and which requires states to respect humanity and support<br />

populati<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> need.<br />

The problems/ fears associated with state humanitarianism, based<br />

<strong>on</strong> the experiences of the post-Cold War era <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>clude;<br />

— the tendency for states to look to the military to address issues<br />

that are based <strong>on</strong> human need. This can lead to the use of military<br />

methods to meet humanitarian need or what has <strong>on</strong> occasi<strong>on</strong><br />

been termed «just wars»;<br />

— States can use humanitarianism as an excuse to renege <strong>on</strong> their<br />

political obligati<strong>on</strong>s. Many would argue that the cause of c<strong>on</strong>fl<br />

ict is fi rmly embedded <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> global <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>equalities, bad governance<br />

and/ or poverty. They c<strong>on</strong>cur that a real impact will <strong>on</strong>ly be<br />

reached when states live up to their <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al obligati<strong>on</strong>s;<br />

and<br />

— F<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ally, there is the fear that state humanitarianism is little more<br />

than political -humanitarianism <strong>on</strong> the basis that states <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>variably<br />

require a return from their <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>vestment. This requires them to prioritise<br />

those crises with a geo-strategic or ec<strong>on</strong>omic signifi cance;<br />

result<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> what Grünewald et al. (Chapter 4) refers to as a twospeed<br />

humanitarianism.<br />

To overcome these fears and problems it is suggested that:<br />

— States wish<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g to develop a humanitarian brief need to live by<br />

the humanitarian pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ciples. This requires that states employ the<br />

Geneva C<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>s, which <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> its fi rst four articles details the resp<strong>on</strong>sibilities<br />

of the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al community <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> times of crises.<br />

States are also obliged to encourage other state and n<strong>on</strong> state<br />

actors to apply the c<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>s;<br />

— States as d<strong>on</strong>ors should adopt a normative approach as opposed<br />

to a supply driven approach to meet<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g humanitarian<br />

need. The mandate for <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terventi<strong>on</strong> and the c<strong>on</strong>text provide<br />

the basis <strong>on</strong> which operati<strong>on</strong>al complementarities can be established;<br />

and


16 PAT GIBBONS AND BRIGITTE PIQUARD<br />

— State humanitarianism should not be undertaken at the exclusi<strong>on</strong><br />

of its diplomatic resp<strong>on</strong>sibilities, which often requires a<br />

state to participate <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> preventi<strong>on</strong>, mediati<strong>on</strong> and/ or br<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g an<br />

end to crises.<br />

States can play very important roles <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> crises through political acti<strong>on</strong>,<br />

provid<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g protecti<strong>on</strong> to victims and even offer<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g ec<strong>on</strong>omic opportunities<br />

etc. While these may be real needs they are not necessarily<br />

«humanitarian» and they should not be c<strong>on</strong>fused with humanitarian<br />

acti<strong>on</strong>s; i.e. those that are aimed at sav<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g lives, alleviat<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g suffer<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

and carried out <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> l<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>e with the pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ciples of humanity, impartiality and<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dependence. While Grünewald et al. (Chapter 4) c<strong>on</strong>curs with the<br />

thesis that acti<strong>on</strong>s need to be co-ord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ated, he stresses the need for<br />

mutuality and respect <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> this process i.e. «co-ord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ated with» and not<br />

«co-ord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ated by».<br />

Military <strong>Humanitarian</strong>ism<br />

Zeebroek and Smets (Chapters 3 and 5) deal with the role of the military<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> humanitarianism. Military associati<strong>on</strong> with humanitarianism has<br />

its orig<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the 1990s when NATO sought to address the poor relati<strong>on</strong>s<br />

between peacekeepers and local populati<strong>on</strong>s by «w<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>n<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g their hearts<br />

and m<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ds». In security jarg<strong>on</strong> they sought an acceptance strategy rather<br />

than the protecti<strong>on</strong> or deterrence approach for which they are more<br />

comm<strong>on</strong>ly associated. This approach, which is also known as Civil Military<br />

Co-operati<strong>on</strong> (CIMIC), is defi ned by Smets (Chapter 5) as the overall<br />

means by which the military commander can establish formal relati<strong>on</strong>ships<br />

with the local authorities, the local populati<strong>on</strong>, and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al<br />

and n<strong>on</strong>-governmental organisati<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> his/her area of resp<strong>on</strong>sibility.<br />

CIMIC can be presented <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> three stages namely:<br />

— Pre-operati<strong>on</strong>al-which c<strong>on</strong>sists of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>troduc<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g troops to the political/<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>stituti<strong>on</strong>al,<br />

envir<strong>on</strong>mental and physical, social and cultural,<br />

and ec<strong>on</strong>omic c<strong>on</strong>text of the crises;<br />

— Mid-operati<strong>on</strong>s -establish<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g partnerships and networks with<br />

humanitarian actors, local authorities and civil society organisati<strong>on</strong>s.<br />

Also implement<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g projects <strong>on</strong> the ground with local communities;<br />

and<br />

— Post-operati<strong>on</strong>al - hand<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g over CIMIC governed <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>itiatives to local<br />

community.<br />

The role of CIMIC is to enhance the image of the missi<strong>on</strong> and<br />

thereby improve the security for the c<strong>on</strong>t<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gent and the local popu-


EDITORIAL - HUMANITARIANISM: MEANING, ACTORS, AND SCOPE 17<br />

lati<strong>on</strong>. It prides itself with be<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g transparent and it is not designed to<br />

provide <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong> or gather <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>telligence for military purpose, however<br />

it does serve to identify populati<strong>on</strong>s most <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> need.<br />

This <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>creas<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g proximity/ liais<strong>on</strong> between military and NGOs, especially<br />

expatriate staff, can result <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> c<strong>on</strong>fusi<strong>on</strong> and problems as <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dicated<br />

by Zeebroek (Chapter 3) <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the DRC case. The UN’s peacekeep<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g programme<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> DRC has established a civil divisi<strong>on</strong> that is developed and<br />

active, and holds c<strong>on</strong>siderable <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>fl uence over the relati<strong>on</strong>ships between<br />

the peacekeep<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g missi<strong>on</strong> and the humanitarian organisati<strong>on</strong>s, be they<br />

governmental or private. This divisi<strong>on</strong> was specifi cally established to assist<br />

the UN humanitarian divisi<strong>on</strong>, OCHA and NGOs. Its stated mandate<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>cludes «to help save lives». The close relati<strong>on</strong>ship between the military<br />

and NGOs serves to blur the boundaries between military and humanitarianism,<br />

and causes c<strong>on</strong>fusi<strong>on</strong> for locals and belligerents, and<br />

cuts NGOs off from the local populati<strong>on</strong>. This can happen <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> many<br />

ways, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>clud<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g:<br />

— the close physical proximity <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> terms of the «space occupied<br />

by military and humanitarians, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>clud<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g their liv<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g and work<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

quarters, serves to give the percepti<strong>on</strong> of a comm<strong>on</strong> «club».<br />

Other <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dicati<strong>on</strong> of the militarisati<strong>on</strong> of humanitarianism is the<br />

tendency for ex-military pers<strong>on</strong>nel to enter the NGO fi eld, rarely<br />

does the opposite occur;<br />

— they regularly share <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong> through formal channels. NGOs<br />

have restricted access to <strong>on</strong>go<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g security briefi ngs. While these<br />

meet<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gs are frequently cited as opportunities to <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>form NGOs,<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> reality NGOs are frequently the best source of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong><br />

given they have access to areas restricted to the military. In additi<strong>on</strong>,<br />

their country staff, who <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>variably live with<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> local communities<br />

provide a great source of local <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong>;<br />

— with few excepti<strong>on</strong>s, they regularly share transport and locals<br />

and belligerent cannot dist<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>guish between the military and humanitarians;<br />

— the military fund projects that are implemented by high profi le<br />

western NGOs. These projects are designed to ga<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the acceptance<br />

of the local populati<strong>on</strong> and are therefore frequently selected<br />

<strong>on</strong> the basis of maximum visibility; and<br />

— frequently the military provide armed escorts to humanitarians.<br />

Zeebroek (Chapter 3) describes how there were few surprises when<br />

rebels destroyed humanitarian <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>frastructures <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the DRC. No <strong>on</strong>e could<br />

claim for certa<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> that the attacks targeted humanitarians; such was the<br />

blurr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of the military - humanitarian boundaries.


18 PAT GIBBONS AND BRIGITTE PIQUARD<br />

Smets (Chapter 5) portrays a different experience <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the Balkans<br />

where he served with Belgian CIMIC. He views the role of the militaryhumanitarian<br />

co-operati<strong>on</strong> as largely positive cit<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g:<br />

— The military logistical capacity;<br />

— The ability of CIMIC to access populati<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> need and realise<br />

development projects it funds <strong>on</strong> the ground;<br />

— The support it gives to NGOs;<br />

— Its capacity to liaise and establish networks with other actors;<br />

— Some locals, especially those work<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g with CIMIC, greatly value<br />

its presence; and<br />

— The CIMIC c<strong>on</strong>cept has served to greatly enhanced how the Belgian<br />

military is perceived by the Belgian public and would be<br />

Belgian military.<br />

The extent to which these characteristics, roles and/or successes<br />

c<strong>on</strong>fer humanitarian status <strong>on</strong> the military is debateable. There is no<br />

doubt that the military with its logistics expertise, has a big part to play<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> natural and technological disasters where issues of impartiality and<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dependence are not an issue. However, many analysts would questi<strong>on</strong><br />

who is the ma<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> benefi ciary <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> military humanitarian liais<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

c<strong>on</strong>temporary c<strong>on</strong>fl icts.<br />

NGO Networks and <strong>Humanitarian</strong>ism<br />

Many of the chapters <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> this book, as <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> most documents relat<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

to humanitarian acti<strong>on</strong>, group all NGOs together as if to imply that<br />

they are broadly similar. In Chapter 6 Schick provides an <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>sight <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>to<br />

the orig<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>, make-up, and disparities of members <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> this broad group<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

«humanitarian NGOs».<br />

She defi nes «NGOs» as <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dependent organisati<strong>on</strong>s created voluntarily<br />

and not work<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g for profi t, however, there the similarity ends.<br />

NGOs may work with a small <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terest group or represent whole c<strong>on</strong>t<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ents.<br />

They can range from small voluntary grassroots organisati<strong>on</strong>s<br />

to highly effi cient global enterprises with thousands of employees<br />

and volunteers. A small proporti<strong>on</strong> of NGOs have objectives associated<br />

with <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al co-operati<strong>on</strong> and a sub-group of these are<br />

humanitarian NGOs. <strong>Humanitarian</strong> NGOs are characterised by their<br />

ma<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> aim, which <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>variably is associated with sav<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g lives and alleviat<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

suffer<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g, and the humanitarian pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ciples form part of their mandate<br />

and missi<strong>on</strong>. There is a wide range of different NGOs with<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> this<br />

group labelled «humanitarian» e.g. human rights, envir<strong>on</strong>mental, social,<br />

etc.


EDITORIAL - HUMANITARIANISM: MEANING, ACTORS, AND SCOPE 19<br />

There has been a steady growth <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the number of humanitarian<br />

NGOs s<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ce the 1990s. This growth is partially expla<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ed by <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>creased<br />

awareness of global needs, the proximity of recent c<strong>on</strong>fl icts and a<br />

grow<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g social c<strong>on</strong>science. Unfortunately many of these new NGOs<br />

are enter<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g a very different humanitarian c<strong>on</strong>text than their predecessors<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the Cold War era. Bizimana (Chapter 2) identifi es that good<br />

will, mandates and objectives are <strong>on</strong>e th<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g but successful humanitarian<br />

acti<strong>on</strong> requires the knowledge and skills to implement these acti<strong>on</strong>s.<br />

NGOs frequently fi nd themselves be<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g used (<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>strumentalised)<br />

by states, military and belligerents. Examples of this <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>clude: the aforementi<strong>on</strong>ed<br />

coherence agenda, that views [humanitarian] NGOs as hav<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

a key role <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> implement<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g state plans; the CIMIC programmes <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

the Balkans and similar programmes <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> DRC that use NGOs to improve<br />

their acceptability locally; and the belligerents <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> countries like Somalia,<br />

Sudan, Afghanistan, etc., that steal and loot from NGOs to fund their<br />

respective causes.<br />

In the 1990s several <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>itiatives were <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>troduced to improve the<br />

standards <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the delivery of humanitarian aid and enhance the level<br />

of professi<strong>on</strong>alism <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the fi eld. While NGOs are often regarded as the<br />

«poor relati<strong>on</strong>» <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the emergency stakeholder mix, <strong>on</strong>e method to<br />

strengthen the humanitarian voice is through humanitarian networks.<br />

Networks may be established al<strong>on</strong>g the l<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>es of special <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terest e.g. human<br />

rights or they may be established <strong>on</strong> a geographical basis i.e., nati<strong>on</strong>al,<br />

regi<strong>on</strong>al or <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al levels. They can provide a range of service<br />

to NGOs, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>clud<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g:<br />

— Lobby<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g and advocacy <strong>on</strong> the part of its members;<br />

— Enhanced visibility through representati<strong>on</strong>;<br />

— Tra<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g, shar<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of best practice and awareness rais<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g; and<br />

— Co-ord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ati<strong>on</strong> of NGOs.<br />

NGO networks can provide the required critical mass to ensure<br />

that the voices of NGOs are heard, as highlighted by Schick <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Chapter<br />

6. NGOs are frequently <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>troduced to meet needs that are not or cannot<br />

be met by the public and/ or the private sector. They fi ll a very important<br />

gap especially <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the case of humanitarian acti<strong>on</strong>. If they are<br />

«sucked <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>’/ enticed/ <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>strumentalised by other resource rich stakeholders<br />

they lose their humanitarian status and breach the very pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ciples<br />

espoused <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> their mandates. NGO networks provide the opportunity<br />

for humanitarian NGOs to participate <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the politics of<br />

emergencies and crises. This affords them the opportunity to engage<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> c<strong>on</strong>structive dialogue rather than be<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g reduced to pawns or cheap<br />

implementers.


20 PAT GIBBONS AND BRIGITTE PIQUARD<br />

Media and <strong>Humanitarian</strong>ism<br />

The media and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> particular journalism is the subject of Chapter 7.<br />

Marthoz (Chapter 7) identifi es journalism as «a decisive actor <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the<br />

struggle for dignity and solidarity». It has the power to fashi<strong>on</strong> the<br />

public’s reacti<strong>on</strong>s to unrests and thereby shape governments attitudes.<br />

However, it is often rightly accused of weakness and digressi<strong>on</strong>s. In its<br />

purist defi niti<strong>on</strong>, the role of the media is to report objectively. Marthoz<br />

(Chapter 7) claims that <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> many cases the media has been hi-jacked<br />

and now <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>stead of corresp<strong>on</strong>d<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g they are promot<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g a particular <strong>on</strong>esided<br />

view, frequently spun by the military.<br />

The ma<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> criticisms levelled at c<strong>on</strong>temporary journalism <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>clude:<br />

— the lag period <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> report<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g. Journalists appear to be satisfi ed to<br />

deal with old <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong> from sec<strong>on</strong>d hand sources;<br />

— through allow<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g themselves to be «embedded» <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the military,<br />

journalists are little more the pawns for their protectors;<br />

— global issues of genocide or mass kill<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gs fi nd it impossible to<br />

compete for air time or headl<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>e news with nati<strong>on</strong>al scandals<br />

or celebrity issues. Journalists and editors are <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>creas<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gly driven<br />

by profi t and little weight<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g is given to ethical, social or educati<strong>on</strong>al<br />

issues;<br />

— reduced numbers of journalists at the coalface plays <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>to the<br />

hands of genocidaires and despotic leaders who <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>variably fear<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al attenti<strong>on</strong>;<br />

— the media, like there humanitarian counterparts, are exposed to<br />

c<strong>on</strong>stant security threats; and<br />

— the power of the media to sway public op<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>i<strong>on</strong> has serious limitati<strong>on</strong>s.<br />

Partial report<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g can seriously skew op<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>i<strong>on</strong>, however,<br />

when deal<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g with complex political emergencies it is diffi cult to<br />

couch corresp<strong>on</strong>dence <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> its c<strong>on</strong>text given the limited resources<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> terms of space or time.<br />

Marthoz (Chapter 7) calls for new forms of journalism to address<br />

c<strong>on</strong>temporary c<strong>on</strong>fl icts. C<strong>on</strong>temporary wars are complex and therefore<br />

require a multifaceted journalistic approach. The problem(s), of<br />

these c<strong>on</strong>fl icts, are not <strong>on</strong>e-dimensi<strong>on</strong>al and failure to respect this <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>variably<br />

results <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> biased report<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g. While journalists are never neutral,<br />

they need to be objective and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dependent and while this may not sell<br />

newspapers it may save lives over time. The bottom l<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>e for journalists<br />

is to tell the truth and reta<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the highest ethical standards - a diffi -<br />

cult task when «embedded». The role of journalists is not c<strong>on</strong>fl ict preventi<strong>on</strong>,<br />

however it is to <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>form the world of issues and stories that are


EDITORIAL - HUMANITARIANISM: MEANING, ACTORS, AND SCOPE 21<br />

worth tell<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g and to <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>form the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al community <strong>on</strong> issues that<br />

should be of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terested <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the name of humanity. To turn <strong>on</strong>es back <strong>on</strong><br />

such issues, <strong>on</strong>ly to return to cover the anniversary of a genocide has<br />

become all too comm<strong>on</strong> but not acceptable.<br />

The Scope of <strong>Humanitarian</strong>ism<br />

<strong>Humanitarian</strong>s are <strong>on</strong>ly <strong>on</strong>e group<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g/ player <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the bigger system<br />

that c<strong>on</strong>stitutes the external resp<strong>on</strong>se to humanitarian crises. In Chapter<br />

8, Rum<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> discusses the roles of states, multilateral organisati<strong>on</strong>s,<br />

NGOs and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dividual actors. He describes the dynamics of different<br />

types of c<strong>on</strong>fl icts and applies systems theory to expla<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the complexities<br />

aris<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g from different factors <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>clud<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g: the diversity of actors; their<br />

roles; power relati<strong>on</strong>s; resources; their vary<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g temporal characteristics;<br />

and their diverse goals and value systems. He shows how each of these<br />

actors is a system <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> its own right with vary<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g capacities to adjust to<br />

c<strong>on</strong>textual changes.<br />

Rum<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> (Chapter 8) c<strong>on</strong>cludes that external actors must be c<strong>on</strong>scious<br />

of the primacy of state <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> c<strong>on</strong>temporary global society. He also<br />

stresses the importance for external actors to realise their limitati<strong>on</strong>s<br />

and not to become frustrated by the limited impact that their efforts<br />

has <strong>on</strong> the bigger system. Invariably bottlenecks occur, however <strong>on</strong>e<br />

may be able to predict this by understand<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the aforementi<strong>on</strong>ed characteristics<br />

of other parties to their system. While this knowledge will<br />

not necessarily avoid the bottlenecks, it may avoid wast<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g time and reduce<br />

some of the myths/ idealistic noti<strong>on</strong>s of what is possible with improved<br />

co-ord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ati<strong>on</strong>.<br />

Reychler and Lange (Chapters 9 and 10) portray an expanded role<br />

for humanitarian acti<strong>on</strong>. Both are critical of the m<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>imalist approach<br />

adopted by humanitarians to c<strong>on</strong>temporary c<strong>on</strong>fl icts <strong>on</strong> the grounds<br />

that they:<br />

— reduce all types of violence to physical violence and fail to recognise<br />

or ignore other forms of violence such as psychological,<br />

structural, cultural or the violence cause by bad governance;<br />

— overemphasise «do<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g no harm» <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>stead of «do<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g good»;<br />

— fail to adequately highlight the plight of milli<strong>on</strong>s that suffer from<br />

all types of violence <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> forgotten regi<strong>on</strong>s; and<br />

— frequently fail to empathise with the plight of those who fi nd<br />

it necessary to resort to violence and/ or c<strong>on</strong>sider that they too<br />

may feel disenfranchised or victims.


22 PAT GIBBONS AND BRIGITTE PIQUARD<br />

Armed c<strong>on</strong>fl ict rarely exists <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> isolati<strong>on</strong>. It is <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>variably just <strong>on</strong>e element<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> a complex system with different sectors at different levels.<br />

The maximalist approach is based <strong>on</strong> the premise that peace could<br />

be a reality for all. This, accord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g to Reychler (Chapter 9), must be<br />

made explicit - an achievable target. However, it is naïve to th<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>k that<br />

it is with<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the scope of humanitarian acti<strong>on</strong>. Instead it is part of that<br />

aforementi<strong>on</strong>ed bigger system work<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g to establish a set of pre-c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>s<br />

for susta<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>able peace, namely:<br />

— An effective system of communicati<strong>on</strong>s, c<strong>on</strong>sultati<strong>on</strong> and negotiati<strong>on</strong>;<br />

— Peace enhanc<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g structures and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>stituti<strong>on</strong>s;<br />

— An <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>tegrative political-psychological climate;<br />

— A critical mass of peace build<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g leadership; and<br />

— A supportive <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al envir<strong>on</strong>ment.<br />

These build<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g blocks are mutually re<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>forc<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g and need to grow<br />

simultaneously. <strong>Humanitarian</strong> acti<strong>on</strong> is <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>valuable to this process as<br />

it serves to provide aid <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> an impartial manner to those <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> need. <strong>Humanitarian</strong>s,<br />

or at least those that have reta<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ed the respect of the local<br />

populati<strong>on</strong> and have not been overly damaged by the negative c<strong>on</strong>sequences<br />

of their ec<strong>on</strong>omic, political, social or cultural acti<strong>on</strong>s, can<br />

make a real difference <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the peace build<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g process. Nordquist (Chapter<br />

13) describes how humanitarian acti<strong>on</strong> should not stop abruptly at<br />

the physical/ survival dimensi<strong>on</strong> and adds that humanitarian acti<strong>on</strong>s<br />

must c<strong>on</strong>sider the «transferability» of its acti<strong>on</strong>s to subsequent phases<br />

of the peace process. The trust and c<strong>on</strong>fi dence established by humanitarians<br />

needs to be transferred <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>to appropriate social and legal systems<br />

otherwise the vacuum between address<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the immediate physical<br />

needs, and the l<strong>on</strong>ger-term assistance and peace-build<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g will be<br />

fi lled with street justice rather than court justice.<br />

The challenge rema<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>s for <strong>Humanitarian</strong> organisati<strong>on</strong>s to raise their<br />

game <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> tak<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g a proactive approach to ensure that their acti<strong>on</strong>s c<strong>on</strong>tribute<br />

positively to reduce tensi<strong>on</strong>s or at least do not worsen the situati<strong>on</strong>.<br />

This is now be<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g referred to as «c<strong>on</strong>fl ict sensitivity» and accord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

to Lange (Chapter 10) it comb<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>es needs assessment with analysis<br />

of c<strong>on</strong>fl ict at local, regi<strong>on</strong>al and nati<strong>on</strong>al levels to understand the particular<br />

humanitarian needs, the wider c<strong>on</strong>text of the situati<strong>on</strong> (<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>clud<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

causes and effects) and the l<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ks between this situati<strong>on</strong> and your<br />

planned <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terventi<strong>on</strong> (impact assessment). <strong>Humanitarian</strong> organisati<strong>on</strong>s<br />

have already begun to acknowledge the need for fundamental shifts <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

th<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>k<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g if they are to fully embrace this c<strong>on</strong>cept. The changes required<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>clude:


EDITORIAL - HUMANITARIANISM: MEANING, ACTORS, AND SCOPE 23<br />

— Improvement <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong> collecti<strong>on</strong>, analysis, and shared<br />

learn<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g;<br />

— Employ<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g quality pers<strong>on</strong>nel with the required experience and<br />

skills, with c<strong>on</strong>tracts of suitable durati<strong>on</strong>;<br />

— Establish<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g mean<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gful and real partnerships with the required<br />

mutuality especially regard<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g local partners; and<br />

— Knowledge and capacity to work effectively with all other stakeholders<br />

while implement<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <strong>on</strong>es mandate (and be<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g seen to<br />

do so).<br />

Piquard <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Chapter 11 stresses a need for <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>-depth analysis and a<br />

deep understand<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of the «culture of a c<strong>on</strong>fl ict» and a knowledge<br />

and acceptance of its «heritage» to direct external <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terventi<strong>on</strong>. She<br />

c<strong>on</strong>curs with Reychler’s analysis of violence and the tendency for external<br />

actors to reduce all types of violence to physical violence. The processes<br />

of transform<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g a culture of war <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>to a culture of peace requires a<br />

recogniti<strong>on</strong> and acknowledgement that other types of violence are real<br />

if they are be<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g felt and experienced by <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dividuals and/ or groups.<br />

The values, norms, and percepti<strong>on</strong>s are dynamic and they will evolve.<br />

Support<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g this evoluti<strong>on</strong> towards peaceful ends can be viewed as<br />

the «soft side» of the transformati<strong>on</strong> process. Unfortunately, external<br />

stakeholders regularly fail to fully understand or appreciate the culture<br />

of the c<strong>on</strong>fl ict or its stakeholders. Piquard dem<strong>on</strong>strates this by briefl y<br />

analys<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the role of Islamic NGOs <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> c<strong>on</strong>temporary c<strong>on</strong>fl icts and the<br />

«demobilizati<strong>on</strong>, demilitarisati<strong>on</strong> and resettlement» process; a process<br />

comm<strong>on</strong> to most c<strong>on</strong>fl ict agreements. She c<strong>on</strong>cludes by assert<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g that<br />

c<strong>on</strong>fl ict transformati<strong>on</strong> and steps towards susta<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>able soluti<strong>on</strong>s requires<br />

a comprehensive knowledge of the c<strong>on</strong>cerned actors, their acti<strong>on</strong>s, and<br />

the c<strong>on</strong>texts <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> which the crisis is grounded.<br />

Cox (Chapter 12) emphasises the importance of «dec<strong>on</strong>centrat<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g»<br />

operati<strong>on</strong>s to the fi eld. He identifi es many advantages of dec<strong>on</strong>centrati<strong>on</strong>,<br />

namely: direct negotiati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the fi eld improves the process <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> prioritis<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

needs; the effi ciency of rec<strong>on</strong>structi<strong>on</strong> process (tender<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g, negotiat<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

c<strong>on</strong>tracts, etc.) is greatly enhanced; improved mechanisms<br />

to disburse of fund and reduce the bureaucracy to support the rec<strong>on</strong>structi<strong>on</strong><br />

process effi ciently, effectively and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> an accountable fashi<strong>on</strong>.<br />

Cox (Chapter 12) c<strong>on</strong>cludes that the EU experience <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Kosovo was <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>fi<br />

nitely more successful than <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Bosnia where the centralised system<br />

proved slow, frequently lacked relevance and was over reliant <strong>on</strong> external<br />

c<strong>on</strong>sultancies.<br />

Most authors agree that humanitarian acti<strong>on</strong> impacts <strong>on</strong> c<strong>on</strong>fl icts.<br />

Increas<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gly there is pressure <strong>on</strong> humanitarian actors to ensure that


24 PAT GIBBONS AND BRIGITTE PIQUARD<br />

this impact is positive and reduces the exposure of victims to violence<br />

and alleviates suffer<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g. <strong>Humanitarian</strong> organisati<strong>on</strong>s possess a key l<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>k<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the cha<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> that bridges the gap between humanitarian c<strong>on</strong>texts and<br />

susta<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>able peaceful c<strong>on</strong>texts. They are frequently the «trusted» stakeholder<br />

and as such will <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>creas<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gly fi nd themselves challenged to reta<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

this trust while rem<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>d<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g all stakeholders of their political, ec<strong>on</strong>omic,<br />

social and moral obligati<strong>on</strong>s.<br />

C<strong>on</strong>clusi<strong>on</strong><br />

The mean<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of humanitarianism is be<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>creas<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gly challenged.<br />

There are many sources of this challenge not least the humanitarian<br />

community itself many of whom questi<strong>on</strong> the motives of actors that<br />

positi<strong>on</strong> themselves under the humanitarian banner. At the same time<br />

there are calls for humanitarians to broaden their scope and recognise<br />

that their presence impacts <strong>on</strong> societies <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> crises and that these impacts<br />

can be both positive and negative. There is even less c<strong>on</strong>sensus <strong>on</strong> the<br />

way forward. Most advocate greater co-ord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ati<strong>on</strong> between external<br />

actors, however some emphasise the need to fi rst acknowledge that<br />

this co-ord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ati<strong>on</strong> must recognise nati<strong>on</strong>al and local <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>stituti<strong>on</strong>s where<br />

they exist.<br />

In many ways humanitarianism is str<strong>on</strong>ger than ever before, given<br />

its newfound popularity with other stakeholders <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> crises situati<strong>on</strong>s. Actors<br />

that see themselves as primarily humanitarian will need to be exceed<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gly<br />

knowledgeable and skilled to carryout their mandates <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> a<br />

pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>cipled fashi<strong>on</strong> while simultaneously exploit<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g their positi<strong>on</strong> as external<br />

stakeholders. <strong>Humanitarian</strong>s will have to raise their game and<br />

this will require <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>genuity otherwise they will fall prey, not <strong>on</strong>ly to manipulati<strong>on</strong><br />

by belligerents, but also to political actors, the media and<br />

other parties to modern day c<strong>on</strong>fl icts.


I<br />

<strong>Humanitarian</strong>ism and <strong>Humanitarian</strong> Acti<strong>on</strong>


C<strong>on</strong>temporary <strong>Humanitarian</strong> Assistance: Fill<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the Gaps<br />

or Blurr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the L<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>es? 1<br />

Ladislas Bizimana<br />

In this refl ecti<strong>on</strong>, I seek to advance the c<strong>on</strong>troversial; «bridg<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the<br />

gaps» between the different fi elds and discipl<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>es related to humanitarian<br />

assistance. I make an argument for a «humanitarian space» between<br />

restra<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ed «m<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>imalists» and unbounded «maximalists». My<br />

po<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>t is that there is space for all well <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>tended and capable actors provided<br />

that the right actor <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>tervenes <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the right place with the right<br />

tool(s), rather than every<strong>on</strong>e do<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g everyth<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g, everywhere and with<br />

any tool at hand. I shall stress the role of c<strong>on</strong>t<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>uous educati<strong>on</strong>, tra<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

and research <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> c<strong>on</strong>solidat<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g professi<strong>on</strong>alism <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the fi eld of humanitarian<br />

acti<strong>on</strong> and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> build<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g a knowledge-based society; the ultimate<br />

safeguard <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> times of crisis and c<strong>on</strong>fl ict. I hope to trigger more critical<br />

th<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>k<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g am<strong>on</strong>g all those already <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>volved <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> humanitarian acti<strong>on</strong> or<br />

those embark<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <strong>on</strong> the tortuous humanitarian acti<strong>on</strong> road, whether<br />

out of compell<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>tellectual curiosity or genu<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>e commitment to mank<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>d’s<br />

solidarity, or both.<br />

Bey<strong>on</strong>d the words…<br />

a) <strong>Humanitarian</strong> Assistance (HA): A life-endur<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g c<strong>on</strong>cept?<br />

The term humanitarian is presently so overused that it has itself<br />

become a source of c<strong>on</strong>siderable c<strong>on</strong>fusi<strong>on</strong>. And this we cannot afford<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the present phase of crucial decisi<strong>on</strong>-mak<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g.<br />

(Angelo Gnaed<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ger,<br />

ICRC Director-General, 27 February 2004)<br />

1 The views expressed here are those of the author and do not necessarily represent<br />

those of the NOHA Associati<strong>on</strong> of which he is the Manager.


28 LADISLAS BIZIMANA<br />

This quotati<strong>on</strong> from the Director-General of the Internati<strong>on</strong>al Committee<br />

of the Red Cross (ICRC), the pi<strong>on</strong>eer organisati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the fi eld of<br />

humanitarian assistance (HA), amounts to a protestati<strong>on</strong> aga<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>st the<br />

real and potential abuse and manipulati<strong>on</strong> of the term «humanitarian»<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> reference to various resp<strong>on</strong>ses to c<strong>on</strong>temporary crises and c<strong>on</strong>fl icts.<br />

The statement triggers some fundamental questi<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> need of answers:<br />

What is humanitarian assistance/acti<strong>on</strong>? Who is a humanitarian?<br />

How does <strong>on</strong>e become a humanitarian? What is humanitarian assistance/aid/acti<strong>on</strong><br />

for? How does a humanitarian carry out his/her work?<br />

As simple as they may appear, these questi<strong>on</strong>s are still relevant <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> spite<br />

of hav<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g been posed and answered several times. Perhaps exist<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g answers<br />

are, at best, not defi nitive or at worst, not correct. After all, as<br />

c<strong>on</strong>veyed by Galtung (1975:15), no exhaustiveness exists <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> «any social<br />

analysis, for it is merely part of the social process itself.» Perhaps exist<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

answers are too diffi cult to grasp that they need to be decoded<br />

and re-coded <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> a more digestible manner or they may simply need to<br />

be echoed for the wider audience to become aware of them and to acknowledge<br />

them. Whatever the reas<strong>on</strong>s, the bell is toll<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g and it is every<strong>on</strong>e’s<br />

task to resp<strong>on</strong>d.<br />

In 1998, Gnaed<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ger and a high-rank<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g fellow of the ICRC took<br />

<strong>on</strong> the issue: «What is «humanitarian acti<strong>on</strong>?» (Girod and Gnaed<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ger<br />

1998:10) In their analysis of the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al resp<strong>on</strong>se to the humanitarian<br />

crisis that erupted <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the former Yugoslavia <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> 1989, the two authors<br />

made a case for a clear-cut separati<strong>on</strong> of actors, roles, mandates,<br />

and approaches. They warned aga<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>st the blurr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of the l<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>es and manipulati<strong>on</strong><br />

of humanitarian acti<strong>on</strong>, which can lead to c<strong>on</strong>fusi<strong>on</strong> and<br />

make matters worse at the expense of the victims. Their remarks were<br />

directed ma<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ly aga<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>st the military and other actors like UN agencies<br />

or governmental agencies who take <strong>on</strong> humanitarian activities whilst,<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> ICRC’s judgement, their behaviour and/ or roles lack the desired neutrality,<br />

impartiality, and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dependence: «The military, although it can<br />

certa<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ly render <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>valuable humanitarian services —<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> such fi elds as civil<br />

eng<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>eer<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g and logistics— cannot, by defi niti<strong>on</strong> and by its very nature,<br />

transform itself <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>to a humanitarian enterprise» (Ibid).<br />

The ICRC’s clarifi cati<strong>on</strong> was timely. Dur<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the same year (1998),<br />

precisely <strong>on</strong> 7 April 1998 (thus co<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>cid<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g with the commemorati<strong>on</strong><br />

of the 4 th anniversary of the Rwandan genocide), a high profi le <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al<br />

c<strong>on</strong>ference took place <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> L<strong>on</strong>d<strong>on</strong> (UK). It gathered 225 participants<br />

from 35 countries to address the theme: «Pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>cipled Aid <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> an<br />

Unpr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>cipled World: Relief, War and <strong>Humanitarian</strong> Pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ciples». In her<br />

speech, the then UK Secretary of State for Internati<strong>on</strong>al Development,<br />

Clair Short, questi<strong>on</strong>ed the traditi<strong>on</strong>al scope of humanitarian assistance


CONTEMPORARY HUMANITARIAN ASSISTANCE: FILLING THE GAPS OR... 29<br />

and announced the pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ciples of «new humanitarianism» —«the<br />

rights-based humanitarianism»— that «goes bey<strong>on</strong>d the simple expressi<strong>on</strong><br />

of compassi<strong>on</strong> and seeks a more determ<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ed effort to tackle the<br />

underly<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g causes of c<strong>on</strong>fl ict and strife that underlie today’s humanitarian<br />

crises» (Birch 1998:06). Some participants espoused her arguments<br />

while others challenged them. Accord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g to the reporter of the c<strong>on</strong>ference,<br />

«[T]he dangers of allow<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g a c<strong>on</strong>fl ict resoluti<strong>on</strong> strategy to jeopardise<br />

the impartiality of humanitarian assistance was set aga<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>st the<br />

arguments that root causes can be no l<strong>on</strong>ger ignored» (id.:03). When<br />

writ<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g this paper (2004), positi<strong>on</strong>s are as divergent as they were six<br />

years ago. However, before go<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g to the heart of the matter i.e. the<br />

c<strong>on</strong>tent, agency, and modus operandi of humanitarian assistance, I fi nd<br />

it important to address another term<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ological (<strong>on</strong>ly?) c<strong>on</strong>fusi<strong>on</strong>.<br />

While the source of c<strong>on</strong>tenti<strong>on</strong> appears to be «humanitarian», this<br />

term is qualifi ed by the words «assistance» or «acti<strong>on</strong>». Should it be:<br />

«Assistance» (the term traditi<strong>on</strong>ally used until it fell victim to «the blurr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

of the l<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>es»?); or «Acti<strong>on</strong>» (what appears to be more comm<strong>on</strong><br />

s<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ce the «the blurr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of the l<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>es»)?; or is the mean<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of both terms<br />

the same and can we therefore use them <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terchangeably? In most recent<br />

literature, public documents, statements, policy papers, the term<br />

«Acti<strong>on</strong>» is acquir<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g more prom<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ence and is literally supplant<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g its<br />

elder sister (or tw<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>?) «Assistance» 2 . In their 14-page refl ecti<strong>on</strong> (<strong>on</strong>l<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>e<br />

versi<strong>on</strong>) entitled Politics, military operati<strong>on</strong>s and humanitarian acti<strong>on</strong>:<br />

an uneasy alliance, Girod and Gnaed<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ger (1998) use the term «Acti<strong>on</strong>»<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> a way that makes it <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terchangeable with «Assistance». At the aforementi<strong>on</strong>ed<br />

c<strong>on</strong>ference, jo<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>tly organised by the European Commissi<strong>on</strong>’s<br />

Directorate-General for <strong>Humanitarian</strong> Aid (DG ECHO) and the Overseas<br />

Development Institute (ODI), all speakers used the expressi<strong>on</strong>s «<strong>Humanitarian</strong><br />

Assistance», «<strong>Humanitarian</strong> Aid», and «<strong>Humanitarian</strong> Acti<strong>on</strong>» <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terchangeably,<br />

with the term «Acti<strong>on</strong>» be<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g used most frequently. 3<br />

The semantic nuance permitted <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> this c<strong>on</strong>text could be a change<br />

of the focus from the service/supply (Assistance/Aid) to the process/activity<br />

(Acti<strong>on</strong>). It is <strong>on</strong>ly with<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> this <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terpretati<strong>on</strong> that the term «Acti<strong>on</strong>»<br />

does not raise suspici<strong>on</strong>s, and that every<strong>on</strong>e welcomes its use, be<br />

it to the detriment of «Assistance». Unfortunately, as is always the case<br />

2 In all the works and documents here<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> cited, their authors (academic analysts,<br />

politicians, humanitarian practiti<strong>on</strong>ers, and policy makers) use more the term «Acti<strong>on</strong>»<br />

—and from time to time «Work» <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> substituti<strong>on</strong> for «Assistance».<br />

3 The 2-page and half <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>troducti<strong>on</strong> summary of the c<strong>on</strong>ference report uses seven<br />

times the term «Acti<strong>on</strong>» and <strong>on</strong>ly three times the term «Assistance» for example, if my<br />

count<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g is accurate.


30 LADISLAS BIZIMANA<br />

with words, there is often more implied than actually said. The nuance<br />

difference is important or un-important depend<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <strong>on</strong> the user and/or<br />

the c<strong>on</strong>text. The fact that the use of «<strong>Humanitarian</strong> Acti<strong>on</strong>» has supplanted<br />

its tw<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> «<strong>Humanitarian</strong> Assistance» <strong>on</strong>ly s<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ce the early 1990s<br />

and is <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>discrim<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ately used to mean anyth<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g related to endeavours<br />

taken <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> resp<strong>on</strong>se to c<strong>on</strong>temporary crises and c<strong>on</strong>fl icts may <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>deed veil<br />

the legitimate wishes of many to see and make it more comprehensive<br />

and transformative as deemed necessary to c<strong>on</strong>fr<strong>on</strong>t these crises and<br />

c<strong>on</strong>fl icts. As th<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gs stand, the c<strong>on</strong>cept may still endure more life adversities<br />

but its practical <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terpretati<strong>on</strong> defi nitely has taken <strong>on</strong> new dimensi<strong>on</strong>s<br />

that may be disputed but cannot be ignored. Here, I shall use<br />

both expressi<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terchangeably, sometimes with capital <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>itials for the<br />

sole purpose of emphasis. In terms of acr<strong>on</strong>yms, I use HA for «<strong>Humanitarian</strong><br />

Assistance» and HAC for «<strong>Humanitarian</strong> Acti<strong>on</strong>».<br />

b) <strong>Humanitarian</strong> Assistance (HA): Always Victims’ Need-driven, Neutral,<br />

Impartial, and Independent?<br />

More than a century s<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ce its creati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> 1863, the pi<strong>on</strong>eer and<br />

found<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g (n<strong>on</strong>-governmental) organisati<strong>on</strong> of humanitarian assistance,<br />

the Internati<strong>on</strong>al Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), still defi<br />

nes and defends humanitarian work as solely be<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the provisi<strong>on</strong> of<br />

protecti<strong>on</strong> and aid to defenceless, vulnerable, and suffer<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g peoples <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

situati<strong>on</strong>s of armed c<strong>on</strong>fl icts and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternal strife. Such protecti<strong>on</strong> and<br />

aid <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>cludes any acti<strong>on</strong>s, programmes, and activities undertaken with<br />

an explicitly declared aim to defend the dignity of the victims through<br />

the preventi<strong>on</strong> or alleviati<strong>on</strong> of their physical, moral, and spiritual and<br />

psychological distress. This is the source of the fi rst card<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>al pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ciple<br />

—the pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ciple of humanity— that guides the work of the ICRC<br />

and its affi liated Nati<strong>on</strong>al Red Crosses and Red Crescent Societies, and<br />

which the organisati<strong>on</strong> c<strong>on</strong>t<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ues to ask other real and would-be actors<br />

to espouse and scrupulously respect4 . The other card<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>al pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ciples<br />

the ICRC tirelessly champi<strong>on</strong>s are the follow<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g:<br />

ii(i) Neutrality: It prohibits tak<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g sides and pass<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g moral judgement<br />

<strong>on</strong>to the parties to the c<strong>on</strong>fl ict or civil strife. For the ICRC<br />

and other like-m<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ded humanitarian actors who take c<strong>on</strong>fl ict<br />

4 The ICRC’s <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>vitati<strong>on</strong> to other actors was fi rst articulated <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> an offi cial document<br />

the organisati<strong>on</strong> fi rst published <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> 1994 under the title: Code of C<strong>on</strong>duct for the Internati<strong>on</strong>al<br />

Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement and N<strong>on</strong>-Governmental Organizati<strong>on</strong>s<br />

(NGOs) <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Disaster Relief.


CONTEMPORARY HUMANITARIAN ASSISTANCE: FILLING THE GAPS OR... 31<br />

or civil strife as a fact, neutrality «does not imply aloofness, but<br />

compassi<strong>on</strong> for war victims, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the etymological sense of «suffer<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

with», or be<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g by their side.» (Harroff-Tavel 2004:1) It<br />

is a tool to keep channels opened for c<strong>on</strong>crete acti<strong>on</strong>, a means<br />

to an end, not an end <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> itself (Krähenbühl 2004:4).<br />

i(ii) Impartiality: It bans any form of discrim<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ati<strong>on</strong> aga<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>st those <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

need of assistance and protecti<strong>on</strong>. <strong>Humanitarian</strong> aid and protecti<strong>on</strong><br />

has to benefi t all affl icted peoples regardless of their<br />

orig<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>, nati<strong>on</strong>ality, race, religious, and ideological beliefs, etc.<br />

(iii) Independence: It prohibits any political <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terference <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the work<br />

of humanitarian actors. As such and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> comb<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ati<strong>on</strong> with neutrality,<br />

it allegedly c<strong>on</strong>stitutes a safeguard aga<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>st political<br />

manipulati<strong>on</strong> and abuse of the «humanitarian» brand. It is <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

virtue of this pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ciple that the ICRC and like-m<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ded humanitarian<br />

actors c<strong>on</strong>t<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ue to <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>sist <strong>on</strong> the respect of the identity,<br />

mandate and approach of each actor, and «cannot and will<br />

not ascribe to policies and approaches «comb<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g political,<br />

military, rec<strong>on</strong>structi<strong>on</strong> and humanitarian tools - advocated by<br />

the UN <strong>on</strong> the <strong>on</strong>e hand and a number of states <strong>on</strong> the other»<br />

(Krähenbühl 2004:4).<br />

Whilst the ICRC and its like-m<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ded fellows admit the possibility<br />

and relevance of co-operati<strong>on</strong> and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>tegrati<strong>on</strong> between different actors<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>clud<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the military, they fi nd it crucial to ma<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ta<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the dist<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>cti<strong>on</strong> between<br />

humanitarian acti<strong>on</strong>, <strong>on</strong> the <strong>on</strong>e hand, and political-military<br />

acti<strong>on</strong>, <strong>on</strong> the other. For an undertak<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g to qualify as «humanitarian»,<br />

the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>tenti<strong>on</strong>, the service, and the manner it is offered (the actor’s behaviour<br />

or the assistance process), and the outcome must unfail<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gly be<br />

humanitarian: i.e. driven by the needs of «victims», neutral, impartial,<br />

and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dependent. The sole weap<strong>on</strong> prescribed by the ICRC is persuasi<strong>on</strong><br />

based <strong>on</strong> dialogue/ negotiati<strong>on</strong> with all c<strong>on</strong>cerned and c<strong>on</strong>fi dentiality,<br />

as opposed to public denouncement, c<strong>on</strong>demnati<strong>on</strong>, and coerci<strong>on</strong>.<br />

The ICRC rejects these other forms of modus operandi, judg<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

them c<strong>on</strong>ducive to humanitarian actors «be<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g rejected» and/or «<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>strumentalised»<br />

to the detriment of the victims (Krähenbühl 2004:2-<br />

3). The «end justifi es the means» argument is neither tenable nor desirable<br />

for true humanitarian work, suggests the ICRC. To support their<br />

case for the separati<strong>on</strong> of humanitarian acti<strong>on</strong> from any other undertak<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g,<br />

the ICRC and like-m<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ded actors, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> particular Médec<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>s Sans<br />

Fr<strong>on</strong>tièrs (2001, 2002, 2004), refer to the tragic events <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> occupied Afghanistan<br />

and Iraq. There, the warr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g parties associate humanitarian<br />

actors with occupy<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g forces and target them as such, whilst political


32 LADISLAS BIZIMANA<br />

and military actors view and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>tegrate humanitarian acti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>to their<br />

overall campaign aga<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>st terrorists, thus transform<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g humanitarian aid<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>to a «c<strong>on</strong>stituent part of a strategy to defeat an opp<strong>on</strong>ent or enemy»<br />

(Krähenbühl 2004:2-5).<br />

Certa<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ly, the case of Afghanistan and Iraq goes bey<strong>on</strong>d «cynical<br />

examples of abuse of aid by belligerents» (Slim 2003:3-4), like those<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>volv<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g crim<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>al generals <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> former Yugoslavia 5 . Though the target<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

of humanitarian workers by parties and the tendency of politicians<br />

and military to use humanitarian aid for n<strong>on</strong>-humanitarian ends are not<br />

new as such, the systematisati<strong>on</strong>, globalisati<strong>on</strong>, and transformati<strong>on</strong> of<br />

this practice <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>to a policy deserve more c<strong>on</strong>siderati<strong>on</strong>. It presents us<br />

with serious challenges regard<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the profi le of humanitarian actors<br />

and their modus operandi <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> c<strong>on</strong>temporary crises and c<strong>on</strong>fl icts.<br />

c) All Actors can be <strong>Humanitarian</strong> but «Some Actors are More<br />

<strong>Humanitarian</strong> than Others» 6<br />

If humanitarian aid is to rema<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> its m<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>imal and classical form, it<br />

is evident that the ICRC prescripti<strong>on</strong>s are to be adopted by all real and<br />

would-be humanitarian actors. The <strong>on</strong>ly task would c<strong>on</strong>sist <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> correctly<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terpret<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g, apply<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g, and dissem<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>at<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the code of c<strong>on</strong>duct eng<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>eered<br />

by the ICRC <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> 1994, follow<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the debacle of the humanitarian<br />

community <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Somalia, its shameful failure <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Rwanda and former<br />

Yugoslavia. Actors could qualify as «humanitarian» or «not humanitarian»<br />

accord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g to clearly established selecti<strong>on</strong> and evaluati<strong>on</strong> criteria. In<br />

fact, these criteria already exist. The ICRC attaches special importance<br />

to some of them, namely (i) the existence of victims» needs, n<strong>on</strong>-discrim<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ati<strong>on</strong>,<br />

(ii) the n<strong>on</strong>-use of humanitarian aid to promote <strong>on</strong>e’s religious<br />

beliefs and political op<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>i<strong>on</strong>s, and (iii) the prohibiti<strong>on</strong> to serve as<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>struments of a government’s foreign policy (Harrol-Tavel 2003:2). The<br />

Steer<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g Committee for <strong>Humanitarian</strong> Resp<strong>on</strong>se (SCHR), of which the<br />

ICRC is key member, could do the job of guardian. 7 The ICRC does ac-<br />

5 Slim reports a scene <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> a fi lm (Cry from the Grave of Leslie Woodhead <strong>on</strong> the massacres<br />

of Srebrenica) where General Mladic is distribut<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g aid to starved Bosnian Muslims<br />

with the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>tenti<strong>on</strong> to separate the men from the women and children <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> order to slaughter<br />

the men.<br />

6 The say<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g is calqued <strong>on</strong> the c<strong>on</strong>clusi<strong>on</strong> of Orwell (1945)’s classic novel, Animal<br />

Farm, perhaps the most successful classic satire of the fallacious pretensi<strong>on</strong>s of most<br />

totalitarian government systems.<br />

7 The SCHR is a coaliti<strong>on</strong> of n<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>e of the largest <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al humanitarian organisati<strong>on</strong>s,<br />

set up <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> 1991 under UN General Assembly Resoluti<strong>on</strong> A/RES/46/182 (adopted <strong>on</strong><br />

19 December 1991) <strong>on</strong> the coord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ati<strong>on</strong> of humanitarian emergency relief. The member


CONTEMPORARY HUMANITARIAN ASSISTANCE: FILLING THE GAPS OR... 33<br />

tually denounce some actors, and warns aga<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>st lump<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g «together a<br />

host of organisati<strong>on</strong>s that c<strong>on</strong>sider themselves humanitarian but <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> fact<br />

have very different identities, mandates and pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ciples of acti<strong>on</strong>. Some<br />

are tied to political movements while others, like the ICRC, are <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dependent.»<br />

(Harrol-Tavel 2003:2) Some of those organisati<strong>on</strong>s with political<br />

lean<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gs «oppose their governments while others are <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>struments<br />

thereof» (ibid.).<br />

But if humanitarian assistance is to <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>clude directly address<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the<br />

issues of good governance and social justice <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> places struck by abject<br />

poverty and misery due to endemic crises and c<strong>on</strong>fl icts, themselves<br />

rooted <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>stituti<strong>on</strong>alised bad governance and world <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>equalities, then<br />

we are left with two opti<strong>on</strong>s: (i) leave the classical humanitarians al<strong>on</strong>e<br />

and fi nd a different «brand» name for the new assistance, as suggested<br />

by the ICRC; or (ii) extend the old name to the new package, as<br />

suggested by the maximalists, to use Weiss (1999) term<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ology. In either<br />

case, what Slim (2003:2) suspects as possible humanitarian fundamentalism<br />

by which <strong>on</strong>ly some «self-righteous» humanitarian actors<br />

«can imag<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>e <strong>on</strong>e div<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ely sancti<strong>on</strong>ed way of be<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g humanitarian»<br />

is <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>appropriate and harmful. As Slim rightly underl<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>es, this would be<br />

aga<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>st the universal humanitarian ethic and duty champi<strong>on</strong>ed by the<br />

same humanitarians. Slim directs his criticism aga<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>st the disqualifi cati<strong>on</strong><br />

of some actors <strong>on</strong> the sole ground of their be<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g military or politicians<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>stead of tell<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g and help<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g them to «be as humanitarian as<br />

possible», as is the case <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the US and the UK (Slim 2003:6). This is<br />

noth<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g new and may rightly object the ICRC, s<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ce it is enshr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ed <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

the four Geneva C<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>s and their two Additi<strong>on</strong>al Protocols to<br />

which 185 States are parties and c<strong>on</strong>stantly called up<strong>on</strong> to respect and<br />

make respect. What is defi nitely new and may really anger the classical<br />

humanitarian is Slim’s suggested reversal of the roles: «turn to [the<br />

military] and ask them what to do, how to cope and how to survive<br />

as humanitarians when <strong>on</strong>e’s country is at war»; or «better still, hand<br />

over our organisati<strong>on</strong>s to them» (Slim 2003:7-8). His view is that civilians<br />

«must be protected <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the way the war is fought and the way its<br />

c<strong>on</strong>sequences of destituti<strong>on</strong>, hunger, disease and impoverishment are<br />

addressed» (Slim 2003:6-7). Without go<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g that far <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the art of provocati<strong>on</strong>,<br />

Weiss (1999), from whom the term<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ology of «classicists»,<br />

«m<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>imalists», «maximalists», «solidarists», and «political humanitar-<br />

groups of the Steer<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g Committee are: Oxfam, Care, Save the Children, Internati<strong>on</strong>al<br />

Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), Internati<strong>on</strong>al Federati<strong>on</strong> of the Red Cross (IFRC),<br />

World Council of Churches, Caritas, Lutheran World Federati<strong>on</strong> and Médec<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>s Sans Fr<strong>on</strong>tieres<br />

(MSF).


34 LADISLAS BIZIMANA<br />

ians» is borrowed, has also argued that the separati<strong>on</strong> between the<br />

political-military and humanitarian is no l<strong>on</strong>ger needed, and that efforts<br />

should focus <strong>on</strong> the management of their de facto <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>tersecti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

a way that best ensures «more humanized politics and more effective<br />

humanitarian acti<strong>on</strong>.» 8<br />

My own view is that the humanitarian professi<strong>on</strong>, whether exercised<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the classical manner or whether d<strong>on</strong>e us<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the maximalist approach,<br />

is a worthy yet daunt<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g and risky bus<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ess. Stick<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g scrupulously<br />

to the ICRC pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ciples to the extent of silenc<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <strong>on</strong>eself aga<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>st<br />

<strong>on</strong>e’s will and sometimes <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> face of atrocities is defi nitely a diffi cult<br />

choice to make and fulfi l. It amounts to depriv<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <strong>on</strong>eself and <strong>on</strong>e’s<br />

peers of the freedom of expressi<strong>on</strong>, be it for good reas<strong>on</strong>s like keep<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

the communicati<strong>on</strong> channels open, be<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g accepted and hav<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g access<br />

to the victims. For some, it may be too huge a sacrifi ce to c<strong>on</strong>cede and<br />

justify. On the other hand, embark<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <strong>on</strong> coercive humanitarian acti<strong>on</strong><br />

entails putt<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <strong>on</strong>e’s life, the life of the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>tended victims, and that of<br />

other actors at risk albeit for good reas<strong>on</strong>s such as the protecti<strong>on</strong> and<br />

rescue of the greatest number of victims. In either case, there has been<br />

and will always be actors who will be c<strong>on</strong>sidered more humanitarian<br />

than others. Not all heroes’ acts are equally heroic.<br />

The problem of security of humanitarian actors today and heretofore,<br />

I would c<strong>on</strong>cur with the ICRC, is, am<strong>on</strong>g other th<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gs, a matter<br />

of percepti<strong>on</strong>. It depends <strong>on</strong> whether others (<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> particular those with<br />

the will and the power to obstruct humanitarian work and put lives of<br />

workers and victims at risk) perceive you as unquesti<strong>on</strong>ably humanitarian<br />

or not; or whether they associate or dissociate you from their enemies.<br />

The recurrent theme of the global «war <strong>on</strong> terror» be<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g «either<br />

with us or aga<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>st us», perceived neutrality and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dependence are l<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ger<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

for external humanitarians as well, s<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ce as Slim (2003) po<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ts<br />

out, it is now their own soldiers who are at war <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> faraway troubled<br />

places. Does this mean that we should aband<strong>on</strong> the ICRC pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ciples<br />

altogether? I do not th<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>k so. Rather, we should engage <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> c<strong>on</strong>stant<br />

and c<strong>on</strong>structive dialogue with all c<strong>on</strong>cerned and restra<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> from publicly<br />

pass<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g moral judgement <strong>on</strong> other actors, as this also may endanger<br />

our humanitarian work and make us fall <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>to the trap of categoris-<br />

8 Classicists: «believe that humanitarian acti<strong>on</strong> can and should be completely <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>sulated<br />

from politics». They <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>clude the ICRC; M<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>imalists: «‘aim to do no harm» <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> deliver<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

relief»; Maximalists: «have more ambitious agenda of employ<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g humanitarian acti<strong>on</strong><br />

as part of comprehensive strategy to transform c<strong>on</strong>fl ict»; Solidarists: «choose sides and<br />

aband<strong>on</strong> neutrality and impartiality as well as reject c<strong>on</strong>sent as a prerequisite for <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terventi<strong>on</strong>».<br />

They <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>clude Médec<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>s Sans Fr<strong>on</strong>tières (MSF).


CONTEMPORARY HUMANITARIAN ASSISTANCE: FILLING THE GAPS OR... 35<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g humanitarians <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>to «bad guys» and «good guys». There are cases<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> which implementati<strong>on</strong> of these pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ciples may yield more positive<br />

results than aggressive humanitarian work like protected safe areas or<br />

corridors. In other situati<strong>on</strong>s like that of genocide and ethnic cleans<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

little can be achieved with these pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ciples al<strong>on</strong>e. This is where complementarity<br />

between those who are «more humanitarian» and those<br />

who are «less or not humanitarian» is <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dispensable. As Griffi n (2000)<br />

has elegantly put it, perhaps with some exaggerati<strong>on</strong>, there may be<br />

places where even angels fear to tread.<br />

d) The New C<strong>on</strong>text: New Problems, New Soluti<strong>on</strong>s?<br />

Though the card<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>al pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ciples of the ICRC have for some time been<br />

questi<strong>on</strong>ed and challenged from different academic discipl<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>es and<br />

fi elds of expertise, the debate acquired a special impetus with the end<br />

of the Cold War and the ensu<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g erupti<strong>on</strong> of protracted and multi-faceted<br />

crises and c<strong>on</strong>fl icts worldwide. Some challenge the claimed apolitical<br />

nature of HA as «c<strong>on</strong>ceptually and practically ambivalent» (Forsythe,<br />

as quoted <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Ramsbotham and Woodhouse 1996:17), politically<br />

naïve and paradoxical, morally reprehensible and often counterproductive.<br />

In his article with an all-tell<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g title «Pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ciples under fi re:…», the<br />

ICRC’s Deputy Director for Internati<strong>on</strong>al Law and Cooperati<strong>on</strong> with<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

the Movement, Harroff-Tavel (2003), offers a series of arguments and<br />

counter-arguments <strong>on</strong> the c<strong>on</strong>troversy <strong>on</strong> this questi<strong>on</strong>. Like his colleague<br />

Gnaed<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ger (2004), he c<strong>on</strong>tends that a return to the basic pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ciples<br />

is the sole reliable weap<strong>on</strong> aga<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>st present humanitarian security<br />

challenges. Whatever argument weighs more, the reality is that mixed<br />

results of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al resp<strong>on</strong>ses to the humanitarian crises of the early<br />

1990s <strong>on</strong>ward prompted susta<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ed attempts to re-c<strong>on</strong>ceptualise HA <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

a more broad and comprehensive framework, directly l<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>k<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g it up to<br />

c<strong>on</strong>fl ict resoluti<strong>on</strong>, peacebuild<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g, and humanitarian <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terventi<strong>on</strong> all<br />

of which may be anyth<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g else but political9 . This c<strong>on</strong>ceptual shift, towards<br />

the maximalist view, resp<strong>on</strong>ds to the very nature of the present<br />

c<strong>on</strong>text <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> which humanitarian actors are <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>vited to operate.<br />

C<strong>on</strong>temporary crises and c<strong>on</strong>fl icts are c<strong>on</strong>sidered to be protracted<br />

and complex <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> that their causes —deep and immediate— vary as<br />

9 Interest<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g discussi<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong> the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>tersecti<strong>on</strong> between humanitarian assistance and<br />

other efforts aimed at prevent<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g, manag<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g and transform<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g crises and c<strong>on</strong>fl icts are<br />

available for example <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>: Brahimi 2000, Carl 2000, Internati<strong>on</strong>al Commissi<strong>on</strong> <strong>on</strong> Interventi<strong>on</strong><br />

and State Sovereignty 2001, Mial 1999, Okumu 2003, Ramsbotham and Woodhouse<br />

1996, Schloms 2003, United Nati<strong>on</strong>s 1991, and Weiss 1999.


36 LADISLAS BIZIMANA<br />

much as their manifestati<strong>on</strong>s, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>volv<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g various actors with chang<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terests and implementati<strong>on</strong> strategies. In some C<strong>on</strong>fl ict Resoluti<strong>on</strong><br />

literature, these c<strong>on</strong>fl icts have been co<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ed «<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al social c<strong>on</strong>fl<br />

icts» (ISCs) (Ramsbotham and Woodhouse 1996:87-105; Hansen et<br />

al., 2000:10-11). ISCs differ from Cold War c<strong>on</strong>fl icts <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> that: (i) they<br />

occur outside the superpower ideological rivalries by proxies, (ii) they<br />

emerge <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> reacti<strong>on</strong> to the failure of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ept, corrupt or collapsed state<br />

systems to provide citizens with some of the basics taken for granted<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the developed world, (iii) they translate, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> most <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>stances, the determ<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ati<strong>on</strong><br />

of the victims to stand up and fi ght for their rights al<strong>on</strong>g<br />

group identity l<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>es across c<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>al social classes and state borders,<br />

(iv) they are fought by identity groups, organised bands and militia act<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

<strong>on</strong> their own or <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> c<strong>on</strong>nivance with <strong>on</strong>e or more <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternal or external<br />

supporters. As such, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al social c<strong>on</strong>fl icts are at the same<br />

time local, nati<strong>on</strong>al, regi<strong>on</strong>al, and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al. ISCs become easily<br />

drawn-out and exacerbated and their causes «are likely to rema<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> complex<br />

and multi-faceted, and the specifi c locati<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> which they may<br />

break out <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> future are diffi cult to predict» (Ramsbotham and Woodhouse<br />

1996:104). In their worst form, ISCs are fought by unscrupulous<br />

and unaccountable militias, crim<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>als, arms smugglers, mafi as, mercenaries,<br />

state-sp<strong>on</strong>sored and armed civilians who terrorise, extort, kill <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>nocent<br />

civilians and force large number of others <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>to <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternal displacement<br />

or exile (Cater 2002). This strategy of terror has now taken <strong>on</strong> a<br />

global dimensi<strong>on</strong> and extended to the real and would be humanitarian<br />

actors. Effective handl<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of these situati<strong>on</strong>s is possible <strong>on</strong>ly through a<br />

range of soluti<strong>on</strong>s —short and l<strong>on</strong>g-term <strong>on</strong>es— that pay due attenti<strong>on</strong><br />

to their multiple and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ter-related immediate and root causes. Both<br />

old and new soluti<strong>on</strong>s are worth try<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g.<br />

Tentative ways out<br />

a) Pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>cipled, Coherent, and C<strong>on</strong>sistent <strong>Humanitarian</strong> Acti<strong>on</strong> Policies<br />

A policy is, accord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g to Durkheim, «a c<strong>on</strong>structed set of acti<strong>on</strong>s<br />

designed to make shared visi<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>to comm<strong>on</strong> strategy: a comm<strong>on</strong><br />

strategy that takes them to c<strong>on</strong>crete and, tangible and historic<br />

accomplishments.» (Durkheim, as quoted <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> G<strong>on</strong>zalez 2003:100). In<br />

other words, a policy is both a theoretical and practical articulati<strong>on</strong> of<br />

stances, c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>s, strategies, and acti<strong>on</strong>s to be adopted and undertaken<br />

to achieve well-defi ned specifi c objectives <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> a given doma<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>. Undoubtedly,<br />

the establishment of clear, c<strong>on</strong>sistent, and coherent policies


CONTEMPORARY HUMANITARIAN ASSISTANCE: FILLING THE GAPS OR... 37<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> l<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>e with <strong>on</strong>e’s doctr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>al and moral stance is tremendously important<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the fi eld of humanitarian acti<strong>on</strong> where the life of milli<strong>on</strong>s of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>nocent<br />

peoples may be at stake. More often than not, relief aid has come<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> to remedy, if possible at all, damages caused by aid providers’ policies<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> other doma<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>s like development and trade cooperati<strong>on</strong>, military<br />

and security assistance, and global envir<strong>on</strong>ment.<br />

Policies <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> these other areas are most <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>spired by realpolitik game<br />

rules by which the rich c<strong>on</strong>t<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ue to become much richer and the poor<br />

much poorer due to uneven distributi<strong>on</strong> of resources and unfair competiti<strong>on</strong><br />

rules. In such c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>s, relief aid is, though well founded,<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>suffi cient at best, and an opium, at worst. It can give false expectati<strong>on</strong>s,<br />

make political decisi<strong>on</strong> makers feel comfortable and not c<strong>on</strong>cerned,<br />

and distract attenti<strong>on</strong> from the real causes of endemic misery<br />

and suffer<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of a substantial part of the world populati<strong>on</strong> 10 .<br />

The old ideological bipolar order has been replaced by an equally<br />

harm<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g bipolarisati<strong>on</strong> al<strong>on</strong>g the divide of «rich» and «poor», the<br />

«good guys» and the «bad guys». This means entitlement for all good<br />

th<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gs <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the case of the former and destituti<strong>on</strong> and punishment for<br />

the latter. The «good guys» and «bad guys» divide is even more dangerous:<br />

we may rank good for ourselves (out of the usual self-complacency<br />

and vanity of mank<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>d) but not that good <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the eyes of others<br />

who too may therefore seek to destitute and punish us. This is perhaps<br />

the message to get through to the military and politicians and all those<br />

who are selective and partial <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> their humanitarian endeavours because<br />

of political, ec<strong>on</strong>omic, and strategic self-<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terests.<br />

b) Multilateral Involvement and Shared Resp<strong>on</strong>sibilities<br />

The more a humanitarian acti<strong>on</strong> policy refl ects the c<strong>on</strong>cerns and<br />

views of all the peoples <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>volved, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> particular other <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terven<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g partners<br />

and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>tended benefi ciaries, the more chances there are for the<br />

policy to yield positive results. Co-ord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ati<strong>on</strong> and resp<strong>on</strong>sibility-shar<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

am<strong>on</strong>g and between all actors <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>volved at all levels are essential for<br />

the development and implementati<strong>on</strong> of effi cient policies <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> a fi eld as<br />

complex and challeng<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g as the fi eld of humanitarian acti<strong>on</strong>. This may<br />

sound an already heard melody and therefore another banal joke that<br />

can be repeated <strong>on</strong>ly by clowns, to use Slim’s (2003) excellent analogy.<br />

10 Accord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g to 2004 estimates of the UN Offi ce for the Coord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ati<strong>on</strong> of <strong>Humanitarian</strong><br />

Affairs (OCHA), <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> 2003, there were 200 milli<strong>on</strong> of peoples affected by natural disasters<br />

and 45 milli<strong>on</strong>s affl icted by complex emergencies, all of whom <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> need of life-sav<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

help.


38 LADISLAS BIZIMANA<br />

In fact, as early as 1991, the UN General Assembly passed a resoluti<strong>on</strong><br />

(A/RES/46/182) call<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g «for the strengthen<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of the coord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ati<strong>on</strong> of<br />

emergency humanitarian assistance»; and the aforementi<strong>on</strong>ed Steer<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

Committee of <strong>Humanitarian</strong> Resp<strong>on</strong>se was set up under this resoluti<strong>on</strong>.<br />

But it is not that straight forward: everybody commends co-ord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ati<strong>on</strong><br />

but no <strong>on</strong>e accepts to be co-ord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ated. In an offi cial statement issued<br />

<strong>on</strong> 31 March 2004, the ICRC reiterated its read<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ess to be part of<br />

«dialogue, c<strong>on</strong>sultati<strong>on</strong> and coord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ati<strong>on</strong> with others» but not part of<br />

«coord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ati<strong>on</strong> and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>tegrati<strong>on</strong> by others» (Krähenbühl 2004:5). On the<br />

face of it, the nuance is semantically self-evident and the stance is both<br />

legitimate and justifi ed. Many if not all other humanitarian actors are<br />

much likely to have the same positi<strong>on</strong> and they are entitled to do so.<br />

Yet down <strong>on</strong> the l<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>e, we are likely to end with a scenario whereby<br />

everybody is a co-ord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ator and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>tegrator but no <strong>on</strong>e is co-ord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ated<br />

or <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>tegrated. Indeed, the ICRC’s statement ends: «We are determ<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ed<br />

to ma<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ta<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> our pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>cipled operati<strong>on</strong>al approach <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> place, believ<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

that it rema<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>s effective and necessary.» This takes us back to the c<strong>on</strong>troversy<br />

oppos<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g classicists, m<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>imalists, solidarists and maximalists<br />

(Weiss 1999). My view <strong>on</strong> this is that extreme protecti<strong>on</strong>ism and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>sulati<strong>on</strong><br />

are always dangerous whether they come from the angels or<br />

the devils. There may be cases where humanitarian acti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> its classical<br />

shape can better serve the cause of the victims, therefore requir<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

those work<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g from, say, maximalist approaches to lay down their vanity<br />

and pride and bow to the know-how of the classicist. The other way<br />

around is also possible, and always some<strong>on</strong>e will have to take the lead<br />

and show the way, provided his/her leadership —not dictatorship— is<br />

credited by the suitability of his/her modus operandi and know-how<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the eyes of the real and would-be partners or co-ord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ati<strong>on</strong> fellows.<br />

A case-by-case basis is more appropriate, and duty-shar<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g based <strong>on</strong><br />

proven commitment and expertise is the best way to avoid the clash of<br />

philosophies, pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ciples, and approaches, <strong>on</strong> the <strong>on</strong>e hand, and co-optati<strong>on</strong><br />

and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>strumentalisati<strong>on</strong> by self-<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terested parties, <strong>on</strong> the other.<br />

c) Quality and Timely Informati<strong>on</strong><br />

Informati<strong>on</strong> is crucial <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> any human undertak<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g, much more so <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

the fi eld of humanitarian acti<strong>on</strong>. For actors to determ<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>e the genu<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>e<br />

needs of the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>tended benefi ciaries of their endeavours and to set up<br />

the corresp<strong>on</strong>d<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g means to meet them, it is important that they have:<br />

the right <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong> <strong>on</strong> the life of the target benefi ciaries; a knowledge<br />

of the political, ec<strong>on</strong>omic and cultural sett<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g they have to operate<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>; an understand<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of the geopolitical envir<strong>on</strong>ment; the explicit


CONTEMPORARY HUMANITARIAN ASSISTANCE: FILLING THE GAPS OR... 39<br />

and n<strong>on</strong>-declared <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>tenti<strong>on</strong>s of other actors; the degree of commitment<br />

and co-operati<strong>on</strong>; a range of means available to them, awareness<br />

of the real and potential risks <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>volved and a realistic range of opti<strong>on</strong>s<br />

to face them up. This implies establish<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g effective mechanisms of<br />

gather<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g, analys<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g, shar<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g, and dissem<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>at<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong>.<br />

d) C<strong>on</strong>t<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gency Plann<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

The fi eld of humanitarian acti<strong>on</strong> is unfortunately full of uncerta<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ties<br />

and unpleasant surprises. The possibilities for th<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gs to take a dangerous,<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>deed fatal turn, are always real and high; and humanitarian<br />

actors ought to be <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> a positi<strong>on</strong> to overcome un-expected challenges.<br />

In Rwanda, the 1994 bloodshed and the ensu<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g refugee crisis <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the<br />

entire regi<strong>on</strong> of the African Great Lakes unreas<strong>on</strong>ably caught many<br />

humanitarians by surprise. Some opted to simply pull out as a c<strong>on</strong>sequence<br />

of their un-preparedness; others chose to stay and do their<br />

best, much more out of their humanitarian ethics and not because of<br />

any beforehand fall back opti<strong>on</strong> plan that would have allowed them<br />

to face up the challenges adequately. The disarray was total, the distress<br />

unbearable, and effectiveness and effi ciency desirable (Whitman<br />

and Pocock 1996, Adelman and Suhrke 1996; Bort<strong>on</strong>, Brusset and Hallam<br />

1996). Even the aforementi<strong>on</strong>ed security challenges and the problems<br />

of co-optati<strong>on</strong> and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>strumentalisati<strong>on</strong> partly stem from the lack<br />

of alternative plans to deal with different situati<strong>on</strong>s that emerge <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the<br />

course of acti<strong>on</strong>. <strong>Humanitarian</strong> actors need to th<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>k ahead of events <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>stead<br />

of be<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g driven by the events.<br />

e) Quality Assessments and Effective Follow Up<br />

L<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ked to c<strong>on</strong>t<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gency plann<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g are c<strong>on</strong>t<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>uous quality assessments<br />

of the situati<strong>on</strong> <strong>on</strong> the ground. As already menti<strong>on</strong>ed, most c<strong>on</strong>temporary<br />

humanitarian crises and c<strong>on</strong>fl icts display complex and rapidly<br />

chang<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g patterns. They <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>volve many parties, states and n<strong>on</strong>-states<br />

alike, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternal and external, with different and often opposed <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terests<br />

and implementati<strong>on</strong> strategies. C<strong>on</strong>sequently, it is important that humanitarian<br />

actors carry out periodical reviews and evaluati<strong>on</strong>s of the<br />

situati<strong>on</strong> and their resp<strong>on</strong>ses with a view to meet<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g up emerg<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g challenges<br />

and to improv<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g their know-how. This <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> noth<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g new, <strong>on</strong>e<br />

may say, and most of agencies and NGOs, organisati<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>deed carry<br />

out evaluati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong> their programmes and projects, be they of humanitarian<br />

relief or development assistance. In fact, copies of such reports<br />

c<strong>on</strong>t<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ue to pile up <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> many offi ces and many rightly w<strong>on</strong>der whether it


40 LADISLAS BIZIMANA<br />

is still worth carry<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g out evaluati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the absence of positive change<br />

<strong>on</strong> the ground. It would be a bit too hasty and pessimistic to play down<br />

the importance of periodical evaluati<strong>on</strong>s, not least for the producti<strong>on</strong><br />

and reproducti<strong>on</strong> of knowledge and its dissem<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ati<strong>on</strong> purposes.<br />

What is still miss<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> many of these evaluati<strong>on</strong>s are <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dependent<br />

views of third parties and, more importantly, of the aid benefi ciaries.<br />

<strong>Humanitarian</strong>s need to avoid self-gratify<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g and self-ex<strong>on</strong>erat<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g evaluati<strong>on</strong><br />

approaches and outputs. They must fi nd ways of gett<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g their aid<br />

recipients tell them the whole truth about their own views <strong>on</strong> the assistance<br />

they receive. This is crucial <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> situati<strong>on</strong>s where the aid stems<br />

from those with a share of resp<strong>on</strong>sibility for the victims’ endemic tragedy.<br />

Periodical, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dependent, and objective evaluati<strong>on</strong>s could hopefully<br />

help address the issue of accountability, legitimacy, and mutual trust <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

a more useful manner. Cheated-<strong>on</strong> or disempowered benefi ciaries need<br />

to know that appropriate measures both preventive and curative - have<br />

been envisaged to eradicate <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>competence, misbehaviour, mismanagement,<br />

and fraud.<br />

f) C<strong>on</strong>t<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>uous Professi<strong>on</strong>alism and Professi<strong>on</strong>alisati<strong>on</strong><br />

Good will and solidarity commitment al<strong>on</strong>e are not enough for<br />

successful humanitarian acti<strong>on</strong>. Knowledge and skills are equally if<br />

not more important s<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ce the way we understand crises and c<strong>on</strong>fl icts<br />

shapes our resp<strong>on</strong>se to them. Much of our effectiveness and effi ciency<br />

depends <strong>on</strong> the quality of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong> and knowledge about the multiple<br />

realities of these crises and c<strong>on</strong>fl icts, and the skills needed to handle<br />

them at our disposal. <strong>Humanitarian</strong> actors are required to acquire,<br />

through quality tra<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g, educati<strong>on</strong>, and research, a sophisticated understand<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

of the c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>s lead<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g to complex emergencies <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> certa<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

places. Effective humanitarianism demands a range of policies,<br />

programmes, and acti<strong>on</strong>s cover<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g specifi c law, educati<strong>on</strong>al reform,<br />

and public awareness campaigns <strong>on</strong> the challenges and opportunities<br />

presented by ethnic, religious, gender, sexual differences for the build<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

of peaceful multi-cultural, knowledge-based communities. Hence,<br />

humanitarians need to acquire specifi c competencies enabl<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g them<br />

(i) to adopt the right mental attitude; (ii) to collect timely and quality<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong> and make good use of it; (iii) to take the right decisi<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

each situati<strong>on</strong>; and (iv) to design the most appropriate acti<strong>on</strong>s, strategies,<br />

and programme of activities <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> specifi c situati<strong>on</strong>s.<br />

Openness to and critical appreciati<strong>on</strong> of other cultural sett<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gs are<br />

as crucial for a humanitarian to identify values, customs, and beliefs<br />

that may feed violence and poverty, as are sound <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>tellectual knowl-


CONTEMPORARY HUMANITARIAN ASSISTANCE: FILLING THE GAPS OR... 41<br />

edge and management abilities. In other words, the need for professi<strong>on</strong>alism<br />

and professi<strong>on</strong>alisati<strong>on</strong> is self-evident <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the fi eld of HA.<br />

By Professi<strong>on</strong>alism it is implied that clear rules of the games should be<br />

jo<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>tly established, respected, and followed. By Professi<strong>on</strong>alisati<strong>on</strong>, it<br />

is meant that those called up<strong>on</strong> to establish the rules and make them<br />

work need proper educati<strong>on</strong> and tra<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g to enable them to do what<br />

needs to be d<strong>on</strong>e, and not just what can be d<strong>on</strong>e <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> specifi c circumstances.<br />

As Carl (2000) rem<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ds us <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> her critique of some humanitarian<br />

NGOs, when the <strong>on</strong>ly tool <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> our toolkit is a hammer, all problems<br />

start to look like a nail. Obviously, no tool shortage is as fatal as that<br />

of appropriate knowledge and skills. Efforts to defi ne the professi<strong>on</strong>al<br />

profi le, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>clud<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the ethical dimensi<strong>on</strong>, of a humanitarian and the corresp<strong>on</strong>d<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

learn<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g methodology, as well as related efforts to refi ne,<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>tegrate, share, and spread quality knowledge and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong> need<br />

to be c<strong>on</strong>t<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ued and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>creased not least for committed humanitarian<br />

actors to be better equipped to deprive politicians of the still fashi<strong>on</strong>able<br />

excuse of «we did not know». Only with appropriate knowledge<br />

and skills will committed humanitarians be able to c<strong>on</strong>v<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ce politicians<br />

that there are no more Luttwak’s (1999) other peoples’ tragedies; and<br />

that every<strong>on</strong>e should be c<strong>on</strong>cerned either out of Kantian solidarity<br />

or out of pure self-<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terests, or both, for the price for <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>difference to<br />

and complicity <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> other peoples’ suffer<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g may be the very turmoil and<br />

lawlessness near<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <strong>on</strong>e’s home <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the c<strong>on</strong>temporary world (Hoffman<br />

1995:36, Natsios 1997).<br />

C<strong>on</strong>clusi<strong>on</strong><br />

One of the most endur<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g and sadden<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g phenomena of the<br />

post-Cold War era has been the proliferati<strong>on</strong> of what <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>itially were<br />

co<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ed <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terchangeably humanitarian emergencies, humanitarian<br />

disasters, complex emergencies, and humanitarian crises 11 .<br />

11 A crisis or a c<strong>on</strong>fl ict is c<strong>on</strong>sidered an emergency due to the urgency of the needs<br />

of the affl icted pers<strong>on</strong>s. It is c<strong>on</strong>sidered complex because of its <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terwoven facets (ec<strong>on</strong>omic<br />

hardship, social dislocati<strong>on</strong> and dis<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>tegrati<strong>on</strong>, political repressi<strong>on</strong>, ethnic/religious<br />

tensi<strong>on</strong>s, acute/abject poverty, lawlessness and disorder, corrupti<strong>on</strong> and/or collapse of<br />

central authority, war or civil strife, displacement of large number of pers<strong>on</strong>s, gross human<br />

rights violati<strong>on</strong>s). It is branded humanitarian due to the fact that the direness of the<br />

situati<strong>on</strong> is such that it directly appeals to <strong>on</strong>e of the most shared mank<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>d’s <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>st<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ct of<br />

compassi<strong>on</strong> and help.


42 LADISLAS BIZIMANA<br />

Any resp<strong>on</strong>se to these phenomena was labelled <strong>Humanitarian</strong> Assistance.<br />

Throughout the 90s, mixed results of the adventures <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Somalia,<br />

former Yugoslavia, Cambodia, Rwanda, and the whole African<br />

Great Lakes regi<strong>on</strong> triggered <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>-depth multi-discipl<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ary refl ecti<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong><br />

the nature of these phenomena and the treatment they ought to be<br />

given. Central to these valuable efforts is the acknowledgement of the<br />

need for: (i) c<strong>on</strong>t<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>uous refi n<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of doctr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>es, knowledge, and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong>;<br />

(ii) complementarity of discipl<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>es, policies, programmes, and acti<strong>on</strong>s;<br />

(iii) c<strong>on</strong>sultati<strong>on</strong> and collaborati<strong>on</strong> between the different actors<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>volved, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>clud<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the mass media; (iv) direct <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>volvement of target<br />

benefi ciaries; and (v) c<strong>on</strong>t<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>uous assessment for timely learn<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g from<br />

practice and to build <strong>on</strong> this learn<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g. While <strong>Humanitarian</strong> Assistance<br />

will, and should, keep its essential pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ciple of not meddl<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> hard<br />

politics, it can no l<strong>on</strong>ger be effi ciently carried out without due c<strong>on</strong>siderati<strong>on</strong><br />

of the political, ec<strong>on</strong>omic, security implicati<strong>on</strong>s of its delivery or<br />

denial. There is a need for c<strong>on</strong>structive multilateralism, to use the code<br />

term, based <strong>on</strong> the follow<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g: (i) clear del<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>eati<strong>on</strong> of <strong>on</strong>e’s role and that<br />

of others; (ii) critical understand<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g and judgement of others motives,<br />

their expertise, and modus operandi; (iii) full awareness and acknowledgement<br />

of <strong>on</strong>e’s weaknesses and those of others; (iv) frank dialogue<br />

with other <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terveners; and (v) <strong>on</strong>e’s read<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ess to give and receive<br />

help from those work<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g from different perspectives and with different<br />

means. This does not necessarily entail aband<strong>on</strong><str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g or endanger<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

<strong>on</strong>e’s pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ciples and modus operandi. It simply means be<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g cleaver, i.e.<br />

know<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the miss<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gredient <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> <strong>on</strong>e’s toolkit and where and how to<br />

source it with limited damage to <strong>on</strong>eself and others. After all, life and<br />

work <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> isolati<strong>on</strong> is no more possible (has it <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> fact ever been possible?)<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> an <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terc<strong>on</strong>nected world like the <strong>on</strong>e <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> which we live today. Refl ecti<strong>on</strong>s<br />

need to be c<strong>on</strong>t<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ued to fi nd the ways <strong>Humanitarian</strong> Assistance<br />

can best serve the purpose of crisis/c<strong>on</strong>fl ict preventi<strong>on</strong>, c<strong>on</strong>fl ict<br />

management, and peacebuild<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g.<br />

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The Democratic Republic of C<strong>on</strong>go: Security Obsessi<strong>on</strong><br />

and Military-<strong>Humanitarian</strong> C<strong>on</strong>fusi<strong>on</strong> 1<br />

Xavier Zeebroek<br />

In the last fi fteen years, the functi<strong>on</strong><str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of the humanitarian community<br />

has moved not <strong>on</strong>ly towards more professi<strong>on</strong>alism but also more complexity.<br />

In parallel, peacekeep<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g missi<strong>on</strong>s have also accumulated remarkable<br />

experience, though sometimes at resound<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g costs, which has pushed<br />

them towards more sophisticated <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terventi<strong>on</strong>s. This is why no <strong>on</strong>e today<br />

can ignore the other, if not just for the reas<strong>on</strong> that their <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terests, or <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>deed<br />

their pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ciples, lend themselves to the opposite. This article will strive<br />

to dem<strong>on</strong>strate that <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the Democratic Republic of C<strong>on</strong>go (DRC), humanitarians<br />

and the military do not <strong>on</strong>ly satisfy themselves with meet<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g each<br />

other as if c<strong>on</strong>stra<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ed or forced by circumstances. Far from the clichés after<br />

Kosovo, they visit each other, sometimes assiduously, they often respect<br />

each other and sometimes they even appreciate each other.<br />

1. Three Pillars<br />

In the DRC, we can dist<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>guish three major pillars directly implicated<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the management and resoluti<strong>on</strong> of the crisis: a political and diplomatic<br />

pillar; a military pillar; and a humanitarian pillar. Each pillar ma<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ta<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>s relati<strong>on</strong>s,<br />

at vary<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g degrees and depth, with the two others. Some of<br />

these relati<strong>on</strong>s are structural and subord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ate (formal), such as the preem<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ence<br />

of civil and political c<strong>on</strong>trol over peacekeep<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g troops. Others<br />

1 This text is a shortened and adapted versi<strong>on</strong> of the article «Je t’aide, moi n<strong>on</strong><br />

plus», published <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the GRIP book «Les humanitaires en guerre, sécurité des travailleurs<br />

humanitaires en missi<strong>on</strong> en RDC et au Burundi», Ed. GRIP, Bruxelles, September 2004.<br />

This book is the result of a project fi nanced by the European Commissi<strong>on</strong>’s Directorate-<br />

General for <strong>Humanitarian</strong> Aid (DG ECHO).


48 XAVIER ZEEBROEK<br />

are circumstantial (<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formal) and not imposed such as the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong><br />

exchange and the coord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ati<strong>on</strong> of acti<strong>on</strong> between humanitarians and<br />

the military as well as with<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the humanitarian community itself.<br />

The number of humanitarian actors is important because we can<br />

count no less than 16 UN agencies and 67 <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al NGOs <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the<br />

DRC 2 . The 10 most important NGOs each employ several dozen expatriates<br />

and a couple of hundred local aid workers <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the country. The<br />

numbers of aid workers are therefore well <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>to the thousands. The <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al<br />

community, be it at a political and military level or at the<br />

d<strong>on</strong>or level, is equally as <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>volved.<br />

It is <strong>on</strong>ly the UN that can be found with<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> each pillar. Politically, it<br />

carries a very high resp<strong>on</strong>sibility and the Special Representative to the<br />

Secretary-General is both the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terlocutor of the government and the<br />

rebels but is also the highest authority of the whole United Nati<strong>on</strong>s system<br />

<strong>on</strong> the ground. In the DRC, the Special Representative is also the<br />

head of the peacekeep<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g missi<strong>on</strong> and therefore the fi rst two pillars are<br />

balanced <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> this positi<strong>on</strong>.<br />

F<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ally, the humanitarian pillar of the UN br<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gs together competent<br />

humanitarian agencies of which the pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>cipal <strong>on</strong>es <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>clude, UN-<br />

HCR, WFP and UNICEF. The Offi ce for the Coord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ati<strong>on</strong> of <strong>Humanitarian</strong><br />

Affairs (OCHA) ensures the circulati<strong>on</strong> and exchange of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong><br />

with<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the United Nati<strong>on</strong>s system and also between various external actors<br />

such as NGOs and the ICRC. A <strong>Humanitarian</strong> Coord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ator, who is<br />

generally the oldest and most experienced head of the country’s agencies,<br />

heads this humanitarian pillar, where the UN is c<strong>on</strong>cerned. In the<br />

DRC, this is the head of the UNDP.<br />

2. An Orig<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>al Structure<br />

The UN Observati<strong>on</strong> Missi<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> C<strong>on</strong>go (MONUC) is a peacekeep<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

operati<strong>on</strong> whose structure is rather orig<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>al <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> comparis<strong>on</strong> with past<br />

operati<strong>on</strong>s. Al<strong>on</strong>gside the military divisi<strong>on</strong>, which is by far the largest 3<br />

there is a civil divisi<strong>on</strong> 4 that is the c<strong>on</strong>tact po<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>t with the external world.<br />

2 Figures at the end of 2003. For a complete list, see the OCHA data base for the<br />

DRC.<br />

3 On the 15th June 2004, it was made up of 10 000 soldiers and 754 military observers.<br />

Source: http://www.m<strong>on</strong>uc.org/C<strong>on</strong>tribMilit.aspx?lang=en, Site accessed 17th June 2004.<br />

4 On the 30th March 2004, it was made up of 659 expats, 254 UN volunteers<br />

and 910 C<strong>on</strong>golese. Source: http://www.m<strong>on</strong>uc.org/Facts.aspx, Site accessed 17th June<br />

2004.


THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO: SECURITY OBSESSION AND... 49<br />

Here we fi nd several highly placed offi cials who are resp<strong>on</strong>sible for political<br />

issues, humanitarian issues, child protecti<strong>on</strong>, human rights issues,<br />

as well as for the Offi ce for Gender Affairs 5 . This team comprises<br />

a Regi<strong>on</strong>al Security Offi cer 6 (n<strong>on</strong>-military), who is <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> charge of the security<br />

c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>s of the civil MONUC staff who works <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> close collaborati<strong>on</strong><br />

with the military divisi<strong>on</strong>. All, whether civil or military, work under<br />

the civil MONUC adm<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>istrator, who represents Mr. William Sw<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g,<br />

supreme chief of the UN Missi<strong>on</strong>. Each of the six geographic MONUC<br />

sectors is structured <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> this same decentralised way. Wherever the MO-<br />

NUC has an important stati<strong>on</strong><str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g, a daily briefi ng br<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gs the highest<br />

placed offi cials of both the civil and military divisi<strong>on</strong>s together to meet<br />

with the force commander and the civil adm<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>istrator. All security <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>cidents<br />

as well as specifi c acti<strong>on</strong>s are discussed here.<br />

The existence of a civil divisi<strong>on</strong> that is relatively developed and active<br />

has a c<strong>on</strong>siderable <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>fl uence <strong>on</strong> the relati<strong>on</strong>ships between the<br />

peacekeep<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g missi<strong>on</strong> and the humanitarian organisati<strong>on</strong>s, be they<br />

governmental or private. Indeed, apart from the political advisor, all<br />

MONUC civil offi cials work <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> areas more or less l<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ked to humanitarian<br />

work. This is particularly the case of the <strong>Humanitarian</strong> Affairs secti<strong>on</strong><br />

which is resp<strong>on</strong>sible for putt<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the part of the mandate which specifi<br />

es «to facilitate humanitarian acti<strong>on</strong> » <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>to practice, which means provid<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

direct assistance, particularly with regards to logistics, to the UN<br />

agencies, to OCHA and to NGOs. This specifi c objective has been translated<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the fi eld <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>to a much more ambitious credo: «the objective of<br />

the secti<strong>on</strong> is, with<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the c<strong>on</strong>text of its mandate, to help save lives » .<br />

As a c<strong>on</strong>sequence, they <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>teract at several levels with their counterparts<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> other organisati<strong>on</strong>s, whilst simultaneously (though many try to<br />

belie this) pursu<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g specifi c objectives for the MONUC, which do not<br />

necessarily corresp<strong>on</strong>d to those of the humanitarians.<br />

3. The Envir<strong>on</strong>ment and Security Practices<br />

Before discuss<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the collaborati<strong>on</strong> between the military and humanitarians,<br />

<strong>on</strong>e must recognise that (by their own <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>itiative), humanitarian<br />

organisati<strong>on</strong>s live <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> an extremely protected envir<strong>on</strong>ment and<br />

work with<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the realm of strict and omnipresent security guidel<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>es.<br />

5 Created <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> March 2002 follow<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g Resoluti<strong>on</strong> 1325 of the UN Security Council,<br />

which asks to <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>tegrate a gender perspective <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>to peacekeep<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g operati<strong>on</strong>s.<br />

6 Not be c<strong>on</strong>fused with the FSO of the UNSECOORD.


50 XAVIER ZEEBROEK<br />

In the DRC, all the bigger NGOs and the UN agencies comply with<br />

similar security rules:<br />

— Expatriates» residences as well as their offi ces are generally protected<br />

by a security perimeter which c<strong>on</strong>sists of a wall or a metal<br />

gate;<br />

— These build<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gs are under surveillance day and night;<br />

— Many of these build<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gs have an underground safe house;<br />

— Any travel, even if <strong>on</strong>ly for a short distance, must always take<br />

place <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> a vehicle marked with the sign/logo of the organisati<strong>on</strong>.<br />

Unless specifi c authorizati<strong>on</strong> has been requested, no pers<strong>on</strong><br />

other than staff can be allowed <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the vehicle;<br />

— When reach<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g a certa<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> level of seniority with<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the organisati<strong>on</strong>,<br />

each staff member automatically is provided with a radio<br />

handset. These members of staff must communicate every s<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gle<br />

journey they make, even if it is a private journey;<br />

— Several security perimeters are established <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the town and surround<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

areas. A curfew is often <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> place;<br />

— One of the very fi rst th<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gs that a head of missi<strong>on</strong> discussed with<br />

a new member of staff is the security regulati<strong>on</strong>s related to their<br />

work;<br />

— Like the UN, some organisati<strong>on</strong>s such as Save the Children or<br />

the ICRC establish different stages of alert, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> functi<strong>on</strong> of the<br />

level of danger of the situati<strong>on</strong>; and<br />

— A satellite ph<strong>on</strong>e and fax are situated <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the ma<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> build<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gs so as<br />

to still be able to communicate <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> case of any disrupti<strong>on</strong> to the<br />

normal teleph<strong>on</strong>e l<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>es.<br />

UN agencies roughly apply these same rules but <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> general delegate<br />

the resp<strong>on</strong>sibility of fi eld security to a Field Safety Advisor (FSA) who<br />

makes sure that norms are respected, who provides the necessary authorisati<strong>on</strong>s<br />

and who tra<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>s new recruits. This is particularly the case for<br />

UNHCR and UNICEF. The Field Security Offi cer (FSO) of the UNSECO-<br />

ORD7 tries to coord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ate the different practices relat<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g to evacuati<strong>on</strong><br />

plans and to relati<strong>on</strong>ships with peacekeep<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g forces, particularly <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> relati<strong>on</strong><br />

to alert phases. One must note that, s<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ce 2003, no UN staff can<br />

work <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the fi eld without hav<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g successfully passed a security exam set<br />

by the UNSECOORD.<br />

7 For more <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong> <strong>on</strong> UNSECOORD, see «security briefi ngs for humanitarians».


THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO: SECURITY OBSESSION AND... 51<br />

In many aspects, many regulati<strong>on</strong>s are directly <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>spired by the military<br />

way of life. This is why, before they even possibly collaborate, the<br />

military and humanitarians lead a more similar life <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the fi eld than they<br />

would have previously imag<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ed.<br />

4. Instituti<strong>on</strong>al «Waterproofness and Permeability»<br />

The fact that expatriate staff live and work <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> a relatively clustered<br />

manner has a series of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>direct c<strong>on</strong>sequences for them. It is a major<br />

handicap to be<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> c<strong>on</strong>tact with the local populati<strong>on</strong>, especially <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the<br />

bigger cities. In the fi rst <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>stance, this may appear paradoxical because<br />

the proximity with war victims is very real, regular and detailed. But the<br />

populati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> need is not necessarily representative of the populati<strong>on</strong><br />

as a whole.<br />

Even though local pers<strong>on</strong>nel, who are most often <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the majority,<br />

have to submit to the same k<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>d of rules (at least with<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the boundaries<br />

of their work), they rema<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> well <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>tegrated with<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> their families, their<br />

neighbourhood and religious community. This gives them a big importance<br />

with<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> humanitarian organisati<strong>on</strong>s because of their language<br />

abilities and knowledge of local customs especially. They also become<br />

a major source of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong> allow<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g expatriates to better c<strong>on</strong>textualise<br />

their acti<strong>on</strong>s, which is an <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dispensable element for the l<strong>on</strong>g-term<br />

security of the missi<strong>on</strong>.<br />

Local NGOs, however, generally experience these security measures <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

a much harsher way, as their access to foreign humanitarian organisati<strong>on</strong>s<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> their own country is very diffi cult. Whilst civil society representatives often<br />

admire the competence and rigour of humanitarians, the precauti<strong>on</strong>s<br />

that the latter wrap themselves up with represent an extra obstacle to the<br />

recogniti<strong>on</strong>, collaborati<strong>on</strong> and access to <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al fund<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g.<br />

F<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ally, at the expatriate pers<strong>on</strong>nel level, <strong>on</strong>e can note an unexpected<br />

permeability between the military-political pillar and the humanitarian<br />

pillar. Indeed, it is more and more the case that retired military<br />

pers<strong>on</strong>nel fi nd themselves <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> highly-resp<strong>on</strong>sible jobs with<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the<br />

United Nati<strong>on</strong>s or <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al NGOs. Their profi le is actively sought<br />

for positi<strong>on</strong>s such as Field Security Offi cers (FSO), for UNSECOORD, or<br />

for dem<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g teams for Handicap Internati<strong>on</strong>al. It is true that most of<br />

their work does require a specifi cally military experience. However, this<br />

is not the case for two heads of missi<strong>on</strong> work<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g for the NGO Acti<strong>on</strong><br />

Agro Allemande (AAA) and the Jesuit Relief Services (JRS). Air pilots<br />

also sometimes have military pasts, for example at Pilots without Borders<br />

or Doctors without Borders (MSF).


52 XAVIER ZEEBROEK<br />

But most frequent staff movements from <strong>on</strong>e organisati<strong>on</strong> to another<br />

occurs with<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> NGOs, OCHA and the civil branch of the MONUC.<br />

It is quite usual to meet managers of the latter two <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>stituti<strong>on</strong>s who<br />

started their careers as fi eld managers <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> a NGO. Movement of professi<strong>on</strong>als<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the opposite directi<strong>on</strong> is very rare. These <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dividuals have<br />

sometimes had to work <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>stituti<strong>on</strong>s with c<strong>on</strong>tradictory practices and<br />

objectives. However, the expertise gaps, as <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dicated by this high-level<br />

pers<strong>on</strong>nel fl ux, dem<strong>on</strong>strates a requirement to know, respect and appreciate<br />

each other, which facilitates a basis for <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>stituti<strong>on</strong>al collaborati<strong>on</strong>,<br />

even when this may be aga<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>st the natural order of th<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gs.<br />

5. Gradual and Variable Collaborati<strong>on</strong><br />

In the DRC as well as <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Burundi, the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>teracti<strong>on</strong>s between humanitarians<br />

and the military are regular but of a vary<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>tensity depend<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

<strong>on</strong> the representatives and the activities. This gradati<strong>on</strong> can cover the<br />

follow<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g areas:<br />

Informati<strong>on</strong> exchange<br />

Two types of coord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ati<strong>on</strong> take place at a weekly <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terval <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the<br />

DRC and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Burundi. These are the general meet<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g for humanitarian<br />

coord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ati<strong>on</strong>, and different security briefi ngs.<br />

MEETING FOR HUMANITARIAN COORDINATION<br />

In each town of big or medium importance, the meet<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g br<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gs<br />

together all members of the humanitarian community (UN agencies,<br />

ICRC, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al and local NGOs), who are <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>vited by OCHA, who<br />

coord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ates the debates. Each can voluntarily discuss their recent experiences<br />

and possible problems. Useful <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong>, e.g. reports <strong>on</strong> the<br />

regi<strong>on</strong>, updates <strong>on</strong> refugee movements or the latest needs assessment<br />

of a populati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> danger, is presented to all.<br />

Briefi ngs <strong>on</strong> the peacekeep<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g missi<strong>on</strong>s<br />

In the DRC, the most delicate subjects at play are discussed at the<br />

daily peacekeep<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g briefi ng when the civil adm<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>istrator, the sector<br />

commander, the most highly ranked offi cers, the liais<strong>on</strong> offi cers and<br />

military observers are present. The civil branch of the MONUC is also<br />

represented by its secti<strong>on</strong> representatives. The Field Security Offi cer of


THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO: SECURITY OBSESSION AND... 53<br />

the UNSECOORD is also often present at these meet<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gs which is recognized<br />

as <strong>on</strong>e of his/her most important sources of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong>. No<br />

humanitarian organisati<strong>on</strong> is <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>vited but this is understandable, as all<br />

realise that certa<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> sensitive pieces of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong> cannot leave the<br />

tight circle of the United Nati<strong>on</strong>s missi<strong>on</strong>. Therefore, any <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong><br />

exchange <strong>on</strong> security will take place <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> an ad hoc fashi<strong>on</strong>.<br />

SECURITY BRIEFINGS FOR HUMANITARIANS<br />

In each town where the UN is present, there is a weekly security<br />

briefi ng exclusively for humanitarian organisati<strong>on</strong>s. Security <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>cidents<br />

and any rebel movements or crim<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>al activities are reported. Predictable<br />

movements by the UN forces and the nati<strong>on</strong>al army are also discussed<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> this forum.<br />

Security briefi ngs <strong>on</strong>ly gather together <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al NGOs and most<br />

often are led by a Field Security Offi cer (FSO), who is locally resp<strong>on</strong>sible<br />

for: the United Nati<strong>on</strong>s Security Coord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ator Offi ce 8 (UNSECOORD), a<br />

branch of the UN that is not very well known. The FSO is usually an old<br />

policeman, gendarme or soldier who is recruited as a civilian to permanently<br />

m<strong>on</strong>itor the security of a z<strong>on</strong>e where humanitarian work is be<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

carried out. Under the supervisi<strong>on</strong> of a highly placed United Nati<strong>on</strong>s<br />

senior manager, s/he has a positi<strong>on</strong> of c<strong>on</strong>siderable importance s<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ce s/<br />

he determ<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>es the alert levels <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> each activity z<strong>on</strong>e, gives his/her authorisati<strong>on</strong><br />

for any transfer of pers<strong>on</strong>nel and humanitarian c<strong>on</strong>voy, tra<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>s UN<br />

agents <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> security issues and establishes evacuati<strong>on</strong> plans. Of course,<br />

his/her authority offi cially <strong>on</strong>ly reaches UN pers<strong>on</strong>nel but the rest of<br />

the humanitarian community is generally very aware of his/her judgements,<br />

even if at the end of the day each organisati<strong>on</strong> takes decisi<strong>on</strong>s<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> its own best <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terest. In the DRC, when the situati<strong>on</strong> is deemed quite<br />

worry<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g, a (military) MONUC liais<strong>on</strong> offi cer may also be present at the<br />

weekly briefi ng or can even hold a more authoritative role, as experienced<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Bunia after the UN Missi<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the C<strong>on</strong>go was re<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>forced.<br />

However, the NGOs are the organisati<strong>on</strong>s which are most active <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

the fi eld and which also frequently provide fi rst-hand (and sometimes<br />

exclusive) <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong>. Indeed, <strong>on</strong>e must never forget that certa<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> big<br />

NGOs employ several hundreds of local c<strong>on</strong>tractors who are located<br />

throughout the rural areas. They therefore represent an <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>valuable<br />

source of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> far-reach<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g z<strong>on</strong>es where UN agencies and<br />

8 This is a branch of the UN Secretariat, directly l<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ked to the Secretary-General to<br />

whom reports are sent.


54 XAVIER ZEEBROEK<br />

peacekeep<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g soldiers do not go. This paradoxical situati<strong>on</strong> has led to<br />

several fi eld managers stat<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g that they know more about the local political-military<br />

c<strong>on</strong>text than those whose job it is to fi nd this <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong><br />

out. Field managers worry that they will be used as <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>telligence sources<br />

to peacekeep<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g forces, with the danger of creat<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g a very negative<br />

mix of views <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the eyes of the populati<strong>on</strong>.<br />

On the other hand, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> a z<strong>on</strong>e where there is str<strong>on</strong>g <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>security and<br />

where peacekeep<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g forces are very active, the situati<strong>on</strong> can be reversed.<br />

This was the case <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Bunia dur<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the Artemis Operati<strong>on</strong>, as<br />

well as after this when the str<strong>on</strong>gly re<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>forced MONUC had as its objective<br />

to disarm the militias. At this po<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>t, a MONUC liais<strong>on</strong> offi cer<br />

was present at each security briefi ng; the offi cer then became a major<br />

source of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong> for humanitarians who wanted to risk leav<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

the city. Dur<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g these troubled times, the military was so important for<br />

the security of humanitarian space that the former seemed to impose<br />

itself as an <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dispensable <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong> partner for humanitarians.<br />

SECURITY MANAGEMENT TEAM<br />

F<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ally, with<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the United Nati<strong>on</strong>s system, there is a security coord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ati<strong>on</strong><br />

body called the «Security Mangement Team» that regroups the<br />

FSO and his/her Area Security Coord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ator and also c<strong>on</strong>venes meet<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gs<br />

of the Field Security Advisers (FSA) of each United Nati<strong>on</strong>s agency and<br />

the Regi<strong>on</strong>al Security Offi cer (RSO) of the MONUC. Given their natural<br />

tendency to collaborate with the peacekeep<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g forces, it is not rare to<br />

see that meet<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gs discuss the issue of armed escorts, albeit for the purpose<br />

of evaluat<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g missi<strong>on</strong>s or food distributi<strong>on</strong>. In pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ciple, NGOs do<br />

not participate <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> these co-ord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ati<strong>on</strong> meet<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gs except <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Bunia where<br />

a NGO representative is allowed to observe the meet<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gs.<br />

Logistical facilities<br />

One of the strengths of the peacekeep<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g forces is their logistical<br />

capacity, particularly <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> transport and communicati<strong>on</strong>. In the MO-<br />

NUC case for example, a third of its budget is allocated to logistics. It<br />

is therefore useful to exam<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>e how this could be exploited for the humanitarian<br />

purposes.<br />

TRANSPORT<br />

MONUC planes provide more than 1000 fl ights per year over most<br />

of the territory. They transport freight as well as passengers and their


THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO: SECURITY OBSESSION AND... 55<br />

capacity largely exceeds the strict needs of the missi<strong>on</strong>. Indeed, due to<br />

the extreme weakness of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternal private transport 9 <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the DRC, many<br />

agencies/ organizati<strong>on</strong>s/ <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>stituti<strong>on</strong>s call up<strong>on</strong> this means of transportati<strong>on</strong><br />

which is cheap, if not free, they <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>clude: political leaders, C<strong>on</strong>golese<br />

military, ex-rebels, Churches, local NGOs and most humanitarian<br />

organisati<strong>on</strong>s. In 2003, 30 t<strong>on</strong>nes of freight and 1000 humanitarian<br />

agents who were not members of the MONUC used these planes. Only<br />

the ICRC and the WFP rarely use this mode of transport as they have<br />

their own planes.<br />

EVALUATION MISSIONS<br />

The use of helicopters <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the DRC is largely limited to MONUC.<br />

They c<strong>on</strong>stitute the spearhead of jo<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>t evaluati<strong>on</strong> missi<strong>on</strong>s, which are<br />

organised with military logistics so as to reach regi<strong>on</strong>s which are diffi -<br />

cult to access or which are <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>secure. Indeed, the humanitarian head of<br />

the MONUC regularly organises evaluati<strong>on</strong> missi<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> z<strong>on</strong>es that were<br />

recently hit by fi ght<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g or <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> isolated villages that no l<strong>on</strong>ger have access<br />

to markets. By the end of 2002, 25 such missi<strong>on</strong>s took place. These<br />

missi<strong>on</strong>s that sometimes required armed pers<strong>on</strong>nel for security reas<strong>on</strong>s,<br />

were sent out <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> helicopters clearly marked as bel<strong>on</strong>g<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g to the MO-<br />

NUC. UN agencies nearly always participate <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> such missi<strong>on</strong>s, whereas<br />

some NGOs systematically refuse to jo<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> (ICRC, MSF, Handicap Internati<strong>on</strong>al).<br />

Others will accept depend<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <strong>on</strong> the circumstances (ACTED,<br />

IRC) and some do not see why they should not participate (Care, Caritas).<br />

This blurr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g between the military and humanitarians is obviously<br />

much greater <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> this case, not <strong>on</strong>ly because of the means of transport<br />

used which is clearly military, but also because local <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>habitants will not<br />

always know that humanitarian organisati<strong>on</strong>s exist and will <strong>on</strong>ly see<br />

scouts for the MONUC <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the group. In all cases, it is diffi cult to determ<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>e<br />

whether the MONUC is <strong>on</strong>ly satisfy<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g a request from humanitarian<br />

organisati<strong>on</strong>s, or whether it is us<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g a humanitarian presence to<br />

stabilize the regi<strong>on</strong>. Most often, both these motivati<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>term<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gle.<br />

Patrols and UNSECOORD protecti<strong>on</strong><br />

In certa<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> towns, the FSO of the UNSECOORD can <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>itiative night<br />

patrols that visit all the United Nati<strong>on</strong>s build<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gs as well as of those<br />

9 Several small private companies exist and these c<strong>on</strong>centrate <strong>on</strong> the most lucrative<br />

routes, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> general those which l<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>k up the bigger towns with neighbour<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g capitals.


56 XAVIER ZEEBROEK<br />

of NGOs who request it. In Goma, 20 armed policemen paid by the<br />

United Nati<strong>on</strong>s do their rounds each night. In Bukavu, each organisati<strong>on</strong><br />

must subscribe to this service. In Kisangani, MSF-Belgium refused<br />

to be <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>volved <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the nightly patrol. But <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Uvira, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the absence of the<br />

FSO, it is the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al NGOs who fi nance a jo<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>t n<strong>on</strong>-armed patrol,<br />

which is bound to radio <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> any suspicious activity.<br />

If demanded, these policemen can mount guard <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> fr<strong>on</strong>t of certa<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

build<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gs if a missi<strong>on</strong> judges this necessary. This was the case for Care<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Kisangani <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> October 2003 after there was an attempt to steal.<br />

Project fi nanc<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

The paradox goes <strong>on</strong>e step further <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the case where projects are<br />

carried out by humanitarian organisati<strong>on</strong>s but are directly fi nanced by<br />

the MONUC. Though such projects are much more modest <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> comparis<strong>on</strong><br />

to the overall humanitarian operati<strong>on</strong>s, they provide maximum<br />

visibility for the sp<strong>on</strong>sor. Launched <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> June 2001, the Quick Impact<br />

Projects (QUIPS) are <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>itiated and fi nanced with the aim of facilitat<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

the settlement of the MONUC <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> areas <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> which it operates, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> other<br />

words, they serve to encourage the local populati<strong>on</strong>10 to look sympathetically<br />

<strong>on</strong> the blue helmets. With a relatively modest budget —1 milli<strong>on</strong><br />

US Dollars11 per year for all the country— these projects cover the<br />

whole humanitarian range and are implemented by both UN organisati<strong>on</strong>s<br />

and private organisati<strong>on</strong>s. In the fi rst two years, 78 projects12 were carried out <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the health, educati<strong>on</strong> and envir<strong>on</strong>ment sectors but<br />

also at the agricultural level and public <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>frastructural rehabilitati<strong>on</strong><br />

level. These projects were implemented by well-known organisati<strong>on</strong>s<br />

such as the FAO, Caritas, Internati<strong>on</strong>al Rescue Committe (IRC), Handicap<br />

Internati<strong>on</strong>al, CORDAID and World Visi<strong>on</strong>. Local public <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>stituti<strong>on</strong>s,<br />

C<strong>on</strong>golese NGOs, religious <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>stituti<strong>on</strong>s and C<strong>on</strong>golese civil society coord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ati<strong>on</strong><br />

groups also took part. The projects themselves <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>cluded: rebuild<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

bridges (Kisangani, Kalemie13 , Kabare), rehabilitat<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g hospitals<br />

(K<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>shasa, Goma, Ilebo), rebuild<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g schools (Bukavu, K<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>du, Kananga,<br />

10 The objectives of QUIPS are presented <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> a more diplomatic language <strong>on</strong> the MO-<br />

NUC website where <strong>on</strong>e can read that the programme has as its aim to improve the<br />

efforts of the MONUC <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> build<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g peace <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the DRC. The projects are created so as to<br />

promote a sense of trust and well-be<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g with<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the C<strong>on</strong>golese populati<strong>on</strong>. Source: http://<br />

www.m<strong>on</strong>uc.org/Quips/ accessed 18th June 2004.<br />

11 This amount is m<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>imal <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> comparis<strong>on</strong> with the annual cost of the MONUC (608,23<br />

milli<strong>on</strong> dollars <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> 2004) or with the C<strong>on</strong>solidated Appeals launched by the UN <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the DRC ().<br />

12 Complete list at http://www.m<strong>on</strong>uc.org/Quips/List.aspx accessed 18th June 2004.<br />

13 Entirely realised by MONUC.


THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO: SECURITY OBSESSION AND... 57<br />

Lubero, Bunia, Lisala) and markets (K<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>du). Note that the humanitarian<br />

barge towards Kisangani which was the talk of the town <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> April 2002<br />

and, from a more anecdotal po<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>t of view, the distributi<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> K<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>shasa<br />

of 1600 kangas 14 carry<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the MONUC emblem… Often, dur<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>augurati<strong>on</strong><br />

of such rec<strong>on</strong>structi<strong>on</strong> or even dur<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g simple distributi<strong>on</strong> of<br />

seeds and agricultural materials, the benefi ciaries can notice the c<strong>on</strong>nivance<br />

between the MONUC and the implicated humanitarian organisati<strong>on</strong>s.<br />

Armed escorts<br />

Military escorts regularly accompanied food distributi<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>secure<br />

regi<strong>on</strong>s of the DRC, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the surround<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g areas of Bunia (Acti<strong>on</strong><br />

Agro Allemande) after Summer 2003 or <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> south Kivu (Caritas) <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> 2003<br />

and 2004. Whoever the humanitarian operator, the blurr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g between<br />

armed forces and humanitarian acti<strong>on</strong> becomes complete <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the eyes<br />

of the populati<strong>on</strong>, but also <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the eyes of the rebels. In short, it is the<br />

MONUC that is believed to be br<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g food.<br />

Sometimes, food can become such a power tool that peacekeep<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

soldiers do more than just accompany the c<strong>on</strong>voys. In the autumn of<br />

2003, Caritas carried out several food distributi<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> South-Kivu ask<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

the MONUC to protect the benefi ciary populati<strong>on</strong> for several days<br />

after the operati<strong>on</strong> so as to ensure that the populati<strong>on</strong> would not be<br />

immediately pillaged. This is yet another proof that humanitarian assistance<br />

can, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> certa<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> cases, become a target itself for local actors,<br />

whether they are rebels or crim<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>als of comm<strong>on</strong> law.<br />

Evacuati<strong>on</strong>s<br />

As menti<strong>on</strong>ed before, it is the FSO of UNSECOORD who prepares<br />

the evacuati<strong>on</strong> plan for the whole United Nati<strong>on</strong>s system <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the specifi<br />

ed regi<strong>on</strong>. This plan is negotiated with each agency and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>variably<br />

uses military logistics. The FSO also decides, under the supervisi<strong>on</strong> of<br />

the Area Security Coord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ator, when the plan must be put <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>to acti<strong>on</strong>.<br />

In theory, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al NGOs are never <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>cluded <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the plan. The reality<br />

is much more complex. When they are asked if they want to be <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>cluded<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the plan, most NGOs oppose it, be it <strong>on</strong>ly for the reas<strong>on</strong> that<br />

they would then obliged to respect all the security norms of the UN, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

particular dur<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the alert phases. However, the MONUC and the FSO<br />

14 Materials/ clothe frequently carry<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g a message.


58 XAVIER ZEEBROEK<br />

will never refuse to rescue humanitarian workers <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> distress if no other<br />

opti<strong>on</strong> is available. The priority will nevertheless always be UN agents.<br />

We can also note that NGOs often have a higher tolerance threshold<br />

for <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>security, whether right or wr<strong>on</strong>g, than UN agencies. On several<br />

occasi<strong>on</strong>s, we noted that when the FSO activated the evacuati<strong>on</strong><br />

plan this was followed, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> a somewhat fragmented way, by NGOs simply<br />

decid<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g to reduce their activities. This was the case <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> April 2003 <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

Bukavu and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Uvira <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the same year.<br />

Each NGO agrees its own evacuati<strong>on</strong> plan with<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> their own means.<br />

Most will have automobiles but very few will have ready access to air or<br />

maritime means for evacuati<strong>on</strong> purposes (<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Goma, Bukavu and Uvira<br />

you can reach the neighbour<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g country by cross<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the lake). Depend<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

<strong>on</strong> the rapidity and seriousness of the evolv<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g situati<strong>on</strong>, missi<strong>on</strong>s<br />

may be <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the positi<strong>on</strong> to carry out their own evacuati<strong>on</strong> plan. In these<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>stances help must be called for from other organisati<strong>on</strong>s with better<br />

logistical means or from the Blue Helmets directly. This was the case <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

K<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>du <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> September 2001 and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Bunia <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> May 2003.<br />

In general, even the organisati<strong>on</strong>s that are most reluctant to collaborate<br />

with the military, such as MSF or the ICRC, recognise that as a<br />

last resort they will not hesitate to call the peacekeep<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g forces. In this<br />

case, this attitude is no way c<strong>on</strong>traven<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>ally adopted<br />

codes of c<strong>on</strong>duct.<br />

6. The Besieged Fortress<br />

For the fi rst time <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> June 2004, humanitarian organisati<strong>on</strong>s» offi<br />

ces and stocks were pillaged <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Bukavu but also <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the rest of the Kivu<br />

area, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the Maniema and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> North Katanga follow<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g student dem<strong>on</strong>strati<strong>on</strong>s<br />

essentially aga<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>st the MONUC, which was be<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g deemed too<br />

passive when the town was taken by two <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>surgent offi cers of the C<strong>on</strong>golese<br />

army 15 . As is stated by OCHA, «the attacks of the populati<strong>on</strong><br />

aga<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>st the humanitarian <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>frastructure do not seem to have been the<br />

result of any animosity towards the humanitarian community» 16 . However,<br />

nearly 200 humanitarian workers bel<strong>on</strong>g<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g to 30 <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al<br />

organisati<strong>on</strong>s were evacuated towards Goma, leav<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g some 3.3 milli<strong>on</strong><br />

vulnerable people without assistance. The damage <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>curred costs<br />

15 These are General Nkundabamtware and Col<strong>on</strong>el Mutebutsi who attacked and<br />

occupied Bukavu from the 26th May until the 9th June 2004.<br />

16 «DRC: the humanitarian community reorganises itself <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the East», Communiqué<br />

OCHA DRC, 16th June 2004.


THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO: SECURITY OBSESSION AND... 59<br />

of about 1.5 milli<strong>on</strong> Dollars 17 . Of course we cannot deduce that cooperati<strong>on</strong><br />

between the military and humanitarians was the <strong>on</strong>ly cause for<br />

this catastrophe. It is rather a complex and l<strong>on</strong>gstand<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g mix of factors<br />

that entrench this blurr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of organisati<strong>on</strong>s with<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the populati<strong>on</strong>. This<br />

impacted str<strong>on</strong>gly <strong>on</strong> the humanitarian community and less<strong>on</strong>s need to<br />

be learnt from this experience.<br />

Bey<strong>on</strong>d the nuances <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the military-humanitarian relati<strong>on</strong>ship that<br />

we have tried to expla<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> here, it would appear that the local populati<strong>on</strong><br />

has already decided: the c<strong>on</strong>fusi<strong>on</strong> between the military and the humanitarian<br />

community is deep and widespread. The c<strong>on</strong>fusi<strong>on</strong> is partly<br />

due to the objective elements we have exam<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ed (regular c<strong>on</strong>tact, logistical<br />

support, jo<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>t operati<strong>on</strong>s, escorts, etc.) but also due to certa<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

clichés that would need a more appropriate analysis (the rich foreigners,<br />

the complicity with enemy groups, the bad usage of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al<br />

fi nanc<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g, the powerlessness of the UN and of humanitarians <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> general,<br />

etc.). But above all, the events <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> June 2004 run the risk of re<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>forc<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

the spiral which was set <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>to moti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the beg<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>n<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of the<br />

90s: the rampant militarisati<strong>on</strong> of the daily lives of humanitarians especially<br />

expatriates. However, the C<strong>on</strong>go is not Afghanistan or Iraq. It is<br />

more of a low <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>tensity c<strong>on</strong>fl ict, as the strategists like to label it. This is<br />

why the casual visitor will not often perceive any of the threats that are<br />

evident to humanitarian workers or the peacekeep<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g forces, which <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

c<strong>on</strong>trast, provides an enhanced visibility to their security envir<strong>on</strong>ment.<br />

For most African city dwellers, the sight of this besieged fortress does<br />

not really facilitate the dist<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>cti<strong>on</strong> between military camp and humanitarian<br />

organisati<strong>on</strong>. Yet, more so than the d<strong>on</strong>ors or the journalists, it<br />

is the local populati<strong>on</strong>s who are the best protectors of humanitarian <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dependence.<br />

Bibliography<br />

The bibliographic references <strong>on</strong> the theme of humanitarian security<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> general are many. It is impossible to provide a detailed account of all<br />

of them. However, it is useful to note those that can help us to focus<br />

<strong>on</strong> the c<strong>on</strong>ceptual framework of this study as well as to determ<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>e the<br />

de<strong>on</strong>tological advances that have been gathered.<br />

17 IRIN, «DRC: UN agency leads humanitarian assessment missi<strong>on</strong>s to the east», 28th<br />

June 2004.


60 XAVIER ZEEBROEK<br />

BOLLETINO, V. (2003): «Death <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the fi eld: How UNICEF is c<strong>on</strong>fr<strong>on</strong>t<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the toll of<br />

violence», <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> <strong>Humanitarian</strong> Affairs Review, Spr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g 2003, pp. 8-11.<br />

BOUCHET-SAULNIER, F. (2000): «Dicti<strong>on</strong>naire pratique du droit humanitaire», La<br />

Découverte et Syros, Paris, 492 pages.<br />

CROIX-ROUGE DE BELGIQUE COMMUNAUTÉ FRANCOPHONE (2003): Pour une plus<br />

grande complémentarité entre l’acti<strong>on</strong> humanitaire de la Croix-Rouge et<br />

l’<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terventi<strong>on</strong> politico-militaire des Etats, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Bruxelles, 102 pages.<br />

GRIP (2001): Militaires-Humanitaires: à chacun s<strong>on</strong> rôle, Ed GRIP/Complexe,<br />

Bruxelles, 2001, 278 pages.<br />

ICRC (2001): Strengthen<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g protecti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> war Genève, 127 pages.<br />

ICRC (1999): Modes of acti<strong>on</strong> used by humanitarian players Genève, 1999,<br />

67 pages.<br />

MALAN, M. (2000): «Physical protecti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> practice: Internati<strong>on</strong>al and regi<strong>on</strong>al<br />

peacekeep<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Africa», African Security Review, vol 9 nb 2, 2000, pp 13<br />

à 26.<br />

MUGGAH, R. and Eric BERMAN (2001): «<strong>Humanitarian</strong>ism under threat, special report»,<br />

Small Arms Survey, Genève, 84 pages.<br />

MUGGAH, R. and Mart<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> GRIFFITHS (2002): «Rec<strong>on</strong>sider<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the tools of war: small<br />

arms and humanitarian acti<strong>on</strong>», <strong>Humanitarian</strong> Practice Network Paper nb<br />

39, ODI, L<strong>on</strong>dres, 2002, 34 pages.<br />

OCHA (2001): «Use of military or armed escorts for humanitarian c<strong>on</strong>voys, Discussi<strong>on</strong><br />

Paper and N<strong>on</strong>-B<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>d<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g Guidel<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>es», OCHA, New York/Genève,<br />

15 p.<br />

OCDE (1998): «Moyens civils et militaires pour l’achem<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ement et le soutien de<br />

l’aide humanitaire durant un c<strong>on</strong>fl it - Analyse comparative des avantages<br />

et des coûts», Rapport n.° 1, Les c<strong>on</strong>fl its, la paix et la coopérati<strong>on</strong> pour le<br />

développement, Comité d’Aide au Développement, OCDE, Paris.<br />

SHEIK, M.; M.I. GUTTIEREZ; P. BOLTON; P. SPIEGEL; M. THIEREN and G. BURNHAM (2001):<br />

«Death am<strong>on</strong>g humanitarian workers», <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Humanitaire, n.° 3, Paris, pp. 41-<br />

50. Texte <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>itialement paru dans le British Medical Journal 2000, n.° 321,<br />

pp. 166-8.<br />

SMALL ARMS SURVEY (2001): «<strong>Humanitarian</strong>ism under threat: The <strong>Humanitarian</strong><br />

Impacts of Small Arms and Light Weap<strong>on</strong>s», SAS Yearbook 2001, pp.155-<br />

201.<br />

UNITED NATIONS (2003): «Guidel<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>es On The Use of Military and Civil Defence<br />

Assets To Support United Nati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>Humanitarian</strong> Activities <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Complex<br />

Emergencies N<strong>on</strong> edited document», mars 2003, 18 pages, http://www.reliefweb.<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>t/mcdls/mcdu/Guidel<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>esCE/March%202003.htm.


II<br />

Actors and Acti<strong>on</strong>s


State <strong>Humanitarian</strong>ism/Private <strong>Humanitarian</strong>ism<br />

Relati<strong>on</strong>ship: What Form Shoud It Take?<br />

1. Introducti<strong>on</strong><br />

François Grünewald and Vér<strong>on</strong>ique de Geoffroy<br />

C<strong>on</strong>temporary <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al humanitarian acti<strong>on</strong> acquired an important<br />

part of its credibility <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Europe. The story of Henri Dunant at<br />

the battle of Solfer<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>o is <strong>on</strong>e of a s<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gle man who mobilised the leaders<br />

of the time for the humanitarian cause. Internati<strong>on</strong>al <strong>Humanitarian</strong><br />

Law, or the «Law of War», was pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>cipally developed <strong>on</strong> the blood,<br />

sweat and tears of the battlefi elds of Europe. The associated humanitarian<br />

acti<strong>on</strong> was born and took root thanks to the appearance and engagement<br />

of the large British NGOs between the decades of the 30s to<br />

50s: Oxfam <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the Greek fam<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>e, Save the Children and the orphans of<br />

a ru<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ed Europe, etc. The next phase was l<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ked to a dynamic brought<br />

about by French NGOs who assumed a specifi c place <strong>on</strong> the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al<br />

humanitarian scene from the end of the 60s <strong>on</strong>wards. This is the<br />

«French doctors» movement. This school of thought has, s<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ce the beg<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>n<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g,<br />

been opposed to the «State argument»: it rejects the pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ciple<br />

of sovereignty and diplomatic rules. The pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ciple of «no borders» is often<br />

placed <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> oppositi<strong>on</strong> to everyth<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g that represents offi cial power, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

establish<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g a str<strong>on</strong>g dist<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>cti<strong>on</strong> between the free acti<strong>on</strong>s of organisati<strong>on</strong>s<br />

and the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terventi<strong>on</strong>s bound and c<strong>on</strong>stra<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ed by states. This characteristic<br />

is str<strong>on</strong>gly l<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ked to the c<strong>on</strong>fl ictual relati<strong>on</strong>ship between civil<br />

society and state. It takes different forms depend<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <strong>on</strong> the country<br />

and the means of state-NGO <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>teracti<strong>on</strong>.<br />

Although states play an important role <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the humanitarian doma<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

(<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the writ<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g, sign<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g, ratifi cati<strong>on</strong> and applicati<strong>on</strong> of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al<br />

C<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>s), the methods of regulati<strong>on</strong> between state and private humanitarian<br />

acti<strong>on</strong> are not structured. The recurr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g diffi culty <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> which<br />

the relati<strong>on</strong>ship «State humanitarianism/private humanitarianism» is


64 FRANÇOIS GRÜNEWALD AND VÉRONIQUE DE GEOFFROY<br />

embedded, fi nds its roots <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> a series of c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s: c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the legitimate stakes of geo-strategy, politics and the ec<strong>on</strong>omy, <strong>on</strong><br />

which the state bases its decisi<strong>on</strong>s (state argument) and the ethical and<br />

judicial pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ciples of humanitarian acti<strong>on</strong>, notably the pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ciples of impartiality<br />

and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dependence. In effect, if humanitarian acti<strong>on</strong> is really<br />

built <strong>on</strong> these pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ciples, as established <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> a pragmatic way <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Internati<strong>on</strong>al<br />

<strong>Humanitarian</strong> Law, then <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> essence, states and their armies can<br />

never be humanitarian actors. Nevertheless, NGOs and other humanitarian<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>stituti<strong>on</strong>s wish to benefi t from the fi nancial resources and materials<br />

that states can procure for them.<br />

Large projects were <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>strumental <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the clarifi cati<strong>on</strong> of the debate,<br />

as were a number of trends that were develop<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g, although not without<br />

blunder. Most notable are operati<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Bosnia, the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terventi<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Kosovo, those of the British <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Sierra Le<strong>on</strong>e, the French<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Ivory Coast, etc. One can see disturb<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g double standards emerg<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the management of crises (<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terventi<strong>on</strong> here, but not there). Then<br />

the drama of September 11 th 2001 occurred and the debate took <strong>on</strong> a<br />

new and worry<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g form; the c<strong>on</strong>texts of Afghanistan, Iraq and the general<br />

War <strong>on</strong> Terror. How is it possible <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> this new c<strong>on</strong>text to determ<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>e<br />

the roles and complementarities between actors? Is it necessary to<br />

reach a situati<strong>on</strong> of calm <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the relati<strong>on</strong>ship between state and private<br />

humanitarian actors or, <strong>on</strong> the c<strong>on</strong>trary, should «creative tensi<strong>on</strong>s» be<br />

allowed to take their course? Here<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> lies the subject of our work.<br />

On this subject, NGOs are divided <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> as far as they have different<br />

ethical positi<strong>on</strong>s, policies, histories, fi nanc<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g, and operati<strong>on</strong>al means.<br />

Certa<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> NGOs require government funds and army logistics for their<br />

missi<strong>on</strong>s. Others believe <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the necessity of implicat<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the «lifeblood»<br />

of their country of orig<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> areas of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terventi<strong>on</strong> and use alliances with<br />

military or enterprise. They believe that the soluti<strong>on</strong> to crises is reached<br />

not <strong>on</strong>ly through political decisi<strong>on</strong>s, but also through the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>tegrati<strong>on</strong><br />

of humanitarian acti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>to a global plan encompass<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g ec<strong>on</strong>omic and<br />

political sectors. F<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ally, others reject all l<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ks to the state <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> order to<br />

guarantee their <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dependence, liberty of acti<strong>on</strong> and to preserve their<br />

image of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dependence and impartiality towards benefi ciaries and belligerents<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the area <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> which they are work<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g.<br />

2. State humanitarianism?<br />

For more than a decade a trend can be observed <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the fi eld of the<br />

presence of state representatives <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> humanitarian roles: not <strong>on</strong>ly the<br />

armed forces (under whatever mandate they are given), but also civil


STATE HUMANITARIANISM/PRIVATE HUMANITARIANISM RELATIONSHIP: WHAT... 65<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>stituti<strong>on</strong>s; civil security, ad hoc <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>stituti<strong>on</strong>s (such as Cellur - Emergency<br />

unit of the French M<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>istry for foreign affairs), English DFID<br />

representatives, American DAR Team, etc. Offi cial UN mechanisms<br />

themselves, which also represent the acti<strong>on</strong> of state, even if it is from<br />

a multilateral po<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>t of view, are now massively present. In other respects,<br />

states play a more effective role as d<strong>on</strong>ors of funds for humanitarian<br />

aid.<br />

Furthermore, it should be noted that humanitarian motives are<br />

more frequently <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>voked dur<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terventi<strong>on</strong>s of the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al community.<br />

On a bilateral as well as a multilateral level, the use of the word<br />

«humanitarian» serves more and more often as a justifi cati<strong>on</strong> for gett<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>volved <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> world disorder. <strong>Humanitarian</strong>ism is <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> grave danger of<br />

be<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>strumentalised to serve other causes: we note here for example<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the draft C<strong>on</strong>stituti<strong>on</strong> for Europe the follow<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g phrase: «The tasks<br />

referenced <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Article 1-40 (1), <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the course of which the Uni<strong>on</strong> may civilian<br />

and military means, shall <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>clude jo<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>t disarmament operati<strong>on</strong>s,<br />

humanitarian and rescue tasks, military advice and assistance tasks,<br />

c<strong>on</strong>fl ict preventi<strong>on</strong> and peacekeep<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g tasks, tasks of combat forces undertaken<br />

for crisis management, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>clud<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g peace mak<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g and post-c<strong>on</strong>fl<br />

ict stabilisati<strong>on</strong>. All of these tasks may c<strong>on</strong>tribute to the fi ght aga<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>st<br />

terrorism, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>clud<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g by support<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g third countries <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> combat<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g terrorism<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> their territories». Aga<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the mix of genres is dangerous. To say<br />

that «all these missi<strong>on</strong>s —<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>clud<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g acti<strong>on</strong>s of emergency and assistance—<br />

can c<strong>on</strong>tribute to the war aga<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>st terror» <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dicates that humanitarianism<br />

should also c<strong>on</strong>tribute, which is n<strong>on</strong>sense.<br />

C<strong>on</strong>sequently, it became necessary to analyse the new relati<strong>on</strong>ship<br />

between «state humanitarianism» and «private humanitarianism»<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> order to identify the pitfalls and attempt to outl<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>e the potential for<br />

operati<strong>on</strong>al complementarity between different actors.<br />

Does «State <strong>Humanitarian</strong>ism» exist? For certa<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> humanitarian actors<br />

the answer is a resound<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g «no» because ancient history and recent<br />

events have already dem<strong>on</strong>strated how risky a marriage between<br />

humanitarianism and politics can be. The crusades, the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terventi<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>digenous affairs of col<strong>on</strong>ies, the peacekeep<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g operati<strong>on</strong>s with vague<br />

humanitarian mandates etc. all shrouded <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the humanistic discourse of<br />

the states, however, the true motivati<strong>on</strong>s became apparent over time.<br />

Strategic, ec<strong>on</strong>omic, political and media objectives mould state acti<strong>on</strong>s.<br />

Selfl essness, impartiality, humanism, essential attributes of humanitarian<br />

acti<strong>on</strong> seems therefore to be strictly reserved for «private» humanitarianism.<br />

For others, <strong>on</strong> the c<strong>on</strong>trary, humanitarianism has become a foreign<br />

policy tool, the fi rst l<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>e of resp<strong>on</strong>se to political crises. On the side


66 FRANÇOIS GRÜNEWALD AND VÉRONIQUE DE GEOFFROY<br />

of the civil mechanisms (civil security, fi re services…), state humanitarian<br />

aid develops via the army, rely<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <strong>on</strong> the support of the tremendous<br />

military logistics and directly l<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ked to the coercive power of States. This<br />

tendency is currently expand<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g rapidly <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> western States, most notably<br />

with<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the European Commissi<strong>on</strong>. Military doctr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>es are c<strong>on</strong>structed,<br />

which follow directly from the American CIMIC (Civil Military Coord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ati<strong>on</strong>)<br />

and which <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>tegrate humanitarian acti<strong>on</strong> as an activity entirely<br />

separate to exterior military missi<strong>on</strong>s, with a direct l<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>k to the entirety<br />

of mechanisms put <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> place by their country of orig<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>clud<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g their<br />

nati<strong>on</strong>’s bus<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>esses.<br />

For a third group, there is necessarily a humanitarian role for states<br />

for the simple reas<strong>on</strong> that they are signatories of the C<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>s that<br />

make up Internati<strong>on</strong>al <strong>Humanitarian</strong> Law. These C<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>s (the four<br />

Geneva C<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>s of 1949 and the additi<strong>on</strong>al protocols of 1977, as<br />

well as the 1951 C<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong> <strong>on</strong> the Rights of refugees) as well as the<br />

numerous texts and resoluti<strong>on</strong>s of so called «New York Law» (notably<br />

resoluti<strong>on</strong>s of the United Nati<strong>on</strong>s General Assembly or the Security<br />

Council) give states the resp<strong>on</strong>sibility regard<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the double <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>juncti<strong>on</strong><br />

of «respect and make respected»: these resp<strong>on</strong>sibilities, which can be<br />

articulated <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> juridical and diplomatic spheres can also take an operati<strong>on</strong>al<br />

form by means of the transfer of resources or an undertak<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <strong>on</strong><br />

a territory. We realise quickly then, that what counts is the «why» and<br />

the «how». This is where the pitfalls of the State <strong>Humanitarian</strong>ism/Private<br />

<strong>Humanitarian</strong>ism lie.<br />

From humanitarians <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> uniform to «humanitarian war»<br />

We notice that state humanitarianism is almost exclusively c<strong>on</strong>structed<br />

<strong>on</strong> military capacity. The army be<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the natural mechanism<br />

for operati<strong>on</strong>al <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terventi<strong>on</strong>s exterior to the state, equipped with more<br />

than logistical effi cacy, humanitarian actors d<strong>on</strong> khaki and swaps a<br />

gun for a shovel. Yet the management of the human c<strong>on</strong>sequences<br />

of crises by the military (notably refugees or displaced pers<strong>on</strong>s) can<br />

quickly transform humanitarian questi<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>to military stakes. Civilmilitary<br />

doctr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>es (CIMIC or ACM: Civil-military activities) can be seductive<br />

and Russia didn’t hold back when it came to <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>vok<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g them <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

order to have its army manage displaced Chechens and thereby deny<br />

any acti<strong>on</strong> by the HCR and NGOs. From this po<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>t <strong>on</strong>, if access to victims<br />

is refused, it becomes natural to want to use force for humanitarian<br />

motives. While compassi<strong>on</strong> is certa<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ly not the exclusive right of<br />

NGOs, there is a great risk of see<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g humanitarianism become a motive<br />

for trigger<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g operati<strong>on</strong>s of war. It could then become a «fi nger


STATE HUMANITARIANISM/PRIVATE HUMANITARIANISM RELATIONSHIP: WHAT... 67<br />

<strong>on</strong> the trigger» 1 and the noti<strong>on</strong> of a «just war» could give rise to «humanitarian<br />

war». C<strong>on</strong>sequently, <strong>on</strong>e can readily understand the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>tensifi<br />

cati<strong>on</strong> of the already exist<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g reluctance of many states or local authorities<br />

to accept a humanitarian <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terventi<strong>on</strong>. This shift, harmful to<br />

the work of NGOs and humanitarian organisms, would be, above all,<br />

extremely prejudicial for the victims of the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>numerable forgotten c<strong>on</strong>fl<br />

icts and dormant crises.<br />

<strong>Humanitarian</strong>ism versus politics<br />

Another identifi ed shift <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the c<strong>on</strong>structi<strong>on</strong> of the state humanitarianism<br />

lies <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the fact that we risk see<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the development of a doctr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>e<br />

of humanitarian <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terventi<strong>on</strong> to the detriment of the political treatment<br />

of problems. This is due to the fact that <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> parallel to states» <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>creas<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gly<br />

str<strong>on</strong>g presence <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> emergency situati<strong>on</strong>s, there is at the same time<br />

a disengagement of states from the politics of development. The funds<br />

allocated to development are c<strong>on</strong>stantly dim<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ish<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g. It comes across<br />

much better <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the media, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> a wr<strong>on</strong>gly simple and useful way, to <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>tervene<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> an emergency than to use preventative or preparatory means of<br />

deal<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g with a crisis. Nevertheless, the vulnerabilities that can be seen<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> an emergency are often the c<strong>on</strong>sequence of «bad-development».<br />

The victims of natural disasters are the poorest of populati<strong>on</strong>s, those<br />

who are obliged to cultivate and live <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the most exposed areas where<br />

no build<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g is permitted. The same cycl<strong>on</strong>e <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Central America or <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the<br />

United States has neither the same cost <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> terms of human life, nor the<br />

same impact <strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>frastructure. Want<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g to <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>tervene <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> an emergency<br />

without exam<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the roots of the vulnerability is impossible.<br />

To have a real impact, it is therefore necessary to tackle political<br />

problems. There will always be hurricanes <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Central America. Their impact<br />

will be more and more lethal as l<strong>on</strong>g as land reform, structural adjustment<br />

plans that reduce the role of the state to the m<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>imum, and<br />

ec<strong>on</strong>omic globalisati<strong>on</strong> that c<strong>on</strong>t<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>uously <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>creases the number of vulnerable<br />

people, are not taken <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>to account.<br />

<strong>Humanitarian</strong> realpolitik or two-speed humanitarianism<br />

A third risk becomes apparent <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> this «humanitarian-political» alliance:<br />

that humanitarianism, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> becom<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g a foreign policy <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>strument,<br />

would be subject to a number of different priority demands, which<br />

1 To use an expressi<strong>on</strong> of J.C. Rufi n.


68 FRANÇOIS GRÜNEWALD AND VÉRONIQUE DE GEOFFROY<br />

would irreversibly divert it from its <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>tended purpose and would eventually<br />

result <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> a two-speed humanitarianism. Indeed, state humanitarianism<br />

over the past number of year has developed almost exclusively <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

areas of important geo-strategic or ec<strong>on</strong>omic signifi cance (the Balkans,<br />

Afghanistan, Iraq). The motives for this c<strong>on</strong>centrati<strong>on</strong> are varied: geographic<br />

and cultural proximity with regard to public op<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>i<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> western<br />

countries, direct threat to the demographic balance <strong>on</strong> our borders, the<br />

risk of organised crime <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Europe, ec<strong>on</strong>omic stakes and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al<br />

competiti<strong>on</strong> for rec<strong>on</strong>structi<strong>on</strong> c<strong>on</strong>tracts, etc. If these motives are not<br />

reprehensible as they are, there is a risk that they will lead to the creati<strong>on</strong><br />

of «two-speed humanitarianism». Much <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>vestment and acti<strong>on</strong><br />

takes place <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> certa<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> areas while at the same time, entire populati<strong>on</strong>s<br />

are forgotten because they are c<strong>on</strong>sidered «far away» and have no direct<br />

impact <strong>on</strong> us. Furthermore, state humanitarianism is totally dependant<br />

<strong>on</strong> geopolitics and is <strong>on</strong>ly <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>voked for states deemed to be<br />

weak <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> this regard. The resound<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g silence over the crisis <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Chechnya<br />

echoes <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the wake of the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terventi<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Kosovo. Who would react<br />

over Tibet, and the massive violati<strong>on</strong>s of human rights <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Ch<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>a? The<br />

current debate over a possible military <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terventi<strong>on</strong> by the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al<br />

community <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Darfur is <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terest<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> this respect: as so<strong>on</strong> as the government<br />

or the Sudanese army raises its voice, there is a swift return to<br />

observati<strong>on</strong> missi<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the African Uni<strong>on</strong>.<br />

Under pressure from ec<strong>on</strong>omic lobby groups, state humanitarianism<br />

affi rmed that it should be able to help with ga<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g access for nati<strong>on</strong>al<br />

enterprises to areas of rec<strong>on</strong>structi<strong>on</strong> follow<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g a crisis. This can be understood<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the discussi<strong>on</strong> <strong>on</strong> the role delegated to armies <strong>on</strong> overseas<br />

missi<strong>on</strong>s, by means of civil-military activities (de Geoffroy, 1998) 2 ,<br />

which are assigned the role of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>termediaries between the needs <strong>on</strong><br />

the ground and the nati<strong>on</strong>al enterprises. Supporters of the «ec<strong>on</strong>omic<br />

war» have <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>sisted that states expected a «return <strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>vestment» from<br />

these <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terventi<strong>on</strong>s and for this purpose, used the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>volvement of the<br />

army <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> humanitarian acti<strong>on</strong>. Once aga<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>, it is not the existence of this<br />

ec<strong>on</strong>omic <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terest that poses a problem, more its l<strong>on</strong>g term impact<br />

<strong>on</strong> the development of a legitimate role for states <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> humanitarian acti<strong>on</strong>.<br />

What will become of «n<strong>on</strong>-profi table» territories? Doesn’t the<br />

ec<strong>on</strong>omic factor <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>troduce a risk that all state humanitarian acti<strong>on</strong> will<br />

be c<strong>on</strong>centrated <strong>on</strong>ly <strong>on</strong> so called «emerg<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g» countries? Aga<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>, we<br />

should not be led <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>to «two-speed humanitarianism». In fact, the eco-<br />

2 See «What role have armies <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> rehabilitati<strong>on</strong>?», Ver<strong>on</strong>ique de Geoffroy, University<br />

of Aix-Marseille, URD Group, August 1998.


STATE HUMANITARIANISM/PRIVATE HUMANITARIANISM RELATIONSHIP: WHAT... 69<br />

nomic war turns out to be a pipe dream. Indeed, it is neither the army<br />

that w<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> c<strong>on</strong>tracts, nor the enterprises that move <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> disguised <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> uniform.<br />

The grant<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of rec<strong>on</strong>structi<strong>on</strong> c<strong>on</strong>tracts happens by mechanisms<br />

that are politicised <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> a different way, as the story of the c<strong>on</strong>tracts for<br />

the rec<strong>on</strong>structi<strong>on</strong> of Iraq amply shows.<br />

3. Multilateralism and humanitarian acti<strong>on</strong><br />

A short history<br />

The management of crises saw the emergence of another category<br />

of actors, aside from private and state actors: the multilaterals, which<br />

started out as part of the UN apparatus and has more recently become<br />

part of the EU. These actors have various status and mandates. The<br />

multilateralisati<strong>on</strong> of acti<strong>on</strong> allows the diluti<strong>on</strong> of nati<strong>on</strong>al objectives <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

a supra-nati<strong>on</strong>al and universal <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terest. Dur<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the cold war, the <strong>on</strong>ly<br />

UN agencies that could <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>tervene <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> crisis situati<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>volv<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g countries<br />

of the socialist block were, apart from the UNHCR3 , the World Food<br />

Programme and UNICEF. S<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ce western governments blocked other UN<br />

agencies, these three agencies had a m<strong>on</strong>opoly of sorts over UN humanitarianism.<br />

The relati<strong>on</strong>ship between state, multilateral and private<br />

humanitarianism was based <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> part <strong>on</strong> a series of capital fl ows, the orig<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>s<br />

of which were becom<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g more and more diffi cult to trace. This allowed<br />

the state to be both present and absent <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the highly sensitive<br />

areas of Cambodia, Laos, Angola, etc. S<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ce 1989 and after the Cold<br />

War, states have demanded more visibility <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> assert<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g their presence<br />

and the multilateral systems have lost some of their appeal.<br />

Nevertheless, the end of the cold war «liberated» the UN and allowed<br />

the organisati<strong>on</strong> to develop humanitarian dimensi<strong>on</strong>s for the<br />

management of crises. Admittedly, the result of operati<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Somalia,<br />

Rwanda, Yugoslavia, Sierra Le<strong>on</strong>e and Abkhasia leave the observer perplexed,<br />

given the disproporti<strong>on</strong>s of the means deployed, the amounts<br />

spent and the results obta<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ed. The United Nati<strong>on</strong>s developed and diversifi<br />

ed their operati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong> the ground, both <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> terms of the types of<br />

actors <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>volved and methods put <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>to practice. The UNDP, the WHO<br />

and the FAO all created or re<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>forced their capacity for pre-crisis, crisis<br />

and post crisis <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terventi<strong>on</strong>. The World Bank also created their «post-<br />

3 Whose mandate and role are underp<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ned by the Geneva C<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong> of 1951 <strong>on</strong><br />

the Rights of Refugees, the Additi<strong>on</strong>al Protocol of New York, and the 1961 OAU C<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong><br />

<strong>on</strong> the Rights of Refugees <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Africa.


70 FRANÇOIS GRÜNEWALD AND VÉRONIQUE DE GEOFFROY<br />

c<strong>on</strong>fl ict unit». The creati<strong>on</strong> of the Department of <strong>Humanitarian</strong> Affairs<br />

(DHA), which was transformed <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>to the Offi ce for the Coord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ati<strong>on</strong> of<br />

<strong>Humanitarian</strong> Affairs (OCHA), with a deputy-secretary <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> charge, signal<br />

the stages of an ever-str<strong>on</strong>ger engagement of the UN at the highest<br />

levels <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the humanitarian sector. This has not neglected to attract<br />

the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terest of d<strong>on</strong>ors. The power, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>fl uence, and (<strong>on</strong>e would hope) the<br />

rediscover<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of the importance of the jo<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>t management of crises, has<br />

resulted <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> a new <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>fatuati<strong>on</strong> with multilateralism. The dialogue between<br />

NGOs and public powers is c<strong>on</strong>fr<strong>on</strong>ted with the arrival of a new<br />

partner: «the multilateral». If the former partnerships between UNICEF,<br />

WFP, UNHCR and NGOs had already proven themselves, the new actors<br />

had to establish themselves <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the management of crises. It didn’t turn<br />

out to be easy.<br />

The liais<strong>on</strong>s and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>teracti<strong>on</strong>s between these different actors were<br />

numerous, diverse and often c<strong>on</strong>fl ictual. They are thankfully becom<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

more balanced, more synergetic, and based <strong>on</strong> respect and a quest for<br />

complementarities. Several scenarios must be analysed <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> order to better<br />

understand the stakes of these <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>teracti<strong>on</strong>s.<br />

A new strategy <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al negotiati<strong>on</strong>s<br />

The practice of appo<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>t<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g NGO representatives as assistants to nati<strong>on</strong>al<br />

delegati<strong>on</strong>s participat<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> large-scale negotiati<strong>on</strong>s is an ancient<br />

practice <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> many European countries. In France it is still a recent development.<br />

<strong>Humanitarian</strong> acti<strong>on</strong>, <strong>on</strong> occasi<strong>on</strong>s, has provided some successes.<br />

In fact, recent experiences of negotiati<strong>on</strong>s for: the Internati<strong>on</strong>al<br />

C<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong> Aga<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>st Anti-Pers<strong>on</strong>nel M<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>es; the establishment of an Internati<strong>on</strong>al<br />

Crim<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>al Court; and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the course of the work of Task Force<br />

Mitch <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> preparati<strong>on</strong> for the Stockholm C<strong>on</strong>ference <strong>on</strong> the Rec<strong>on</strong>structi<strong>on</strong><br />

of Central America have all shown just how powerful a uni<strong>on</strong><br />

forged between the state and civil society can be. Such partnerships<br />

require genu<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>e political will <strong>on</strong> both sides, real c<strong>on</strong>fi dence (and not a<br />

desire for <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>strumentalisati<strong>on</strong>) and the capacity to work.<br />

The need for support for the lobby <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> a crisis situati<strong>on</strong><br />

Cases of violati<strong>on</strong>s of the law, notably of Internati<strong>on</strong>al <strong>Humanitarian</strong><br />

Law, are numerous. Faced with certa<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> violati<strong>on</strong>s, specifi c <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dividuals,<br />

such as the High Commissi<strong>on</strong>er for Refugees, have particular resp<strong>on</strong>sibilities.<br />

Unfortunately, their weight often depends <strong>on</strong> the will of<br />

the d<strong>on</strong>ors. In the presence of «d<strong>on</strong>or fatigue», attacks <strong>on</strong> the right of<br />

asylum and <strong>on</strong> the pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ciple of n<strong>on</strong>-refoulement are numerous: Burma,


STATE HUMANITARIANISM/PRIVATE HUMANITARIANISM RELATIONSHIP: WHAT... 71<br />

Afghanistan, and tomorrow Gu<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ea, Ivory Coast, etc. NGOs attempt to<br />

negotiate with authorities, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> associati<strong>on</strong> with UNHCR for the respect<br />

for refugees, but often <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> va<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>. Sometimes there is no alternative but<br />

to accept defeat or to withdraw, both equally negative for the populati<strong>on</strong>s<br />

c<strong>on</strong>cerned. In this c<strong>on</strong>text, NGOs often expect an appeal by their<br />

government to the UNHCR. The om<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ous recent tendency for «voluntary»<br />

repatriati<strong>on</strong> is unfortunately becom<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the rule rather than the<br />

excepti<strong>on</strong>, with states act<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g as accomplices. The same scenario exists<br />

with regard to IHL violati<strong>on</strong>s, and even more so for violati<strong>on</strong>s of Human<br />

Rights <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> pre- and post-c<strong>on</strong>fl ict situati<strong>on</strong>s. For humanitarian NGOs, often<br />

equipped with noth<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g more than denunciati<strong>on</strong> or withdrawal as a<br />

«weap<strong>on</strong>», this strategic uni<strong>on</strong> with the state is vital, if it is well managed.<br />

But does this uni<strong>on</strong> not c<strong>on</strong>fi rm the presence of double standards?<br />

Necessary coord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ati<strong>on</strong><br />

In crisis situati<strong>on</strong>s, whether before, dur<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g or after, coord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ati<strong>on</strong><br />

am<strong>on</strong>g actors of all types is of vital importance. The complexity of situati<strong>on</strong>s,<br />

the security problems, the importance of avoid<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g duplicati<strong>on</strong>,<br />

the quest for meet<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g needs <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the optimal way <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the presence of resource<br />

c<strong>on</strong>stra<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ts, the urgent need for coherence, and the need to<br />

make coord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ati<strong>on</strong> a s<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>e qua n<strong>on</strong> to the quality of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terventi<strong>on</strong>s. But<br />

not just any coord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ati<strong>on</strong>! For a l<strong>on</strong>g time «<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ter-agency meet<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gs»<br />

were a must, with noth<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g much more go<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <strong>on</strong> than an exchange of<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong>. On the other hand, often <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> diffi cult and dangerous situati<strong>on</strong>s,<br />

particularly <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the beg<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>n<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g phases of an <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terventi<strong>on</strong>, coord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ati<strong>on</strong><br />

happens sp<strong>on</strong>taneously and harm<strong>on</strong>iously. The arrival of new UN<br />

actors (OCHA, UNDP, the Resident Coord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ator Offi ce) brought with it<br />

new coord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ati<strong>on</strong> problems, due to the power struggles between UN<br />

agencies. The situati<strong>on</strong> became even more delicate when the d<strong>on</strong>ors,<br />

state representatives, as it happens, expressed a wish to be present not<br />

<strong>on</strong>ly for the meet<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gs of d<strong>on</strong>ors, but also for the operati<strong>on</strong>al coord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ati<strong>on</strong><br />

meet<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gs <strong>on</strong> the ground. All of a sudden, the sp<strong>on</strong>taneity and the<br />

c<strong>on</strong>fi dentiality of exchange were put <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> danger by the presence of ambassadors<br />

at these meet<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gs. Their presence also had positive aspects,<br />

however: rapid mobilisati<strong>on</strong> of resources for emerg<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g emergencies, relay<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

of sensitive <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong> vital to the security of ground staff, and<br />

a better coord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ati<strong>on</strong> between d<strong>on</strong>ors. The current <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>itiative started by<br />

a group of countries <strong>on</strong> «good d<strong>on</strong>orship» could have extremely positive<br />

repercussi<strong>on</strong>s if coherence between state actors and respect for<br />

humanitarian pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ciples <strong>on</strong> the ground are also <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>troduced.


72 FRANÇOIS GRÜNEWALD AND VÉRONIQUE DE GEOFFROY<br />

Bilateral versus multilateral versus private<br />

With the development of state humanitarianism <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> most western<br />

countries, we also note the diffi culties <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> draw<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the l<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>k between bilateral<br />

systems and multilateral mechanisms. These diffi culties are further<br />

exacerbated by the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>volvement of the military, which by nature,<br />

orients itself towards the protecti<strong>on</strong> of nati<strong>on</strong>al <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terests. The danger<br />

is that the entire <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al humanitarian resp<strong>on</strong>se mechanism will<br />

be weakened. Attempts to <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>troduce a level of coherence <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> these systems<br />

have existed for over twelve years, from the work of UNHCR and<br />

WFP <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> try<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g to make military means available to humanitarians, to the<br />

more recent Oslo meet<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gs.<br />

Private actors often fi nd themselves caught <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the middle: between<br />

their states of orig<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>, who wants to <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>strumentalise them; the state <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

which they are <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terven<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g, who seeks to c<strong>on</strong>trol them; and the multilateral<br />

system, which attempts to «take them over». Occasi<strong>on</strong>s of coord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ati<strong>on</strong><br />

have often become the arena for this game <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> which it is<br />

essential to know, to assert and dem<strong>on</strong>strate <strong>on</strong>e’s commitment to a<br />

certa<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> number of pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ciples.<br />

4. The new realities of the world «post 9/11»<br />

The attacks of September 11 th <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> New York turned political orders<br />

upside down. State-humanitarian relati<strong>on</strong>s are still <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the process of<br />

be<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g reorganised. The follow<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g analysis of the relati<strong>on</strong>ship between<br />

states and humanitarian actors is anchored <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> signifi cant fi eldwork<br />

and regular debates am<strong>on</strong>g French and European NGO networks. It<br />

has given rise to four «agendas» with which take <strong>on</strong> different forms<br />

and evolve <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> different ways: the coherence agenda, the collective security<br />

agenda, the war <strong>on</strong> terror agenda, and the civil-military acti<strong>on</strong>s<br />

agenda.<br />

The coherence agenda<br />

The coherence agenda is a result of an effort to show that it is possible<br />

and useful <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> times of crisis to unite political-diplomatic <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terests<br />

(negotiati<strong>on</strong>s and a quest for peace), development <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terests (show<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

peace <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> a positive light, tak<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g steps to re<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>force the capacity of the<br />

state, even if there is c<strong>on</strong>fl ict between various parties) and humanitarian<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terests (imply<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g a strict adherence to the pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ciples of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dependence,<br />

impartiality, and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> certa<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> cases, neutrality). This approach,


STATE HUMANITARIANISM/PRIVATE HUMANITARIANISM RELATIONSHIP: WHAT... 73<br />

launched with<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the c<strong>on</strong>text of UN reform, has been attempted <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> two<br />

complex situati<strong>on</strong>s: Taliban Afghanistan, and Sierra Le<strong>on</strong>e before the<br />

peace accords. There were a number of reas<strong>on</strong>s for its patently obvious<br />

failure: pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>cipally the pressure necessary to achieve c<strong>on</strong>fl ict preventi<strong>on</strong><br />

or to advance peace negotiati<strong>on</strong>s are of a magnitude and range<br />

that has noth<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> comm<strong>on</strong> with the survival stakes of the populati<strong>on</strong>.<br />

This system, like that of sancti<strong>on</strong>s used elsewhere, has rarely had any<br />

real impact <strong>on</strong> the course of events. On the other hand, repercussi<strong>on</strong>s<br />

<strong>on</strong> the c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>s faced by the populati<strong>on</strong>s have always been dramatic.<br />

It is for this reas<strong>on</strong> that NGOs and the Red Cross have adopted hostile<br />

positi<strong>on</strong>s towards the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>strumentalisati<strong>on</strong> of humanitarianism by «politics»<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> this search for «coherence».<br />

It is clear that for heads of state, political people and diplomats it is<br />

important to fi nd coherence <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> their acti<strong>on</strong>s, for reas<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>clud<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the<br />

fact that public op<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>i<strong>on</strong> and parliaments demand it. State humanitarian<br />

acti<strong>on</strong> exists, particularly due to their resp<strong>on</strong>sibilities <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> crisis management,<br />

the fundamental role they adopt as signatories to Internati<strong>on</strong>al<br />

<strong>Humanitarian</strong> Law and because of the vast resources they have at their<br />

disposal. It is vitally important to clarify what coherence is and at what<br />

po<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>t humanitarianism is <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>strumentalised and becomes subject to<br />

other agendas. The current example of American foreign policy <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Iraq<br />

dem<strong>on</strong>strates the every-day associated dangers.<br />

For Europe, the coherence agenda also c<strong>on</strong>ta<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>s an aspect l<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ked<br />

to the c<strong>on</strong>trol of movement of people (migrants and refugees), to the<br />

struggle aga<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>st illegal traffi ck<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g (drugs, prostituti<strong>on</strong>), and to the mafi<br />

a. It is clear that for humanitarians, this c<strong>on</strong>fusi<strong>on</strong> of mandates <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the<br />

name of a hypothetical coherence is not al<strong>on</strong>e unacceptable, but dangerous.<br />

The collective security agenda<br />

Evolved out of the collective security agenda as is established by<br />

the Treaty of Amsterdam and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>stituted by the Comm<strong>on</strong> Foreign and<br />

Security Policy (CFSP) <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>volved a pro-active approach to crises. It is clear<br />

that preventative diplomacies, acti<strong>on</strong>s of crisis preventi<strong>on</strong> and mediati<strong>on</strong>,<br />

and even forceful <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terference <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the management of a c<strong>on</strong>fl ict<br />

to <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>fl uence its course are fundamentally important, necessary and noble.<br />

It is often necessary to deploy military means to prevent the resoluti<strong>on</strong><br />

of a crisis from turn<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>to an <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>cubati<strong>on</strong> laboratory for the next<br />

crisis. It is important that this is d<strong>on</strong>e <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> a cohesive way. If it is diffi cult<br />

to rema<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> neutral faced with genocide, it is obvious that <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> essence, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terven<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

between two belligerents who wish to wage war (victory for


74 FRANÇOIS GRÜNEWALD AND VÉRONIQUE DE GEOFFROY<br />

<strong>on</strong>e and defeat or destructi<strong>on</strong> of the other) will never be seen as neutral,<br />

and often will not even be seen as impartial or <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dependent. In<br />

this c<strong>on</strong>text, every <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>strumentalisati<strong>on</strong> of humanitarianism <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> an effort<br />

to prevent or resolve a c<strong>on</strong>fl ict runs the risk of imped<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g access to populati<strong>on</strong>s<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> need, and can even <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>troduce serious risks to the security of<br />

humanitarian actors.<br />

The war <strong>on</strong> terror agenda<br />

A step further <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the potentially tragic mix between humanitarianism<br />

and military is the attempt to subord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ate all decisi<strong>on</strong>s, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>clud<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

humanitarian <strong>on</strong>es, to the «War <strong>on</strong> Terror». This strategy br<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gs a risk<br />

of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>troduc<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g serious breaches of the vital pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ciples of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dependence<br />

and impartiality. How does <strong>on</strong>e deal with territories that are presumed<br />

to harbour terrorists but where the populati<strong>on</strong> are suffer<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the c<strong>on</strong>sequences<br />

of c<strong>on</strong>fl ict or natural disaster? How does <strong>on</strong>e choose where to<br />

provide assistance?<br />

There is also a risk of caus<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g c<strong>on</strong>fusi<strong>on</strong> and security breaches. The<br />

experience of the PRT (Prov<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>cial Rec<strong>on</strong>structi<strong>on</strong> Teams) <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Afghanistan<br />

shows the reserves <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the same uniform as the Special Forces. While the<br />

former attempt to carry out the same acti<strong>on</strong>s as the NGOs: livestock<br />

vacc<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ati<strong>on</strong>, distributi<strong>on</strong> of blankets, school c<strong>on</strong>structi<strong>on</strong>, etc., the latter<br />

run military operati<strong>on</strong>s aga<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>st alleged terrorists and members of Al<br />

Qaeda. Extremes have been reached, with the distributi<strong>on</strong> of leafl ets<br />

by the American special coaliti<strong>on</strong> forces, which stated, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> substance «if<br />

you do not denounce the ex-Taliban or Al Qaeda agents, you will be<br />

deprived of humanitarian aid». Nevertheless, the resp<strong>on</strong>se of the State<br />

Department of North America when c<strong>on</strong>fr<strong>on</strong>ted with questi<strong>on</strong><str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g humanitarians<br />

was c<strong>on</strong>sistent: «you are either with us, or aga<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>st us».<br />

This type of situati<strong>on</strong> can <strong>on</strong>ly serve to dem<strong>on</strong>ise humanitarian actors,<br />

and alienate the entire Muslim world, aga<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>st the west. This can already<br />

be seen <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>creased numbers of NGO worker assass<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ati<strong>on</strong>s<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Afghanistan, and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the despicable attack <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Baghdad which cost the<br />

lives of Sergio de Mello and many of his co-workers.<br />

The agenda of civil-military acti<strong>on</strong>s<br />

The <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>tenti<strong>on</strong> here is not to give an exhaustive presentati<strong>on</strong> <strong>on</strong> the<br />

questi<strong>on</strong> of civil-military acti<strong>on</strong>s, but to highlight some salient po<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ts.<br />

We recall that these civil-military acti<strong>on</strong>s are relatively recent, hav<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

come to light <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the last ten years, however the majority of the worlds<br />

armies apply them. Central to the civil-military c<strong>on</strong>cept is the use of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>-


STATE HUMANITARIANISM/PRIVATE HUMANITARIANISM RELATIONSHIP: WHAT... 75<br />

telligence to empathise with people <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> order to avoid/ limit problems.<br />

But a number of bad practices, dangers and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>coherencies have appeared<br />

as <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al military <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terventi<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> crisis management multiply.<br />

One must be vigilant. There are several levels of analysis to be explored:<br />

MONO OR MULTI-STATE COALITIONS<br />

Kosovo, the British <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terventi<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Sierra Le<strong>on</strong>e, Afghanistan, and<br />

Iraq represent the phases <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the emergence of a relatively new phenomen<strong>on</strong>;<br />

that of ad hoc coaliti<strong>on</strong>s driven by <strong>on</strong>e or several military<br />

actors outside of the UN structure put <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> place to <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>tervene under<br />

Chapter 6 or 7 of the UN charter, the Department of Peacekeep<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g operati<strong>on</strong>s.<br />

While it has shown its military effi ciency, this new method of<br />

manag<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g crises is not without danger because it is the ultimate phase<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the challenge to the legitimacy of states with the law of the jungle.<br />

Put <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>to place <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the name of a «just war», they quickly become operati<strong>on</strong>s<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the name of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terests that hide beh<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>d alibis of human rights<br />

and access to victims. The Iraqi quagmire, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> which <strong>on</strong>e of these coaliti<strong>on</strong>s<br />

is gett<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g tangled up, could well be the proof that this approach<br />

is a failure, as has been suspected follow<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the disastrous American<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terventi<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Somalia barely ten years ago (although with a UN mandate).<br />

How quickly <strong>on</strong>e forgets!<br />

While the legitimacy of such <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terventi<strong>on</strong>s is disputable, or even<br />

n<strong>on</strong>existent, there is a large effort to justify operati<strong>on</strong> <strong>on</strong> moral<br />

grounds, all the more so because no war can «last the distance» without<br />

the support of public op<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>i<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the territory of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terventi<strong>on</strong>s, and<br />

the country of orig<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> of the troops. In this respect, the image of «reach<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

out a hand to populati<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> distress» and of support<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the rec<strong>on</strong>structi<strong>on</strong><br />

of the state are easy propaganda tools. It is <strong>on</strong> this pretext<br />

that the coaliti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Afghanistan developed the Prov<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>cial Rec<strong>on</strong>structi<strong>on</strong><br />

Team (PRT) strategy. PRT type mechanisms are described <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the follow<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

extract from the report <strong>on</strong> the Groupe URD missi<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Afghanistan<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> 2003.<br />

In November 2002, the American embassy <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Kabul announced<br />

the Jo<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>t Regi<strong>on</strong>al Teams (JRT) <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>itiative, later renamed PRT. These PRT<br />

were <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>tended to represent, through acti<strong>on</strong>s carried out by the American<br />

army reserves, support for the Afghan government implementati<strong>on</strong><br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> diffi cult z<strong>on</strong>es. This was to be achieved through a series of humanitarian<br />

and rec<strong>on</strong>structi<strong>on</strong> acti<strong>on</strong>s, some very similar to those of NGOs.<br />

At the same time, the Special Forces carried out their hunt for Taliban<br />

and Al Qaeda, and the American aviati<strong>on</strong> c<strong>on</strong>t<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ued bomb<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g. This un-


76 FRANÇOIS GRÜNEWALD AND VÉRONIQUE DE GEOFFROY<br />

leashed a series of reacti<strong>on</strong>s, am<strong>on</strong>g them from British NGOs through<br />

the BAAG (British Agency Afghanistan Group), from the coord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ati<strong>on</strong><br />

of NGOs <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Kabul via a declarati<strong>on</strong> from the Agency Coord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>at<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g Body<br />

for Afghan Relief (ACBAR), as well as letters addressed to American<br />

C<strong>on</strong>gress by US NGOs. The issue of PRT put <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> place by coaliti<strong>on</strong> forces,<br />

particularly the American army, became <strong>on</strong>e of the most c<strong>on</strong>troversial<br />

subjects dur<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the Project Quality missi<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> January/February 2003.<br />

It was therefore studied closely through a series of c<strong>on</strong>tacts with ICRC,<br />

UNAMA (United Nati<strong>on</strong>s Missi<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Afghanistan), ACBAR, NGOs, certa<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

embassies, and with the coaliti<strong>on</strong> forces themselves, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Kabul as<br />

well as <strong>on</strong> the ground, notably <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Bamyan. Three central po<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ts are developed<br />

below: the issue of political strategy, juridical doma<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> l<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ked to<br />

security, and operati<strong>on</strong>al dimensi<strong>on</strong>s.<br />

The defi niti<strong>on</strong> of a mandate and the terms of reference of the PRT<br />

was <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> c<strong>on</strong>stant evoluti<strong>on</strong>, which gave rise to a feel<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of imprecisi<strong>on</strong><br />

and approximati<strong>on</strong> c<strong>on</strong>cern<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the real objective of the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>itiative. Follow<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

a lobby by the humanitarian agencies, certa<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> comp<strong>on</strong>ents of<br />

these PRT were revised, and others removed from the texts. For example,<br />

it was clarifi ed that the PRT would not have a role <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> coord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ati<strong>on</strong><br />

mechanisms. Declarati<strong>on</strong>s of the role of PRT <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the fi ght aga<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>st Al<br />

Qaeda were deleted. All that was left were regular and worry<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>coherencies<br />

between the discourse of the American embassy and that of<br />

the coaliti<strong>on</strong>: the humanitarians c<strong>on</strong>t<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ued to ask themselves whether<br />

beh<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>d the c<strong>on</strong>tradicti<strong>on</strong>s, there was perhaps a «smoke screen» strategy.<br />

The geographic choices made (Bamyan, Gardez, Kandahar, Kunduz)<br />

clearly po<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>t to political choices. On the <strong>on</strong>e hand, this could have<br />

a certa<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> legitimacy: to support and re<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>force the presence of the AIA<br />

(Afghan Interim Authority) <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> diffi cult z<strong>on</strong>es. On the other hand, this<br />

political acti<strong>on</strong> is not necessarily compatible with a humanitarian approach,<br />

particularly if the political acti<strong>on</strong> implies a resort to armed<br />

force.<br />

While the distributi<strong>on</strong> of tasks between the Coaliti<strong>on</strong> Forces (notably<br />

the American Special Forces) and the PRT had apparently been<br />

theoretically defi ned, the terms of distributi<strong>on</strong> <strong>on</strong> the ground rema<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ed<br />

blurred. The two wear the same uniform, and often live <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

the same place. Can a combatant claim to be a humanitarian actor<br />

(<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dependent and impartial)? What are the risks of c<strong>on</strong>fusi<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> relati<strong>on</strong><br />

to IHL? For humanitarians it is diffi cult to discern the difference<br />

between civilian and military actors engaged <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> assistance; it is even<br />

more c<strong>on</strong>fus<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g for the populati<strong>on</strong>s. In the case where the Coaliti<strong>on</strong><br />

Forces operate militarily <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> a z<strong>on</strong>e, while at the same time the PRT rehabilitate<br />

the cl<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ics and the schools <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the same regi<strong>on</strong>, how is an af-


STATE HUMANITARIANISM/PRIVATE HUMANITARIANISM RELATIONSHIP: WHAT... 77<br />

ghan villager who can barely read supposed to understand? Already<br />

these villagers have diffi culty tell<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the difference between the various<br />

agencies who all arrive with the same white land rovers with self<br />

adhesive aerials: <strong>on</strong>e could predict that the PRT would add another<br />

level to the c<strong>on</strong>fusi<strong>on</strong>. In the l<strong>on</strong>g term, this can lead to security risks<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> which NGOs are easy targets. Those who receive American fund<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

and who display it <strong>on</strong> their signs and stickers are at even more risk of<br />

be<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g targeted.<br />

One of the objectives announced by the PRT is the gather<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong><br />

<strong>on</strong> the needs of the populati<strong>on</strong>s by means of the «hasty village<br />

assessments», which were used dur<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g June/July 1999 <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Kosovo<br />

to feed the AIMS database. On the <strong>on</strong>e hand, <strong>on</strong>e could ask what the<br />

l<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>k is between this activity and the <strong>on</strong>e designated under the head<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

«<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>telligence». On the other hand, <strong>on</strong>e could ask whether or not this<br />

method is appropriate for the situati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Afghanistan today. Its positi<strong>on</strong><br />

<strong>on</strong> the crossroads between emergency and development would<br />

imply more participatory methods of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong> collecti<strong>on</strong>, which re<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>forces<br />

the role of local actors, rather than rapid, n<strong>on</strong>-participatory<br />

methods.<br />

A number of pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ciples have been defi ned by UNAMA with the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>put<br />

of NGOs:<br />

— Ensure that the legitimate aim of support<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the AIA does not<br />

go aga<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>st humanitarian pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ciples;<br />

— Support NGOs <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> their efforts to ma<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ta<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dependent and impartial<br />

humanitarian space;<br />

— Ensure that n<strong>on</strong>-military actors carry out coord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ati<strong>on</strong> activities;<br />

— Recognise the different mandates and the necessity for each to<br />

stick to their own, while respect<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g those of others; and<br />

— Promote the idea of a str<strong>on</strong>g PRT presence <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> sectors where military<br />

logistics is a real comparative advantage (large <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>frastructure<br />

projects, rehabilitati<strong>on</strong> of government offi ces and build<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gs, disarmament<br />

and re<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>tegrati<strong>on</strong> of former combatants).<br />

Diversi<strong>on</strong>s c<strong>on</strong>t<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ue to be the rule rather than the excepti<strong>on</strong>. If a<br />

certa<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> number of positive po<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ts should be menti<strong>on</strong>ed (civil military<br />

acti<strong>on</strong>s are no l<strong>on</strong>ger carried out by men <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> civilian dress but by uniformed<br />

pers<strong>on</strong>nel), a general <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>comprehensi<strong>on</strong> rema<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>s between the<br />

coaliti<strong>on</strong> forces and a large percentage of the humanitarian world. The<br />

agreements that appeared to have been reached between the major<br />

state <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the coaliti<strong>on</strong> and the UNAMA do not seem to be respected.<br />

The major state <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the coaliti<strong>on</strong> revived a communicati<strong>on</strong> campaign<br />

aimed at NGOs, embassies <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Kabul and journalists, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> an attempt


78 FRANÇOIS GRÜNEWALD AND VÉRONIQUE DE GEOFFROY<br />

to create a positive percepti<strong>on</strong> of the humanitarian approach of the<br />

PRTs. <strong>Humanitarian</strong> workers were extremely worried when they realised<br />

how much soldiers» participati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> health activities <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>creased the<br />

level of c<strong>on</strong>fusi<strong>on</strong> am<strong>on</strong>g Afghans as to the dist<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>cti<strong>on</strong> between military<br />

and humanitarian. The assass<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ati<strong>on</strong> of our fi ve MSF colleagues <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

the North of Afghanistan is there to rem<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>d us how well founded those<br />

worries are.<br />

UN LEVEL:<br />

The end of the cold war brought about the release of mechanisms<br />

allow<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the applicati<strong>on</strong> of the UN charter, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> particular Chapters 6<br />

and 7. We now see the deployment of a range of UN <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terventi<strong>on</strong>s<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> crisis c<strong>on</strong>texts, from simple <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>termediati<strong>on</strong> to «projecti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>to the<br />

z<strong>on</strong>e» of c<strong>on</strong>t<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gents of Blue Helmets with various mandates (peace<br />

keep<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g or peace enforcement). This latest phenomen<strong>on</strong>, which takes<br />

place <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> complex emergencies, c<strong>on</strong>ta<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>s a number of derivatives, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the<br />

frequent and uncoord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ated «emergency» acti<strong>on</strong>s (ma<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ly medical), as<br />

well as <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> escorts of humanitarian actors by military vehicles. We also<br />

see, usually <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the c<strong>on</strong>text of large operati<strong>on</strong>s requir<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g c<strong>on</strong>siderable<br />

logistics, the development of humanitarians us<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g military logistics.<br />

This is what the UNHCR launched as «civil military assets» <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the mid-<br />

1990s.<br />

EUROPEAN LEVEL:<br />

The European refl ecti<strong>on</strong> <strong>on</strong> the subject began with the «Petersburg<br />

Trials» <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>cluded <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the Uni<strong>on</strong> Treaty of 1991 (Article 17.2), which defi<br />

ned the role of the uni<strong>on</strong> and its means (<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>clud<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g military means) of<br />

crisis management, from preventi<strong>on</strong> to re-establishment of order <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the<br />

post-c<strong>on</strong>fl ict period. The tendencies observed are unfortunately <strong>on</strong>es<br />

of c<strong>on</strong>cern for humanitarians. The creati<strong>on</strong> of a «rapid reacti<strong>on</strong> capacity»<br />

<strong>on</strong> a military basis, the risk of marg<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>alisati<strong>on</strong> of ECHO, the authority<br />

that represents the best of Europe’s humanitarian w<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g, and the<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>creas<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gly str<strong>on</strong>g hold that European militaries have over the management<br />

of crises, all pose a certa<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> number of questi<strong>on</strong>s, which need<br />

to be answered.<br />

FRENCH LEVEL:<br />

The French refl ecti<strong>on</strong> <strong>on</strong> the subject started out by refl ect<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <strong>on</strong> the<br />

Balkans crisis: see<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the troops of American reserves, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the c<strong>on</strong>text


STATE HUMANITARIANISM/PRIVATE HUMANITARIANISM RELATIONSHIP: WHAT... 79<br />

of UN forces, avail of rec<strong>on</strong>structi<strong>on</strong> c<strong>on</strong>tracts. The school of ec<strong>on</strong>omics<br />

of war attempted to promote the idea that the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terventi<strong>on</strong> of the<br />

forces <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> these c<strong>on</strong>fl icts should open up the markets. The elaborati<strong>on</strong><br />

of the French ACM doctr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>e was «tempted» <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>itially by this approach,<br />

but later decided to distance itself from this approach. S<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ce then, the<br />

French doctr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>e has evolved <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> an <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terest<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g way; it seeks clarifi cati<strong>on</strong><br />

and respect for mandates and the divisi<strong>on</strong> of resp<strong>on</strong>sibilities, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> particular<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> l<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>e with IHL. The French army took a radically different stance<br />

from the British or American armies.<br />

5. The large stakes<br />

A return to law<br />

«Impartiality», «Humanity», and «Universality», three key words <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

humanitarian acti<strong>on</strong>. If states wish to develop a humanitarian role, they<br />

must c<strong>on</strong>form to these. That may seem idealistic, however, these states<br />

themselves signed up to this <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Internati<strong>on</strong>al <strong>Humanitarian</strong> Law (IHL).<br />

Faced with the possible derivatives of state humanitarianism and the<br />

c<strong>on</strong>sequences for humanitarian acti<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> general, a number of NGOs<br />

are call<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g for a return to the law. «The states commit to apply the<br />

present c<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>s and to ensure they are applied by others». This<br />

fi rst of four articles of the Geneva C<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>s details the resp<strong>on</strong>sibilities<br />

of states towards victims of all c<strong>on</strong>fl icts. IHL c<strong>on</strong>fers rights, resp<strong>on</strong>sibilities<br />

and obligati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong> various actors, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>clud<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al<br />

community, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> crisis situati<strong>on</strong>s. Between state reas<strong>on</strong>s and the imperatives<br />

of the public c<strong>on</strong>scious, the law protects humanitarianism and<br />

provides a framework to direct the behaviours <strong>on</strong> the different actors<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>volved.<br />

State diplomatic resp<strong>on</strong>sibility<br />

States appear to want to implement their crises management policies<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> their entirety <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>clud<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the deployment of military means dur<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

serious crises. Of course all of the state’s mechanisms should play a<br />

role <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> victim protecti<strong>on</strong> dur<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g c<strong>on</strong>fl icts. At any po<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>t <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the crisis, diplomats,<br />

judges, n<strong>on</strong>-military civil servants, etc. should be able to put <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

place an <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ter-state cooperati<strong>on</strong> policy that will <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>clude the «crisis phenomen<strong>on</strong>».<br />

Diplomatic means could then play an important role <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

early warn<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g systems, allow<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g mediati<strong>on</strong> mechanisms to be activated<br />

and a halt brought to the crisis caus<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g elements.


80 FRANÇOIS GRÜNEWALD AND VÉRONIQUE DE GEOFFROY<br />

The work of the states <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> develop<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g and advanc<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the law is<br />

even more important. A huge mobilisati<strong>on</strong> of civil society all over the<br />

world was required to enact the C<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong> bann<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g anti-pers<strong>on</strong>nel<br />

land m<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>es. The alliance between NGOs and certa<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> states, for example<br />

Canada, meant that the debate could be taken off the streets and<br />

away from private citizens, and brought <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>to the diplomatic circles of<br />

importance.<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>Work<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g</str<strong>on</strong>g> with and articulat<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g complementarities<br />

Activat<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g humanitarian means <strong>on</strong> the basis that they are the <strong>on</strong>ly<br />

means available <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>troduces counterproductive c<strong>on</strong>fusi<strong>on</strong> for all actors.<br />

The military have particular competencies <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> specifi c areas of activity:<br />

emergency operati<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> disaster z<strong>on</strong>es, ma<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ta<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g order, and re-establish<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

the rule of law. These activities rely <strong>on</strong> technical capacities<br />

and not just <strong>on</strong> the availability of resources. This re<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>forces their legitimacy,<br />

which is of benefi t to the populati<strong>on</strong>s c<strong>on</strong>cerned. In work<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <strong>on</strong><br />

these areas of expertise, the divisi<strong>on</strong> of tasks between actors <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> a z<strong>on</strong>e<br />

is facilitated.<br />

From a legal perspective, and therefore the source of the mandate<br />

for <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terventi<strong>on</strong>, the c<strong>on</strong>text provides the operati<strong>on</strong>al priorities and<br />

comparative advantages of the different actors that give rise to potential<br />

complementarities.<br />

6. In c<strong>on</strong>clusi<strong>on</strong><br />

The term humanitarian is a victim of its own success. Employed <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

every c<strong>on</strong>text where populati<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> crisis are aided, it <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>corporates political<br />

acti<strong>on</strong>, secur<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g a z<strong>on</strong>e, coercive acti<strong>on</strong>, ec<strong>on</strong>omic restart, etc. While<br />

each of these acti<strong>on</strong>s can be potentially legitimate, useful and occasi<strong>on</strong>ally<br />

complementary, they are not all humanitarian. Bus<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ess is necessary<br />

and useful <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> a post crisis situati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> order to reboot <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>come generati<strong>on</strong><br />

activities, but it is not humanitarian. The military is essential <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> secur<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

a z<strong>on</strong>e and re-establish<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g a way of life for populati<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> areas<br />

where external <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terventi<strong>on</strong>s are tak<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g place, but it is not humanitarian.<br />

That states who have <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>vested resources <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the management of a crisis<br />

would wish to have a certa<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> «return <strong>on</strong> their <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>vestment» is legitimate,<br />

but it is not humanitarian. Neither can it be called humanitarian when<br />

the c<strong>on</strong>sequences of a crisis are thus: the genocide <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Rwanda was distortedly<br />

called a «humanitarian crisis», thus free<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g states from their resp<strong>on</strong>sibilities<br />

under the 1948 C<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong> <strong>on</strong> genocide…


STATE HUMANITARIANISM/PRIVATE HUMANITARIANISM RELATIONSHIP: WHAT... 81<br />

So what is humanitarian? It is simply to alleviate the suffer<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of<br />

victims of crises by offer<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g protecti<strong>on</strong> and assistance, while respect<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

the fundamental pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ciples of humanitarianism, which are: humanity,<br />

universality, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dependence, impartiality and neutrality.<br />

In an era where cynicism is rife, the reaffi rmati<strong>on</strong> of the «law» as<br />

the centre of gravity of the relati<strong>on</strong>ship between a state and civil society<br />

could seem naïve and idealistic. However, it is <strong>on</strong> this basis of law<br />

that states committed themselves through the Geneva C<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>s relat<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

to IHL and that nati<strong>on</strong>al and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dividuals went to<br />

work <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> places where they were needed, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dependent of strategic, ec<strong>on</strong>omic<br />

or power <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terests.<br />

It becomes clear that it is important to refl ect <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> terms of identity<br />

and mandate (<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>clud<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g judicial), <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> political-strategic terms (use of<br />

force for crisis management, <strong>on</strong> c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong> that it is with<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> a clear multilateral<br />

c<strong>on</strong>text), <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> terms of comparative advantage (the advantage<br />

of army logistics <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> certa<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> situati<strong>on</strong>s —particularly natural or technological<br />

catastrophes, advantage of means of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terventi<strong>on</strong> of NGOs and<br />

other civilian actors <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> others— for example <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> work<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g closely with<br />

populati<strong>on</strong>s when a clearly <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dependent and impartial positi<strong>on</strong> is necessary).<br />

Know<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <strong>on</strong>e’s own mandate and stick<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g to it while respect<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

the mandate of others, as well as an understand<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of diversity to<br />

be able to dialogue, are the essential stakes to ensure clarity and a divisi<strong>on</strong><br />

of roles <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> «coord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ati<strong>on</strong> with» and not «coord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ati<strong>on</strong> by».<br />

7. Bibliography<br />

DE GEOFFROY, V. (1998): Quels rôles pour les armées dans la réhabilitati<strong>on</strong>?, Université<br />

d’Aix-Marseille, Groupe URD.<br />

DIRECTION GÉNÉRALE DE L’ARMEMENT (2002): Préventi<strong>on</strong> et gesti<strong>on</strong> des crises; Paris.<br />

DUAGUZAN, Jean-François et Pascal LOROT (2003): Guerre et éc<strong>on</strong>omie; Editi<strong>on</strong>s<br />

Ellipses; Paris.<br />

FAURE, Jean-Claude (2002): «L’Etat et les ONG: Pour un partenariat effi cace»,<br />

Rapport du Groupe présidé par, Commissariat au Plan, Ed. La documentati<strong>on</strong><br />

Française; Paris.<br />

GRIP (2002): Militaire Humanitaires: à chacun s<strong>on</strong> rôle, cohérence et <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>cohérences<br />

des opérati<strong>on</strong>s militaro-humanitaires; Editi<strong>on</strong> Complexe; Bruxelles.<br />

GRUNEWALD, F. and Vér<strong>on</strong>ique DE GEOFFROY (1999): Humanitaire d’Etat, Humanitaire<br />

privé, quelles relati<strong>on</strong>s? Groupe URD. Disp<strong>on</strong>ible sur le site web;<br />

www.urd.org<br />

ICRC (1982): The Geneva C<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>s of 1949 and the additi<strong>on</strong>al protocols of<br />

1977. Edited by the ICRC, Geneva.


82 FRANÇOIS GRÜNEWALD AND VÉRONIQUE DE GEOFFROY<br />

ICRC (1999): «L’humanitaire en Echec», C<strong>on</strong>ference Notes, Paris, Edited by the<br />

ICRC, Geneva.<br />

Nad<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>e BAGUÉ (1999): «Le DIH, nouvel outil pour les ONG humanitaires<br />

d’urgence?», Université d’Aix-Marseille, Groupe URD.<br />

MARICHEZ, J. and Xavier OLANGNE (1998): «La guere par acti<strong>on</strong>s civilo-militaire:<br />

identité d’une stratégie de défense»; F<strong>on</strong>dati<strong>on</strong> des Etudes de défense;<br />

coll. «Perspectives stratégiques».<br />

PAULNIER, T. (1997): L’armée Française et les opérati<strong>on</strong>s de ma<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>tien de la paix;<br />

Editi<strong>on</strong>s Sciences politiques, Travaux de Recherches Panthé<strong>on</strong>-Assas.<br />

PAVEAU ANNE MAIE (1998): «Les Champs de Mars: dossier “le langage des militaires”:<br />

opérati<strong>on</strong> de ma<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>tien de la paix»; Cahier du Centre d’Etude des<br />

Sciences Sociales et de Défense; ed. La Documentati<strong>on</strong> Française.<br />

PELET, A, (1995): «Droit d’<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gérence ou devoir d’assistance humanitaire»; coll.<br />

Problèmes politiques et sociaux, ed. La Documentati<strong>on</strong> Française.<br />

ROGERS, A.P.V. (1996): Law <strong>on</strong> the battlefi eld; Manchester University Press.


CIMIC (Civil-Military Co-operati<strong>on</strong>): Bridg<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the Gap<br />

between the Military and <strong>Humanitarian</strong>s. Field testim<strong>on</strong>ies<br />

Introducti<strong>on</strong><br />

Bruno Smets<br />

What’s the relati<strong>on</strong>ship between a just-arrived military force and<br />

the NGOs and PVOs that might have been work<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> a crisis-torn<br />

area all l<strong>on</strong>g? What we have is a partnership. If you are successful,<br />

they are successful; and, if they are successful, you are successful. We<br />

need each other.<br />

General J.M.Shalikashvilli<br />

USA,Chairman Jo<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>t Chiefs of Staff<br />

Peacekeep<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g operati<strong>on</strong>s have become a very important part of life<br />

for a professi<strong>on</strong>al Belgian soldier. First <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> eastern Slovenia, then <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Bosnia<br />

and Kosovo, the Belgian military has c<strong>on</strong>cerned itself for more than<br />

a decade <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> establish<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g last<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g peace <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the Balkans. However, classical<br />

military tra<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g had not prepared us to work <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> this envir<strong>on</strong>ment<br />

or to carryout such tasks. Furthermore, as time went by, our mandate<br />

evolved and we became entrenched <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the general rec<strong>on</strong>structi<strong>on</strong> plan<br />

for the country. There were many actors <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the fi eld. To succeed <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> our<br />

missi<strong>on</strong>, we had to take <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>to account the civil actors who were directly<br />

implicated at the heart of the operati<strong>on</strong> (the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al organisati<strong>on</strong>s<br />

such as the UN, the OSCE…), but also those actors (the NGOs)<br />

that were gravitat<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g around the former, and especially the civil populati<strong>on</strong><br />

itself. This situati<strong>on</strong> led us <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> 1998 to adopt the CIMIC 1 c<strong>on</strong>cept.<br />

Whilst this term was unknown dur<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g out fi rst operati<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> ex-Yugo-<br />

1 Civil militay cooperati<strong>on</strong>. This c<strong>on</strong>cept was developed by NATO and was tested <strong>on</strong><br />

the ground with<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the realm of the IFOR/SFOD operati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Bosnia <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> 1995.


84 BRUNO SMETS<br />

slavia, CIMIC now holds a great importance. This can be evidenced by<br />

the presence of CIMIC teams deployed <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the fi eld. Their role is still relatively<br />

unknown and yet it goes bey<strong>on</strong>d provid<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g «straightforward»<br />

emergency humanitarian aid. The purpose of this article is to clarify any<br />

questi<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong> this issue, answer<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g key questi<strong>on</strong>s such as who are these<br />

teams, what do they do, and for whom to they work?<br />

Some History<br />

When we are deployed <strong>on</strong> the fi eld, c<strong>on</strong>fusi<strong>on</strong> often exists: basic <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>frastructure<br />

such as schools and health centres are seriously damaged,<br />

if not completely destroyed, public adm<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>istrati<strong>on</strong> services do not really<br />

functi<strong>on</strong>, law and order is most often n<strong>on</strong>-existent, or partial and corrupt,<br />

society functi<strong>on</strong>s through the black market, the regi<strong>on</strong> is full of mafi<br />

a types and is drown<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> corrupti<strong>on</strong>, nati<strong>on</strong>alist armed groups and extremists<br />

create <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>security and crim<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ality etc. These scourges are typical<br />

of a country <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> crises and they slow down the rec<strong>on</strong>structi<strong>on</strong> process.<br />

At the beg<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>n<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of the 1990s, dur<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g our operati<strong>on</strong>s under the<br />

banner of the FORPRONU 2 , the military commander at the lower end,<br />

i.e. deployed <strong>on</strong> the ground, c<strong>on</strong>centrated exclusively <strong>on</strong> his/her priority<br />

missi<strong>on</strong>: to ensure security <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> general <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> his/her area of resp<strong>on</strong>sibility<br />

(AOR) 3 . Any cooperati<strong>on</strong> activities with civil parties were at that time<br />

the prerogative of the United Nati<strong>on</strong>s competent services, i.e. the UN<br />

Civil Affairs. However, these services were sometimes limited <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> terms<br />

of available resources and due to the sheer extensiveness of their z<strong>on</strong>es<br />

of acti<strong>on</strong> the ground unit commander would frequently experience<br />

problems <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> execut<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g activities <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the fi eld. Dur<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g this period, <strong>on</strong>e<br />

must admit that the civil-military cooperati<strong>on</strong> <strong>on</strong> the ground was n<strong>on</strong>existent,<br />

if not tense, and sometimes even c<strong>on</strong>fl ict<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g.<br />

Hav<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g learned from this experience, NATO 4 decided to take charge<br />

of the organisati<strong>on</strong> of such cooperati<strong>on</strong>. Because of the high number<br />

of actors <strong>on</strong> the ground, it is <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>deed essential to ma<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ta<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> organised<br />

relati<strong>on</strong>ships with n<strong>on</strong>-military actors, so as to avoid any misunderstand<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gs<br />

or, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the worst-case scenario, any virulent oppositi<strong>on</strong>. However,<br />

an effi cient collaborati<strong>on</strong> is <strong>on</strong>ly possible when parties know each<br />

other. One must understand the different structures and mechanisms<br />

2 Force de Protecti<strong>on</strong> des Nati<strong>on</strong>s Unies (ex-Yougoslavie), March 1992-December<br />

1995.<br />

3 Area of resp<strong>on</strong>sibility.<br />

4 North Atlantic Treaty Organisati<strong>on</strong>.


CIMIC (CIVIL-MILITARY CO-OPERATION): BRIDGING THE GAP... 85<br />

of all actors. In order to achieve this, it is necessary to have competent<br />

staff, structure, procedures, material and fi nancial means, and learn<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

through <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>structi<strong>on</strong> and tra<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g. In <strong>on</strong>e word: the CIMIC c<strong>on</strong>cept.<br />

After 1995, the NATO forces realised this new c<strong>on</strong>cept <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the fi eld<br />

with<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the c<strong>on</strong>text of the IFOR/SFOR missi<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Bosnia-Herzegov<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>a. But<br />

if NATO managed at fi rst to dissuade all overt oppositi<strong>on</strong> <strong>on</strong> the part of<br />

different opp<strong>on</strong>ents, the threat evolved nevertheless. Units were faced<br />

with protests that sometimes turned <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>to riots. In the end, the questi<strong>on</strong><br />

rema<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ed: is the best way to avoid problems with the populati<strong>on</strong> not to<br />

ensure its support?<br />

On the Belgian side, given our engagement at the time <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Croatia<br />

with<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the ATNUSO 5 missi<strong>on</strong>, our participati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the SFOR 6 missi<strong>on</strong><br />

was <strong>on</strong>ly very limited (some logistical and eng<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>eer<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g sec<strong>on</strong>dments).<br />

We had to wait until June 1998 to have a signifi cant presence <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Bosnia<br />

with<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the fi rst Belgian-Luxembourg c<strong>on</strong>t<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gent 7 . From then <strong>on</strong><br />

though, the CIMIC was an <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>tegral part of all our missi<strong>on</strong>s. Whilst suspici<strong>on</strong><br />

existed at fi rst, dialogue and mutual comprehensi<strong>on</strong> progressed<br />

bit by bit. And today, many civil and military actors coord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ate their acti<strong>on</strong>s,<br />

cooperate and even collaborate <strong>on</strong> certa<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> jo<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>t projects.<br />

The «Operati<strong>on</strong>al CIMIC»<br />

To understand this new reality, we fi rst need a defi niti<strong>on</strong>. The CIMIC<br />

c<strong>on</strong>stitutes the overall means by which the military commander can establish<br />

formal relati<strong>on</strong>ships with the local authorities, the local populati<strong>on</strong><br />

and the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al and n<strong>on</strong>-governmental organisati<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> his/<br />

her area of resp<strong>on</strong>sibility. Public relati<strong>on</strong>s and cooperati<strong>on</strong> with the press<br />

are excluded from this 8 . The extent of the CIMIC is therefore very wide.<br />

The Belgian applicati<strong>on</strong> of the c<strong>on</strong>cept limits itself to support<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g units of<br />

the terrestrial comp<strong>on</strong>ents put <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>to place outside of the nati<strong>on</strong>al territory,<br />

that is <strong>on</strong>es which are essentially engaged <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> peacekeep<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g operati<strong>on</strong>s.<br />

This restrictive frame is the doma<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> of the «operati<strong>on</strong>al CIMIC».<br />

The operati<strong>on</strong>al CIMIC tasks can be separated <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>to three stages.<br />

5 Adm<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>istrati<strong>on</strong> transitoire des Nati<strong>on</strong>s Unies pour la Slav<strong>on</strong>ie orientale, from January<br />

1996 to January 1998.<br />

6 Stabilizati<strong>on</strong> Force.<br />

7 1 BELUBG (First Belgian-Luxemburgian battle group), deployed <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Bosnia from June<br />

to October 1998.<br />

8 Défense (ACOS Ops&Trg), Jo<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>t c<strong>on</strong>cept for CIMIC <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> operati<strong>on</strong>s (draft), Brussels,<br />

2003, Chapter I, p. 4.


86 BRUNO SMETS<br />

The pre-operati<strong>on</strong>al tasks ma<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ly c<strong>on</strong>sist of tra<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g units <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> subjects<br />

related to the civil dimensi<strong>on</strong> of the operati<strong>on</strong> (such as the orig<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> of the<br />

c<strong>on</strong>fl ict, the historical and political background, local customs, basics <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

the local languages, descripti<strong>on</strong>s of the civil and military actors, human<br />

geography, etc.), and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> send<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g liais<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dividuals to all civil actors <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

the acti<strong>on</strong> z<strong>on</strong>e, so as to facilitate the deployment of troops by the exchang<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong> (localis<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the m<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>e fi elds, state of the roads,<br />

research<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g possible stati<strong>on</strong><str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g z<strong>on</strong>es, etc.). Furthermore, because of<br />

their knowledge of the populati<strong>on</strong>, the teams which are deployed before<br />

the arrival of the c<strong>on</strong>t<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gent, can facilitate the fi rst c<strong>on</strong>tact between<br />

the local authorities and the military command, and can therefore<br />

exert a positive <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>fl uence <strong>on</strong> the welcom<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of the troops by the<br />

local <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>habitants.<br />

Dur<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the operati<strong>on</strong>, CIMIC’s tasks <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>clude, to:<br />

— permit the liais<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g, communicati<strong>on</strong>, coord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ati<strong>on</strong> and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong><br />

exchange between all actors <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the z<strong>on</strong>e of operati<strong>on</strong> (<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al<br />

and n<strong>on</strong>-governmental organisati<strong>on</strong>s, local leaders…); and<br />

— c<strong>on</strong>tribute, by its acti<strong>on</strong>s and c<strong>on</strong>crete projects, <strong>on</strong> <strong>on</strong>e hand, to<br />

realise civil aspect of the operati<strong>on</strong>, i.e. the rec<strong>on</strong>structi<strong>on</strong> of the<br />

civil envir<strong>on</strong>ment (bey<strong>on</strong>d provid<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g emergency aid, the CIMIC<br />

must progressively help the local populati<strong>on</strong> to reach the stage<br />

where it can look after itself) and to c<strong>on</strong>tribute to a positive reacti<strong>on</strong><br />

by the populati<strong>on</strong> to the presence of the military force. In<br />

the Belgian c<strong>on</strong>text, this means the realisati<strong>on</strong> of CIMIC projects,<br />

with the M<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>istry of Defence as d<strong>on</strong>or.<br />

The post-operati<strong>on</strong>al tasks9 must allow for an easy transiti<strong>on</strong> of certa<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

activities to the local authorities or organisati<strong>on</strong>s by the end of military<br />

engagement. In Bosnia and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Kosovo, the ultimate goal of the<br />

CIMIC is the successful transfer of competencies and authority to local<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>stituti<strong>on</strong>s, and the end of NATO military presence <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the territory.<br />

CIMIC therefore does not <strong>on</strong>ly fl y to the populati<strong>on</strong>’s rescue. It also<br />

br<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gs its support to deployed units. By sett<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g up social, ec<strong>on</strong>omic and<br />

cultural projects, we try to help the populati<strong>on</strong>, whilst ma<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ta<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g a<br />

good image of the missi<strong>on</strong>.<br />

CIMIC’s primary role is therefore clear: to create a favourable climate<br />

to facilitate the missi<strong>on</strong> of the operati<strong>on</strong>, as well as the units»<br />

work <strong>on</strong> the ground, and thereby to guarantee better security for the<br />

c<strong>on</strong>t<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gent, as well as for all the civil actors with<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the operati<strong>on</strong>.<br />

9 Sometimes called «transiti<strong>on</strong>al tasks».


CIMIC (CIVIL-MILITARY CO-OPERATION): BRIDGING THE GAP... 87<br />

CIMIC must work with complete transparence. It never c<strong>on</strong>stitutes<br />

an <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>telligence organ which profi ts the military force. At most it provides<br />

the Intelligence Offi cer of the unit with <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong> regard<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

populati<strong>on</strong> density, the whereabouts of m<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>orities need<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g protecti<strong>on</strong>,<br />

the number of return<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g refugees and the vital needs of the populati<strong>on</strong>.<br />

To act <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> any other way would automatically remove all credibility<br />

for CIMIC, with as an immediate c<strong>on</strong>sequence the loss of trust of the<br />

populati<strong>on</strong> towards the deployed force.<br />

F<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ally, with each external operati<strong>on</strong> be<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g a new missi<strong>on</strong>, the Belgian<br />

c<strong>on</strong>cept of CIMIC necessitates a permanent revisi<strong>on</strong> with<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the<br />

Defense M<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>istry, as to how best to resp<strong>on</strong>d to the evolv<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g situati<strong>on</strong>s.<br />

Operati<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong> the Ground<br />

With the NATO c<strong>on</strong>cept as its base, the Belgian Defense developed<br />

the CIMIC c<strong>on</strong>cept for the terrestrial comp<strong>on</strong>ent. Today, we have<br />

enough specialised pers<strong>on</strong>nel to <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>tegrate the c<strong>on</strong>t<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gents <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> operati<strong>on</strong>s<br />

<strong>on</strong> the fi eld. With<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the battle group 10 deployed <strong>on</strong> the ground, a dozen<br />

troops compose the CIMIC team, itself <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>tegrated with<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the CIMIC unit<br />

of the NATO, called the CMTF (Civil Military Co-operati<strong>on</strong> Task force).<br />

This CIMIC team is composed of several TCT 11 . These mobile teams<br />

of two to three people travel up and down all the operati<strong>on</strong> z<strong>on</strong>e of the<br />

Belgian battle group so as to understand specifi cally the situati<strong>on</strong> of the<br />

populati<strong>on</strong>, to evaluate what assistance can be given, and to coord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ate<br />

this by sett<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g up various projects. In order to do this, the teams create<br />

work relati<strong>on</strong>ships with the different civil actors with<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the z<strong>on</strong>e. They<br />

also have a privileged relati<strong>on</strong>ship with the local authorities. Furthermore,<br />

they ma<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ta<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> regular c<strong>on</strong>tact with the local populati<strong>on</strong>. By open<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

a CIMIC House outside the camp, they create a real meet<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g place<br />

for the local military command, for the local populati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> diffi culty, and<br />

for the representatives for humanitarian organizati<strong>on</strong>s, which operate <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

the area. F<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ally, they develop, implement and m<strong>on</strong>itor CIMIC projects.<br />

Their work is composed of three ma<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> axes: to assist refugees who wish<br />

to return to their home, to set up a basic public <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>frastructure, and to<br />

stimulate the ec<strong>on</strong>omy to re-establish employment opportunities.<br />

Even though the return of refugees to their homes is the resp<strong>on</strong>sibility<br />

of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al organisati<strong>on</strong>s and NGOs, these do not always have<br />

10 roughly +/– 800 people.<br />

11 Tactical CIMIC Teams.


88 BRUNO SMETS<br />

the pers<strong>on</strong>nel and the logistical means to provide their assistance, nor<br />

do they always have the adequate <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong> needed. Due to their<br />

many patrols, deployed battali<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong> the ground have a good visi<strong>on</strong> of<br />

the overall situati<strong>on</strong> of the populati<strong>on</strong>. This <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong> is compiled <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> a<br />

database for the whole regi<strong>on</strong>. All this <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong> is made available to<br />

local representatives of humanitarian organisati<strong>on</strong>s. The TCTs therefore<br />

also serve as a bridge between refugees and the humanitarian organisati<strong>on</strong>s<br />

that often have important quantities of equipment: beds, blankets,<br />

tents, pans, etc. This good cooperati<strong>on</strong> is the guarantee of a fair distributi<strong>on</strong><br />

of materials to those who are <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> real need. Diffi culties and problems<br />

exist nevertheless. The return of m<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ority groups <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> certa<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> regi<strong>on</strong>s<br />

is sometimes accompanied by <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>timidati<strong>on</strong> acts or the multiplicati<strong>on</strong> of<br />

adm<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>istrative harassment, and the diffi culty <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> coord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>at<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g acti<strong>on</strong>s is<br />

made even harder by the divisi<strong>on</strong> of different z<strong>on</strong>es of acti<strong>on</strong> between<br />

the military and humanitarian organisati<strong>on</strong>s 12 .<br />

When this new c<strong>on</strong>cept was fi rst applied <strong>on</strong> the ground, different<br />

op<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>i<strong>on</strong>s emerged as to the level of subord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ati<strong>on</strong> that should l<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>k<br />

the CIMIC teams support<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the unit and the commander of this unit.<br />

Depend<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <strong>on</strong> the pers<strong>on</strong>ality of its members, the CIMIC team could<br />

sometimes look for a lot (maybe excessive) of aut<strong>on</strong>omy from the military<br />

commander. The desire to guarantee its <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dependence and to do<br />

humanitarianism at all costs could lead to want<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g to report back directly<br />

to the headquarters <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Brussels. On the other hand, there may<br />

be <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>stances where military commanders c<strong>on</strong>sider the CIMIC teams as<br />

an <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>tegral part of their headquarters, go<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g as far as c<strong>on</strong>sider<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g them<br />

as a secti<strong>on</strong> of the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>telligence services. Indeed, due the nature of their<br />

missi<strong>on</strong>s, the CIMIC teams have access to locati<strong>on</strong>s where units would<br />

not go to. These locati<strong>on</strong>s can still nevertheless be <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> areas that are of<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terest to the units. Due to this fact, the CIMIC teams can be seen as<br />

a good source of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong>. As more and more missi<strong>on</strong>s take place<br />

however, this problem should be solved and all CIMIC acti<strong>on</strong>s will be<br />

carried out <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the frame of specifi c objectives, as defi ned <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the c<strong>on</strong>cept.<br />

Projects all Around<br />

The TCT teams are resp<strong>on</strong>sible for establish<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the CIMIC projects<br />

and to appraise their technical and fi nancial requirements. The danger<br />

is to want to please the local populati<strong>on</strong> rather than establish<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

12 United Nati<strong>on</strong>s High Commissi<strong>on</strong> for Refugees.


CIMIC (CIVIL-MILITARY CO-OPERATION): BRIDGING THE GAP... 89<br />

projects that are adapted to local needs. The fi rst step is therefore to<br />

establish what the local populati<strong>on</strong> wants. By travel<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the regi<strong>on</strong> the<br />

TCT teams, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> close collaborati<strong>on</strong> with local groups and humanitarian<br />

organisati<strong>on</strong>s operat<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the regi<strong>on</strong>, take stock of and classify the rec<strong>on</strong>structi<strong>on</strong><br />

projects <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> order of priority. Then, several opti<strong>on</strong>s are possible:<br />

we can c<strong>on</strong>tact a humanitarian organisati<strong>on</strong> that has the funds<br />

and the necessary expertise to carry out the work; we can ask the battali<strong>on</strong><br />

to carry it out (for example, civil eng<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>eer<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g work); or we can<br />

write a project proposal, which we submit for approval to the headquarters<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Brussels.<br />

Once the project is accepted, the TCT team calls for offers of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terest.<br />

It analyses carefully the offers of the different <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terested local fi rms.<br />

These must present a good price-to-quality ratio and must employ local<br />

people. The team then draws up the c<strong>on</strong>tracts and m<strong>on</strong>itors the <strong>on</strong>go<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

work. The fi rms that were successful <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> obta<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g a c<strong>on</strong>tract and<br />

which work to a satisfactory level are <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>cluded <strong>on</strong> our database. They<br />

therefore have the opportunity to be called aga<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>, even if we do try to<br />

work with a maximum number of different fi rms/companies. We support<br />

projects that have a real impact <strong>on</strong> the quality of life of the populati<strong>on</strong><br />

and <strong>on</strong> the renewal of micro-ec<strong>on</strong>omic activity.<br />

Fund<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g…<br />

In the Belgian c<strong>on</strong>text, these projects, which cover many rec<strong>on</strong>structi<strong>on</strong><br />

aspects, benefi t from fund<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g from the M<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>istry of Defense<br />

budget, which equals to 22,500 euros per m<strong>on</strong>th13 . The commander of<br />

the battle group also has an additi<strong>on</strong>al m<strong>on</strong>thly budget of 2,500 euros,<br />

which is used <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> case of any emergency. The bigger projects are<br />

submitted to the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al organisati<strong>on</strong>s, as they are the <strong>on</strong>ly <strong>on</strong>es<br />

who can afford to fi nance them. The majority of the funds <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>vested <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

our projects come from the European Uni<strong>on</strong> or from c<strong>on</strong>tributi<strong>on</strong>s from<br />

NGOs.<br />

Diversity…<br />

The projects are very diverse. Educati<strong>on</strong> is certa<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ly an important<br />

objective. Our acti<strong>on</strong>s c<strong>on</strong>tribute to the improvement of c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>s of<br />

school children. Am<strong>on</strong>gst other th<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gs, school build<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gs are renovated,<br />

13 When carry<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g out a jo<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>t project with Luxembourg, 12,500 euros can be added<br />

<strong>on</strong>to this amount.


90 BRUNO SMETS<br />

sanitary facilities are modernised, and equipment, school materials and<br />

games are distributed.<br />

The preparati<strong>on</strong> for the return of refugees c<strong>on</strong>sists of rehabilitat<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

hous<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g and the basic public <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>frastructure, such as the «ambulantas»,<br />

which are small health dispensaries c<strong>on</strong>sist<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of a c<strong>on</strong>sultati<strong>on</strong> room<br />

and a dental surgery, which are most often <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> a appall<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g state after<br />

hav<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g served as military health posts dur<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g hostilities. Wheelbarrows<br />

and tool kits are also distributed to refugee families so that they can<br />

clear debris from the homes they return to.<br />

The rehabilitati<strong>on</strong> of public <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>frastructure <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> general is also a priority.<br />

This can range from repair<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the water distributi<strong>on</strong> po<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ts, and electricity<br />

networks <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> an isolated mounta<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> village, to the renovati<strong>on</strong> of small tra<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

stati<strong>on</strong>s, the rec<strong>on</strong>structi<strong>on</strong> of water mills which will allow <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>habitants to<br />

mill their gra<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>, the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>stallati<strong>on</strong> of bus shelters, of speed bumps or road<br />

signs near schools, and the c<strong>on</strong>structi<strong>on</strong> of playgrounds for children.<br />

Other projects do not cost us anyth<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g and are easily realised with<br />

the pers<strong>on</strong>al skills and equipment of the deployed battali<strong>on</strong>: transport<br />

and equipment distributi<strong>on</strong> to help humanitarian organisati<strong>on</strong>s (UN-<br />

HCR, UNICEF, CARITAS,) fell<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g and prun<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g trees, m<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>e disposal, m<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>e<br />

awareness tra<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g for the local populati<strong>on</strong>, etc.<br />

F<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ally, with a view to support<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the local ec<strong>on</strong>omy and creat<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

employment, a proporti<strong>on</strong> of the fund<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g is used to boost small private<br />

enterprises, such as chicken rear<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g, sawmills, local c<strong>on</strong>structi<strong>on</strong> companies,<br />

etc. In Kosovo, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> close collaborati<strong>on</strong> with Caritas and UNMIK 14 ,<br />

we rehabilitated an agriculture tra<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g school. This farm-school is a<br />

boost<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g developments <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the regi<strong>on</strong> with multiple perspectives. The<br />

regi<strong>on</strong> has a successful school, which enhances the local populati<strong>on</strong>’s<br />

tra<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g opportunities <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> a regi<strong>on</strong> where 70 percent of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>come comes<br />

from agriculture. Furthermore, the school has as its project to establish<br />

a seal of quality <strong>on</strong> local agricultural produce and meat. We thereby<br />

hope to enhance the quality of local agricultural produce.<br />

The majority of these projects have helped us acquire the hearts<br />

and m<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ds of the populati<strong>on</strong>. Whilst as much work as possible is<br />

handed over to local enterprises, these projects allow the soldiers to<br />

carry out activities that are different to their rout<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>e daily military tasks.<br />

Whilst these can be very varied, they are not glorify<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g jobs, and moments<br />

of exaltati<strong>on</strong> are rare. To be able to participate <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> CIMIC acti<strong>on</strong>s<br />

of <strong>on</strong>e’s c<strong>on</strong>t<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gent, and thereby experience the progressive rec<strong>on</strong>structi<strong>on</strong><br />

of the country, provides the soldier <strong>on</strong> the ground with a deep<br />

14 United Nati<strong>on</strong>s Missi<strong>on</strong> In Kosovo.


CIMIC (CIVIL-MILITARY CO-OPERATION): BRIDGING THE GAP... 91<br />

sense of purpose which c<strong>on</strong>veys an altogether different dimensi<strong>on</strong> to<br />

the soldier’s often lengthy presence <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the fi eld.<br />

The <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>troducti<strong>on</strong> of the operati<strong>on</strong>al CIMIC has allowed a new<br />

spirit, a new dynamism to enter military ranks. Send<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g soldiers off<br />

<strong>on</strong> external operati<strong>on</strong>s at the beg<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>n<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of the 1990s co<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>cided with<br />

the suppressi<strong>on</strong> of the military service <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Belgium and thereby of<br />

the beg<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>n<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of an army career. The Belgian soldier is search<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g for<br />

his identity, and the purpose of his existence is sometimes put <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>to<br />

doubt. Tra<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g offi cers and volunteers was fundamentally adapted by<br />

what emerged follow<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g what the fi rst c<strong>on</strong>t<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gents learned when fi rst<br />

operat<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the fi eld. The central axis for this tra<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g is based <strong>on</strong><br />

knowledge of the civil-military dimensi<strong>on</strong> <strong>on</strong> operati<strong>on</strong> z<strong>on</strong>es, of negotiati<strong>on</strong><br />

techniques, <strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al armed c<strong>on</strong>fl icts law, <strong>on</strong> specifi c<br />

techniques, etc. These subjects are still very important <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the tra<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

of our soldiers. The Belgian professi<strong>on</strong>al soldier, «peace soldier», has<br />

a new career today and has found a new motivati<strong>on</strong> with<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> it.<br />

Fund<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g is nevertheless limited. It is therefore a matter of help<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

those who really need it. Some people ask for funds and equipment<br />

whilst driv<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the latest Mercedes model ! Others do not hesitate to resell<br />

the equipment they were given. It is therefore necessary to be rigorous<br />

when distribut<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g aid.<br />

Another hurdle that must be jumped is to avoid the affected populati<strong>on</strong>s<br />

becom<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g permanently dependence <strong>on</strong> aid. Therefore, when a project<br />

is com<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g to its end, we hand over all resp<strong>on</strong>sibility to the local authorities.<br />

How we are perceived…<br />

Civil military cooperati<strong>on</strong> is not exclusive to the specialised TCT<br />

teams. In practice, each soldier at his level carries out small civil-military<br />

acti<strong>on</strong>s with<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the realm of his/ her daily tasks.<br />

To try and describe how the local populati<strong>on</strong> feels with regard to<br />

his acti<strong>on</strong>s is a particularly diffi cult exercise, especially when try<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g to<br />

rema<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> perfectly objective. In all modesty, we th<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>k that <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> general, Belgian<br />

soldiers that were sent to the Balkans carried out work that was<br />

generally really appreciated by the local populati<strong>on</strong>.<br />

To know that our men are carry<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g out useful and effective work is<br />

<strong>on</strong>e th<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g; but to hear it from the mouth of <strong>on</strong>e of those who represented<br />

our voice and our ears <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> these regi<strong>on</strong>s —the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terpreters who<br />

accompanied our soldiers all day l<strong>on</strong>g whilst they were carry<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g out<br />

their daily tasks— is another th<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g which takes <strong>on</strong> a whole other dimensi<strong>on</strong>.<br />

It is the strength of the testim<strong>on</strong>y of <strong>on</strong>e of these auxiliaries<br />

that is presented below <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Text Box 1.


92 BRUNO SMETS<br />

With regards to the local percepti<strong>on</strong> of CIMIC projects, some may<br />

th<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>k that this would be proporti<strong>on</strong>al to the fi nancial resources deployed<br />

to carry out the assistance projects. But this is not so! In keep<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

with the small size of our country, the Belgian CIMIC is <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>deed<br />

quite modest if compared to projects and budgets of certa<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> bigger European<br />

nati<strong>on</strong>s. The Belgian CIMIC is not try<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g to achieve great visibility,<br />

nor is it try<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g to open any doors for nati<strong>on</strong>al <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>vestors. Local populati<strong>on</strong>s<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the regi<strong>on</strong>s where we work understand this, and know to<br />

appreciate those that come <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> aid to them unselfi shly.<br />

15<br />

Text Box 1: To the families of the BELBOS 15<br />

When the Belgian soldiers arrived <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Central Bosnia, I was recruited as<br />

an <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terpreter. This was a new experience for me. Hav<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g been a teacher<br />

for twenty years, I was more used to younger people. However, I was<br />

curious to see how th<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gs would work when spend<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g time with soldiers.<br />

From the very start, I have held them <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> such high esteem that I felt<br />

the need to write to you. In their white tanks, with their blue helmets,<br />

they look so strict, str<strong>on</strong>g, discipl<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ed and handsome; ready to accomplish<br />

their missi<strong>on</strong> as peace soldiers. But what touches me the most is<br />

that they talk to me about their families, whilst show<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g me the photos<br />

of their babies, of their pets. They offer me sweets that you send them<br />

from Belgian. They are very well-behaved, very polite. I see them look<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

after the sick, be<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g affecti<strong>on</strong>ate to the children, strok<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the dogs,<br />

feed<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the birds and that warms my heart after hav<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g lived through<br />

so much cruelty here. These boys know how to laugh and cry, we know<br />

that. That gives us hope for our new generati<strong>on</strong>. What I appreciate the<br />

most, is their modesty. You can be proud of your s<strong>on</strong>s. C<strong>on</strong>gratulati<strong>on</strong>s<br />

to the women, fi ancées, girlfriends who have had the luck to meet them.<br />

I am the mother of a twenty-year old. My dear Belgian friends, may God<br />

keep you away from all misfortune and above all from war.<br />

Njazica HIKUS»<br />

Interpreter for BELBOS <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> SANTICI (1994)<br />

Published <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> VOX Magaz<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>e.<br />

In additi<strong>on</strong>, we understand the mean<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of compromise. The multicultural<br />

and multil<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gual characteristics of our country have made<br />

15 BELBOS: Acr<strong>on</strong>ym for BELges en BOSnie (BELgians <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> BOSnia). This belgian mechanical<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>fatillery compagny was deployed from March to August 1994, al<strong>on</strong>gside a<br />

British batalli<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Central Bosnia, with<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the frame of the FORPRONU missi<strong>on</strong>.


CIMIC (CIVIL-MILITARY CO-OPERATION): BRIDGING THE GAP... 93<br />

us accustomed to liv<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g with people that are different, to look for soluti<strong>on</strong>s<br />

to our problems through negotiati<strong>on</strong> rather than brutal oppositi<strong>on</strong>.<br />

F<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ally, the level of visits of our CIMIC house is an excellent<br />

barometer to measure local percepti<strong>on</strong> of our CIMIC acti<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the regi<strong>on</strong>.<br />

We are c<strong>on</strong>v<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ced that our presence is useful here. However, the<br />

Belgian soldier is c<strong>on</strong>v<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ced that the questi<strong>on</strong> to pose is whether this<br />

sentiment is reciprocated <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Belgium?<br />

Belgian troops sent <strong>on</strong> operati<strong>on</strong>s to areas as discussed like the Balkans<br />

are very sensitive to expressi<strong>on</strong>s of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terest and support, whether<br />

from their families, their friends or from the Belgian populati<strong>on</strong> as a<br />

whole. The role of the Belgian media is not to be neglected <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> this <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>stance.<br />

But <strong>on</strong>e must realise that, as the tra<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>s that arrive <strong>on</strong> time never<br />

receive much attenti<strong>on</strong>, operati<strong>on</strong>s and acti<strong>on</strong>s, which are carried out<br />

successfully rarely receive the media attenti<strong>on</strong> and the recogniti<strong>on</strong> they<br />

deserved. It is a shame because press articles can provide huge moral<br />

support. The peacekeep<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g soldier has the feel<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g that he is not forgotten,<br />

that his commitment is not just a military th<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g and that the whole<br />

populati<strong>on</strong> recognises this. This provides him with a sentiment of pride<br />

which has a positive impact <strong>on</strong> his day to day work, and which, given<br />

the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al c<strong>on</strong>text <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> which his work is carried out, has a positive<br />

impact <strong>on</strong> Belgium’s reputati<strong>on</strong>.<br />

C<strong>on</strong>clusi<strong>on</strong><br />

In the beg<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>n<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of the 1990s, civil-military cooperati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the Balkans<br />

was ma<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ly based <strong>on</strong> improvisati<strong>on</strong> and pragmatism. Because they<br />

were c<strong>on</strong>fr<strong>on</strong>ted with the needs and the realities of the ground, servicemen<br />

had to adapt and developed a modern c<strong>on</strong>cept of cooperati<strong>on</strong><br />

with the civil world. Today, peacekeep<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g operati<strong>on</strong>s are totally <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>c<strong>on</strong>ceivable<br />

without the CIMIC dimensi<strong>on</strong>. However, few civil actors are really<br />

familiar with the c<strong>on</strong>cept. Some are still suspicious of it, afraid of<br />

the distorti<strong>on</strong> of the military missi<strong>on</strong>. The Belgian c<strong>on</strong>t<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gents deployed<br />

are not «NGOs <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> uniform», want<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g to take over the resp<strong>on</strong>sibilities<br />

and tasks of the humanitarians. For the military commander, the military<br />

aspect of the operati<strong>on</strong> rema<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>s the priority, and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>variably c<strong>on</strong>sists<br />

of creat<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>s for security and stability which will allow humanitarian<br />

organisati<strong>on</strong>s to develop their activities.<br />

Today, each operati<strong>on</strong> has a military and a civil dimensi<strong>on</strong>. As security<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> a regi<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>creases, the civil aspect of the operati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>creases,<br />

with the CIMIC effort <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>tensify<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g accord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gly. In an operati<strong>on</strong> z<strong>on</strong>e,<br />

CIMIC is therefore <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dispensable to ensure harm<strong>on</strong>y between civil and


94 BRUNO SMETS<br />

military acti<strong>on</strong>s and to encourage complementarity with<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the frame<br />

of a comm<strong>on</strong> mandate. Short term, it ensures that there is a proper<br />

framework for the military to execute its missi<strong>on</strong>. L<strong>on</strong>g term, it must<br />

accelerate the return to a normal way of life, the build<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of susta<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>able<br />

peace, and the rec<strong>on</strong>structi<strong>on</strong> of the country by the local authorities<br />

and by the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al community without the presence of the<br />

military.<br />

The most <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>tense civil-military relati<strong>on</strong>s certa<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ly exist <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the fi eld,<br />

when humanitarians and the military work side by side <strong>on</strong> many comm<strong>on</strong><br />

projects. CIMIC has an advantage of hav<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g greatly c<strong>on</strong>tributed to<br />

a nascent mutual comprehensi<strong>on</strong> between the military and humanitarian<br />

actors. But CIMIC has above all succeeded to act: <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> an organised<br />

and coord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ated manner; to overcome the bureaucracy and any oppositi<strong>on</strong><br />

to progress; and fi nally, it allowed for the accomplishment of a<br />

multitude of little th<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gs that presented the local populati<strong>on</strong> with hope<br />

for a better tomorrow.<br />

As for the Belgian solder, he has the right to feel proud of his<br />

achievements: the smile of a child <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> his rebuilt school c<strong>on</strong>stitut<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the<br />

best reward!<br />

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ADAM, B. (1999): La guerre du Kosovo. Eclairages et commentaires, Bruxelles,<br />

Editi<strong>on</strong>s GRIP, 1999, n.° 239-240 de la collecti<strong>on</strong> «les livres du GRIP», 196<br />

pages.<br />

BRIQUEMONT, F. (1997): Do someth<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g, general! Chr<strong>on</strong>ique de Bosnie-Herzégov<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>e<br />

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Strategie nr 69, Jan 02.<br />

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les <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terventi<strong>on</strong>s humanitaires, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>: Forum du désarmement nr 3, p 35-48.<br />

HANSET, W. (1999): La coopérati<strong>on</strong> civilo-militaire dans les opérati<strong>on</strong>s de soutien<br />

de la paix, Bruxelles, IRSD-CED, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>: Sécurité & Stratégie nr 60.<br />

NATO (2001): NATO civil-military co-operati<strong>on</strong> doctr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>e (AJP-9), Brussels, 2001,<br />

40 pages.<br />

OUVRAGE COLLECTIF (2002): Militaires, humanitaires: à chacun s<strong>on</strong> rôle, Bruxelles,<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>: Les publicati<strong>on</strong>s du GRIP; nr 258-260, 278 pages.


<strong>Humanitarian</strong> NGO Networks<br />

Kathr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Schick 1<br />

A short history of humanitarian aid<br />

The roots of the N<strong>on</strong>-Governmental Organisati<strong>on</strong> (NGO) movement<br />

date back to the beg<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>n<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of the Red Cross movement <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> 1863.<br />

Most social movements and NGOs were created due to the realities of<br />

war and social upheaval. Many NGOs started as movements created by<br />

groups of volunteers want<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g to help victims of persecuti<strong>on</strong> and the effects<br />

of wars. The Spanish Civil War and the Sec<strong>on</strong>d World War gave<br />

the impetus to the creati<strong>on</strong> of a range of such organisati<strong>on</strong>s. Many of<br />

the well known NGOs were created dur<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g that period: Save the Children<br />

(1919, UK); Internati<strong>on</strong>al Rescue Committee (1933, USA); OXFAM<br />

(1942, UK); Care (1945, USA); and World Visi<strong>on</strong> (1959, USA) all came<br />

about this way. As such these organizati<strong>on</strong>s were rooted <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the cultural<br />

and ethical values of western societies, who also disposed of suffi cient<br />

fi nancial means to support humanitarian missi<strong>on</strong>s.<br />

The 1960s and 1970s saw the protest movements aga<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>st the Vietnam<br />

War and the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dependence wars of many African nati<strong>on</strong>s. These<br />

events lead to the creati<strong>on</strong> of solidarity movements ma<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ly <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Europe<br />

but also <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the US. They worked for democratic rights <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> countries <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

Lat<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> America or showed solidarity with the Afghan, Angolan, Palest<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ian,<br />

Mozambican and Saharawi people am<strong>on</strong>g others. These processes<br />

led to the creati<strong>on</strong> of more NGOs and to a broaden<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of the scope of<br />

1 Kathr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Schick has more than 20 years of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al NGO experience, both<br />

professi<strong>on</strong>ally and as a volunteer. Over the last ten years <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Brussels she has been follow<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

the development of EU NGO networks <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the co-operati<strong>on</strong> sector. S<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ce 2001 she is<br />

the director of VOICE, a European NGO network represent<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g 90 humanitarian NGOs <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

relati<strong>on</strong> to the European Instituti<strong>on</strong>s.


96 KATHRIN SCHICK<br />

engagement of development and humanitarian NGOs to <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>clude the<br />

whole Southern hemisphere.<br />

Dur<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the time of the Cold War neutral humanitarian aid existed<br />

parallel to aid given <strong>on</strong> political grounds, the latter often provided<br />

through governments. But critics about military <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terventi<strong>on</strong>s (Vietnam,<br />

Afghanistan) and violati<strong>on</strong>s of human rights by governments<br />

led to the creati<strong>on</strong> of new organizati<strong>on</strong>s tak<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g a proactive political<br />

stand <strong>on</strong> humanitarian grounds. A typical example is the French<br />

NGO Médec<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>s sans fr<strong>on</strong>tières, created <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> 1971, which started out<br />

by advocat<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g for a political soluti<strong>on</strong> to the Biafra c<strong>on</strong>fl ict <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Nigeria<br />

while at the same time help<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the victims of the war <strong>on</strong> humanitarian<br />

grounds.<br />

With the fall of the Berl<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Wall <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> 1989 new war and c<strong>on</strong>fl ict scenarios<br />

emerged. The absence of the two power blocs led to an <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>creased<br />

number of civil wars. In these c<strong>on</strong>fl icts <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Africa (Rwanda,<br />

Liberia, Sierra Le<strong>on</strong>e), <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the Balkans, the Former Soviet Uni<strong>on</strong> and Ind<strong>on</strong>esia<br />

(East Timor), the civilian populati<strong>on</strong>s were <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>creas<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gly targeted.<br />

Meanwhile western political powers embarked <strong>on</strong> so-called<br />

ethical humanitarian military <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terventi<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Iraq, the Balkans, Somalia<br />

and Sierra Le<strong>on</strong>e. As a c<strong>on</strong>sequence the UN came under pressure to<br />

become more active <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> c<strong>on</strong>fl ict management and humanitarian issues.<br />

This led to an <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>creas<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g number of peace-keep<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g missi<strong>on</strong>s.<br />

With the Balkans war right outside its door, the European Uni<strong>on</strong>,<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>volved <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> military and humanitarian aid, embarked <strong>on</strong> develop<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g a<br />

comm<strong>on</strong> foreign policy and strengthen<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of its humanitarian <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terventi<strong>on</strong>s.<br />

It created the European Commissi<strong>on</strong> <strong>Humanitarian</strong> Offi ce (ECHO)<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> 1992.<br />

Dur<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g this period the importance of humanitarian assistance (HA)<br />

was upgraded <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the political arena and through <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>creased attenti<strong>on</strong> by<br />

the media. HA was seen both as immediate aid to victims and as a political<br />

tool to solve c<strong>on</strong>fl icts.<br />

For humanitarian NGOs all these developments led to <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>creased fi -<br />

nancial resources but also to more pressure from and dependency <strong>on</strong><br />

both the media and politics. The <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>creased humanitarian <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>volvement<br />

of the military <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> c<strong>on</strong>fl ict areas resulted <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> more c<strong>on</strong>tact between NGOs<br />

and military forces <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the fi eld and to a debate about military <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terventi<strong>on</strong>s<br />

and the role and mandate of the military <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> c<strong>on</strong>fl ict areas. The <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>creased<br />

political <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>itiatives to politicise HA sparked a debate about the<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dependence, impartiality and neutrality of humanitarian organizati<strong>on</strong>s.<br />

Also the impact of HA <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> c<strong>on</strong>fl icts came under debate: dependency,<br />

support of war ec<strong>on</strong>omies and susta<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ability became issues. The<br />

evaluati<strong>on</strong> of the humanitarian efforts dur<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the Rwanda Genocide


HUMANITARIAN NGO NETWORKS 97<br />

led to the establishment of several <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>itiatives seek<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g to improve the<br />

quality of humanitarian <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terventi<strong>on</strong>s.<br />

The characteristics of humanitarian NGOs<br />

An NGO is an <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dependent organisati<strong>on</strong> created voluntarily and not<br />

work<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g for profi t. Instead it works for a comm<strong>on</strong> good <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> solidarity<br />

with, for example, a c<strong>on</strong>t<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ent, a country, a people, a group, a cause,<br />

or society as a whole.<br />

NGOs c<strong>on</strong>sist of volunteers and/or employees represent<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dividual<br />

or collective members, but have a formal structure and a budget.<br />

NGOs can range from small grassroots organisati<strong>on</strong>s c<strong>on</strong>sist<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of a<br />

handful of volunteers to highly effi cient global enterprises with many<br />

thousands of paid employees and volunteers.<br />

The term «n<strong>on</strong>-governmental organisati<strong>on</strong>» is often debated s<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ce<br />

it is not clear whether it refers to ideological, juridical or fi nancial <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dependence<br />

from the State. But most of the NGOs <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> this so-called «third<br />

sector» (as opposed to the governmental fi rst sector and the private<br />

sec<strong>on</strong>d sector) would argue that their d<strong>on</strong>ors hardly c<strong>on</strong>trol their ideological<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dependence despite the fact that they receive a c<strong>on</strong>siderable<br />

part of their ec<strong>on</strong>omic means from governments and the European<br />

Commissi<strong>on</strong>.<br />

<strong>Humanitarian</strong> aid is c<strong>on</strong>sidered to be a sub-sector of the sector of<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al cooperati<strong>on</strong> which also <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>cludes l<strong>on</strong>g term development,<br />

food aid, development educati<strong>on</strong> and trade, just to menti<strong>on</strong> a few of<br />

the possible specializati<strong>on</strong>s under this head<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g.<br />

Most NGOs <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>volved <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al cooperati<strong>on</strong> are work<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

several of these sub-sectors and are runn<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g both l<strong>on</strong>g-term development<br />

projects and deliver<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g humanitarian assistance. For several<br />

years an <strong>on</strong>go<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g debate am<strong>on</strong>g both d<strong>on</strong>ors and NGOs implement<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

projects has stressed the need to work <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> a way which l<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ks relief with<br />

rehabilitati<strong>on</strong> and development: the so-called «LRRD» or «transiti<strong>on</strong>»<br />

debate. It is therefore not easy to classify the majority of NGOs <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> this<br />

sector as exclusively <strong>on</strong>e or the other.<br />

<strong>Humanitarian</strong> aid is characterized by the short-term durati<strong>on</strong> of the<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terventi<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> both natural and man-made disasters, as well as <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> complex<br />

emergencies. The ma<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> aim is the sav<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of lives and the preventi<strong>on</strong><br />

of suffer<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of the victims of emergencies.<br />

While the Internati<strong>on</strong>al Committee of the Red Cross is mandated<br />

by the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al community to be the guardian of Internati<strong>on</strong>al <strong>Humanitarian</strong><br />

Law (IHL) and universal humanitarian pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ciples, most hu-


98 KATHRIN SCHICK<br />

manitarian NGOs base their <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terventi<strong>on</strong>s <strong>on</strong> these pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ciples deriv<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

from the Geneva C<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>s. These are the pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ciples of impartiality<br />

and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dependence, and that assistance should be given to the most<br />

vulnerable groups based <strong>on</strong> needs al<strong>on</strong>e. NGOs c<strong>on</strong>sider themselves<br />

as humanitarian actors as defi ned <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the annexes and protocols to the<br />

C<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>s.<br />

Even if NGOs are not directly menti<strong>on</strong>ed <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> IHL, it is of great relevance<br />

to all relief agencies. The IHL articles c<strong>on</strong>cern<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g civilian relief describe<br />

when states must allow humanitarian assistance to reach civilians<br />

and which c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>s they may impose.<br />

The humanitarian pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ciples form part of the missi<strong>on</strong> statements<br />

and mandates of most humanitarian NGOs. As such, IHL is both an<br />

ethical value underly<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g their fi eld operati<strong>on</strong>s and a practical tool to implement<br />

their mandates, especially as it refers to the access to vulnerable<br />

populati<strong>on</strong>s and to the issue of security of humanitarian aid workers.<br />

S<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ce the 1990s <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> its strive for quality and high standards of professi<strong>on</strong>alism,<br />

the community of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al NGOs has sought to reaffi<br />

rm the humanitarian ethic through the development of the Code of<br />

C<strong>on</strong>duct (signed by 307 NGOs as of October 2004), the <strong>Humanitarian</strong><br />

Charter and the Sphere M<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>imum Standards <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Disaster Resp<strong>on</strong>se.<br />

These practically operate as «soft law» <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the NGO community.<br />

<strong>Humanitarian</strong> NGO networks<br />

Follow<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g a trend away from political parties and trade uni<strong>on</strong>s,<br />

many people have c<strong>on</strong>sidered it more worthwhile to support a clear<br />

social cause. One of the results be<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g a steady growth <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the number<br />

and importance of civil society organisati<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>clud<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g humanitarian<br />

NGOs.<br />

Traditi<strong>on</strong>ally the humanitarian community <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>volves a range of civilian<br />

actors such as the United Nati<strong>on</strong>s, the Red Cross movement and<br />

governments. Over the last decades several trans-nati<strong>on</strong>al NGO networks<br />

have been created <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> order to <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>fl uence and follow the policies<br />

of both the US government, the UN and the European Instituti<strong>on</strong>s.<br />

An NGO network br<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gs together a number of NGOs work<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g for a<br />

comm<strong>on</strong> purpose at nati<strong>on</strong>al, European or <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al level. Networks<br />

can be organised <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> different ways: they may have collective or <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dividual<br />

members or a nati<strong>on</strong>al platform structure. Today a wide range of<br />

NGO networks and alliances exist <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the fi elds of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al co-operati<strong>on</strong>,<br />

human rights and the social and the envir<strong>on</strong>mental sector.


HUMANITARIAN NGO NETWORKS 99<br />

While the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dividual member organisati<strong>on</strong>s of these networks are<br />

based at nati<strong>on</strong>al level and implement projects all over the world, the<br />

networks work <strong>on</strong> lobby and advocacy issues <strong>on</strong> behalf of their members.<br />

They also provide services to their members c<strong>on</strong>cern<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong><br />

shar<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g, enhance NGO visibility through representati<strong>on</strong>, tra<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

and awareness ris<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <strong>on</strong> issues related to humanitarian assistance.<br />

Many of the activities of the networks are implemented through work<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

groups c<strong>on</strong>tribut<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g to the exchange of best practices, exchange of<br />

op<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>i<strong>on</strong>s and co-ord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ati<strong>on</strong> between NGOs.<br />

Besides be<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g political pressure groups, networks also functi<strong>on</strong> as<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terlocutors with <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>stituti<strong>on</strong>s and governments as well as <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terest organisati<strong>on</strong>s<br />

for their members. Most of these networks are membership-based<br />

and seek to have a high degree of fi nancial <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dependence<br />

from d<strong>on</strong>ors <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> order to be as <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dependent as possible from possible<br />

political c<strong>on</strong>siderati<strong>on</strong>s.<br />

The spectrum of humanitarian networks<br />

Currently there are four humanitarian NGO networks operat<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g:<br />

The Internati<strong>on</strong>al Council of Voluntary Agencies (ICVA) is a global network<br />

of human rights, humanitarian, and development NGOs, which<br />

focuses its <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong> exchange and advocacy efforts primarily <strong>on</strong><br />

humanitarian affairs and refugee issues. ICVA has around 70 members.<br />

Founded <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> 1962, ICVA attempts to <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>fl uence policy and practice<br />

to refl ect humanitarian pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ciples and human rights through <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong>-exchange<br />

and advocacy. In particular, Geneva-based ICVA<br />

facilitates relati<strong>on</strong>ships with UN agencies and other <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al organisati<strong>on</strong>s<br />

<strong>on</strong> issues such as protecti<strong>on</strong> and Internally Displaced Pers<strong>on</strong>s<br />

(IDPs)<br />

Founded <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> 1984, InterActi<strong>on</strong>, based <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Wash<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gt<strong>on</strong>, is the largest<br />

alliance of U.S.-based <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al development and humanitarian<br />

n<strong>on</strong>governmental organizati<strong>on</strong>s. Its <strong>Humanitarian</strong> Policy and Practice<br />

Committee serves as an umbrella for coord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>at<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g all of InterActi<strong>on</strong>’s<br />

work <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> refugee and disaster assistance. Their work is c<strong>on</strong>centrated<br />

around the issues of protecti<strong>on</strong> and durable soluti<strong>on</strong>s for displaced<br />

people, as well as disaster resp<strong>on</strong>se and operati<strong>on</strong>s. Civil-military relati<strong>on</strong>s<br />

and security are other issues. The Committee and its 73 members<br />

also run crisis-specifi c work<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g groups.<br />

The Stand<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g Committee of <strong>Humanitarian</strong> Resp<strong>on</strong>se (SCHR) is a coaliti<strong>on</strong><br />

of n<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>e of the largest humanitarian organisati<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>clud<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the<br />

Red Cross Family and MSF. Based <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Geneva, their secretariat focuses


100 KATHRIN SCHICK<br />

ma<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ly <strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>fl uenc<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the humanitarian policies of the UN <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>stituti<strong>on</strong>s.<br />

Several of its members were <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>volved <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the development of the Code<br />

of C<strong>on</strong>duct for NGOs. SCHR also took the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>itiative to develop the<br />

SPHERE project which developed the <strong>Humanitarian</strong> Charter and M<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>imum<br />

Standards for disaster resp<strong>on</strong>se.<br />

Voluntary Organisati<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Cooperati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Emergencies (VOICE)<br />

was created <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> 1992 when the European Commissi<strong>on</strong> created its <strong>Humanitarian</strong><br />

Offi ce (ECHO). VOICE is a network of 90 NGOs throughout<br />

Europe that are active <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the fi eld of humanitarian aid, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>clud<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g emergency<br />

aid, rehabilitati<strong>on</strong> and disaster preparedness. VOICE’s essential<br />

overrid<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g missi<strong>on</strong> is to foster l<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ks am<strong>on</strong>g <strong>Humanitarian</strong> Aid NGOs.<br />

Based <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Brussels, VOICE also aims to facilitate c<strong>on</strong>tacts with the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>stituti<strong>on</strong>s<br />

of the European Uni<strong>on</strong> and to develop collaborati<strong>on</strong> with <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al<br />

humanitarian organisati<strong>on</strong>s. VOICE accomplishes these aims<br />

through four types of services: develop<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong>, devis<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>struments<br />

for c<strong>on</strong>sultati<strong>on</strong>, giv<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g political expressi<strong>on</strong> to the shared c<strong>on</strong>cerns<br />

of NGOs and develop<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the life of its network.<br />

The added value of network activities<br />

The humanitarian networks seek to enhance the effectiveness and<br />

professi<strong>on</strong>al capacities of its members engaged <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al humanitarian<br />

efforts. They work to enhance the identity, aut<strong>on</strong>omy, credibility<br />

and diverse perspectives of each member agency. They also provide a<br />

broadly based participatory forum for professi<strong>on</strong>al c<strong>on</strong>sultati<strong>on</strong>, coord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ati<strong>on</strong><br />

and c<strong>on</strong>certed acti<strong>on</strong>. Through their work the networks foster<br />

the effectiveness and recogniti<strong>on</strong> of the NGO community, both professi<strong>on</strong>ally<br />

and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the public eye.<br />

NGOs operate <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>creas<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gly <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the midst of c<strong>on</strong>fl icts that deliberately<br />

target the civilian populati<strong>on</strong>. While undertak<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g their work they witness<br />

atrocities and human rights abuses, and humanitarian assistance<br />

al<strong>on</strong>e is often not enough to alleviate the suffer<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of the victims. The<br />

need for advocacy <strong>on</strong> protecti<strong>on</strong> issues has become more vocal from<br />

many NGOs and several of the networks are therefore focus<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <strong>on</strong> protecti<strong>on</strong><br />

and the situati<strong>on</strong> of Internally Displaced People (IDPs), especially<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> relati<strong>on</strong> to the UN.<br />

Through their members NGO networks get the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>-put from the<br />

fi eld reality and can therefore develop lobby and advocacy <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>itiatives<br />

based <strong>on</strong> this <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong>. They can highlight basic understand<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g and<br />

can offer fundamentally different views <strong>on</strong> for example the implementati<strong>on</strong><br />

of Internati<strong>on</strong>al <strong>Humanitarian</strong> Law.


HUMANITARIAN NGO NETWORKS 101<br />

Quality and professi<strong>on</strong>alism are other important issues for the networks.<br />

Currently ICVA and SCHR are work<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <strong>on</strong> a project to look <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>to<br />

how the Code of C<strong>on</strong>duct has been used by NGOs <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> their daily work,<br />

especially <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the fi eld. They are also engaged <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> a project develop<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

tools and guidel<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>es for NGOs <strong>on</strong> the issue of sexual exploitati<strong>on</strong> of refugees.<br />

Together with several of their members all four networks work together<br />

to spread the knowledge and use of the so-called Sphere standards<br />

and the <strong>Humanitarian</strong> Charter <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> humanitarian <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terventi<strong>on</strong>s all<br />

over the world.<br />

Another important challenge for the humanitarian community is<br />

the relati<strong>on</strong>ship between the military and civilian humanitarian actors <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

the fi eld. The Inter-Agency Stand<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g Committee, which br<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gs together<br />

UN agencies, n<strong>on</strong>-UN humanitarian agencies and NGO networks therefore<br />

developed guidel<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>es <strong>on</strong> how to use Military and Civilian Defense<br />

Assets <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> complex emergencies, the so-called MCDA guidel<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>es. ICVA,<br />

SCHR and Interacti<strong>on</strong> were <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>volved and were able to c<strong>on</strong>tribute actively<br />

to this process.<br />

Increased <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al military <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terventi<strong>on</strong>s legitimized as humanitarian<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terventi<strong>on</strong>s have c<strong>on</strong>tributed to the blurr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of the l<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>es between<br />

the military and civilian humanitarian actors. Private Western<br />

security c<strong>on</strong>tractors c<strong>on</strong>tribute even more to a c<strong>on</strong>fusi<strong>on</strong> of who does<br />

what for whom. Many of the activities of these actors have resulted<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the reducti<strong>on</strong> of the humanitarian space which civilian humanitarian<br />

actors depend up<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> order to operate accord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g to <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al<br />

humanitarian pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ciples. Campaign<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g for the ma<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>tenance of humanitarian<br />

space is therefore a high priority for humanitarian networks and<br />

their members.<br />

There is also the possibility of mutual educati<strong>on</strong> between <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>stituti<strong>on</strong>s<br />

and networks. For example, NGO networks and their members<br />

have been <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>vited to brief NATO ambassadors as the former often<br />

know more about a given situati<strong>on</strong>. NGO networks have also been <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>vited<br />

to give their viewpo<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>t <strong>on</strong> EU draft guidel<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>es for civil-military relati<strong>on</strong>s<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the fi eld to the military staff of the European Council. C<strong>on</strong>cern<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

practical cooperati<strong>on</strong> <strong>on</strong> the ground there is a need for dialogue,<br />

not least for security reas<strong>on</strong>s (e.g. Afghanistan).<br />

In order to carry out their missi<strong>on</strong> and to ma<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ta<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> a certa<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> level<br />

of security <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> acti<strong>on</strong>, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dependence from belligerent parties <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> complex<br />

emergencies rema<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>s fundamental for humanitarian NGOs. Political <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dependence<br />

from d<strong>on</strong>ors is as crucial for NGOs <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> order not to be related<br />

to a d<strong>on</strong>or’s special geopolitical <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terest <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> a given regi<strong>on</strong> (Iraq,<br />

Afghanistan and so-called «humanitarian wars»). Over the last year


102 KATHRIN SCHICK<br />

VOICE has therefore campaigned with success to have the humanitarian<br />

pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ciple of neutrality <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>cluded <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the draft European C<strong>on</strong>stituti<strong>on</strong>.<br />

The <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>creased politisati<strong>on</strong> of humanitarian aid, through giv<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g humanitarian<br />

assistance <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>stead of fi nd<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g durable political soluti<strong>on</strong>s to c<strong>on</strong>fl<br />

icts, is another topic VOICE worked <strong>on</strong>. Topical briefi ngs c<strong>on</strong>tribute<br />

to awareness rais<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <strong>on</strong> relevant humanitarian issues such as EU crisis<br />

management.<br />

The networks have a role to play as <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terlocutors between their<br />

members and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>stituti<strong>on</strong>s such as the UN, the EU and governments.<br />

An example of partnership <strong>on</strong> c<strong>on</strong>tractual and fund<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g issues has been<br />

the c<strong>on</strong>sultati<strong>on</strong> process between ECHO and its NGO partners. S<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ce<br />

1999, VOICE has been <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>volved <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> facilitat<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g this process with ECHO<br />

c<strong>on</strong>cern<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the Framework Partnership Agreement (FPA), which regulates<br />

the project fund<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g for NGOs. The so-called FPA Watch Group has<br />

worked <strong>on</strong> behalf of all ECHO NGO partners <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> order to raise their c<strong>on</strong>cerns<br />

and viewpo<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ts with ECHO. Currently a new group is be<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g established<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> order to follow the implementati<strong>on</strong> of the third FPA signed<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> 2003.<br />

In relati<strong>on</strong> to the European Parliament (EP), VOICE has raised issues<br />

such as access to vulnerable populati<strong>on</strong>s as well as the security of aid<br />

workers. Another important issue to lobby the European Parliament <strong>on</strong><br />

is ECHO’s annual budget.<br />

Instituti<strong>on</strong>s and NGO networks can also establish comm<strong>on</strong> projects.<br />

Recently NATO worked together with several networks and their members<br />

to set up a code aga<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>st traffi ck<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> human be<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gs.<br />

C<strong>on</strong>cern<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the dialogue with the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>stituti<strong>on</strong>s, networks can also<br />

promote the positi<strong>on</strong> of its members broaden<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g their representati<strong>on</strong><br />

and ma<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ta<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g their an<strong>on</strong>ymity. NGOs fi nd the security situati<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

certa<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> countries so diffi cult that they often prefer not to publicize relevant<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong> by themselves <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> order not to endanger both their<br />

foreign and local staff, as much as the populati<strong>on</strong> they are seek<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g to<br />

assist. Networks thus play an important role <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> advanc<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g such <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong>.<br />

Through their members NGO networks often have relatively close<br />

c<strong>on</strong>tact with the grass-roots level of civil society. Through their broad<br />

based membership, NGO networks can also play the role of multipliers,<br />

that is, to spread <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong> or positi<strong>on</strong>s to more people than their<br />

own members.<br />

Through their advocacy the networks seek to draw the attenti<strong>on</strong> to<br />

the fact that access to vulnerable populati<strong>on</strong>s and security for humanitarian<br />

workers represent the two major obstacles to the implementati<strong>on</strong><br />

of emergency <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terventi<strong>on</strong>s. The two issues are closely l<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ked to


HUMANITARIAN NGO NETWORKS 103<br />

the effi cient applicati<strong>on</strong> of IHL by governments and the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al<br />

community. They therefore also have a role to play <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> draw<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the attenti<strong>on</strong><br />

of governments and the wider public to the importance of the<br />

work of their members.<br />

Am<strong>on</strong>g their members they play the role of facilitators and seek to<br />

c<strong>on</strong>tribute to better coord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ati<strong>on</strong> though <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong> exchange and<br />

exchange of good practice. Over the last years, for <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>stance, VOICE has<br />

organized several c<strong>on</strong>ferences am<strong>on</strong>g others <strong>on</strong> the issue of child soldiers<br />

and <strong>on</strong> the challenges for EU <strong>Humanitarian</strong> Aid. Through these<br />

activities, expert research and reports, NGO networks can challenge<br />

c<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>al wisdom.<br />

C<strong>on</strong>clusi<strong>on</strong><br />

As the representatives of an active civil society movement, humanitarian<br />

NGO networks and their members will have a number of important<br />

roles to play as <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terlocutors with regi<strong>on</strong>al and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>stituti<strong>on</strong>s<br />

also <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the future; <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>stead of be<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g cheap implementers for<br />

d<strong>on</strong>ors they can c<strong>on</strong>t<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ue to be important actors for change.<br />

At EU and UN level the c<strong>on</strong>cept of partnership between the NGO<br />

networks and the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>stituti<strong>on</strong>s has to be developed further, and real<br />

spaces for dialogue have to be created. The networks have an <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terest<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> engag<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> a c<strong>on</strong>structive dialogue with the relevant <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>stituti<strong>on</strong>s.<br />

But <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> order to do so there needs to be a clear commitment by the UN<br />

agencies and the European <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>stituti<strong>on</strong>s to recognize NGO networks<br />

as relevant political players - not just cheap implementers. NGOs have<br />

to systematize their experiences, coord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ate their positi<strong>on</strong>s even better<br />

and communicate the achievements and nature of their work more<br />

widely. NGO networks are key players <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> mak<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g this happen.


Forbidden Journalism:<br />

Tribute to the Informati<strong>on</strong> Thieves<br />

Jean-Paul Marthoz 1<br />

A ghost fl oats above the world of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al journalism, the<br />

ghost of powerlessness and of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>signifi cance. After two decades of crises,<br />

catastrophes and wars which had seem<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gly given the press the<br />

power to fashi<strong>on</strong> the general public’s reacti<strong>on</strong>s and to determ<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>e governments»<br />

attitudes, journalists now doubt everyth<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g, even their own<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>tegrity: the war <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Iraq, with its «human rights» justifi cati<strong>on</strong>, with its<br />

propaganda and its «media blunders», and with what c<strong>on</strong>sequently<br />

followed —news full of hatred and murders—, was the last straw lead<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

to bitterness.<br />

One year after the beg<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>n<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of hostilities, the press, especially <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

the US, is now admitt<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g its errors; the press is suffer<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g from depressi<strong>on</strong>.<br />

Some worthy excepti<strong>on</strong>s aside, Sy Hersh from the New Yorker,<br />

Dana Milbank from the Wash<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gt<strong>on</strong> Post or aga<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the New York Review<br />

of Books, The Nati<strong>on</strong>, or The American Prospect, the ma<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> media<br />

have passed <strong>on</strong> without hesitati<strong>on</strong> the lies and approximati<strong>on</strong>s from<br />

the White House and the Pentag<strong>on</strong>. They have left it up to others to<br />

reveal the exacti<strong>on</strong>s and the violence <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the Abu Ghraib pris<strong>on</strong>. Televisi<strong>on</strong>,<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>stead of cover<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the war, has chosen to promote it 2 .<br />

Very often, journalists have been lagg<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g beh<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>d the news and have<br />

been out of sync with reality. After hav<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g missed the last genocide of<br />

the century, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Rwanda <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> 1994, they fi rst of all underestimated the crisis<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Kosovo, before over-cover<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g, but after the event, a war without<br />

any real battlefi eld. Dur<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the sec<strong>on</strong>d Chechnyan war, <strong>on</strong>ly a handful<br />

1 Internati<strong>on</strong>al Director of Informati<strong>on</strong>, Human Rights Watch.<br />

2 For a more detailled analysis of the American press dur<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the Iraq War, read Jean-<br />

Paul MARTHOZ: Face au market<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g de guerre, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Irak, les medias dans la guerre, Actes Sud,<br />

Paris, 2003.


106 JEAN-PAUL MARTHOZ<br />

dared venture there, the dar<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g special reporter from Libérati<strong>on</strong> Anne<br />

Nivat 3 , the Russian journalist Anna Polikovskaia 4 , and the American<br />

photographer Stanley Greene. Most of the reports about the exacti<strong>on</strong>s<br />

committed by the Russian forces and the Chechnyan rebels aga<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>st the<br />

civilian populati<strong>on</strong> came from the humanitarian organisati<strong>on</strong>s. More recently,<br />

most of the press took eight m<strong>on</strong>ths before pick<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g up <strong>on</strong> the<br />

tragic measures of scorched earth policies and ethnic cleans<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g as pursued<br />

by the Khartoum government aga<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>st the black African tribes of<br />

Darfur.<br />

«The era of war corresp<strong>on</strong>dence is clearly over» wrote the journalist<br />

Philip Knightley, already a few years ago. For thirty years, the media<br />

and the military have fought a bitter battle, and the military have w<strong>on</strong>.<br />

After the Gulf War, Kosovo and now Chechnya, it is desperately clear<br />

that future wars will be reported accord<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g to the terms laid down by<br />

the military and government communicators. The 150-year-old traditi<strong>on</strong><br />

of war corresp<strong>on</strong>dence is dead 5 . Whilst, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Iraq, hundreds of journalists<br />

have tried to cover the c<strong>on</strong>fl ict <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dependently, by stay<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

Baghdad or by go<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g it al<strong>on</strong>e, hundreds of others have accepted to be<br />

embedded with<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>vad<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g forces, without always differentiat<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

between journalism and patriotism.<br />

This c<strong>on</strong>fusi<strong>on</strong> is serious because journalism, so often and so rightly<br />

accused of its weaknesses and digressi<strong>on</strong>s, has been and rema<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>s a decisive<br />

actor <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the struggle <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> dignity and solidarity. From William Russel,<br />

of the Times <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> L<strong>on</strong>d<strong>on</strong>, reveal<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g between 1854 and 1856 the<br />

horrendous c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>s of hygiene and equipment <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the British Army<br />

dur<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the Crimean War, to John Pilger, c<strong>on</strong>t<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>uously denounc<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g for<br />

25 years the suffer<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> East Timor, from Albert L<strong>on</strong>dres, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>vestigat<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

the Cayenne pris<strong>on</strong>, to Cor<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ne Dufka, posted <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Sierra Le<strong>on</strong>e, the c<strong>on</strong>victi<strong>on</strong><br />

of a few journalists that they could change events by the power<br />

of their words and the impact of their photos, has given this professi<strong>on</strong><br />

the most glorious pages of its history. The <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>trospecti<strong>on</strong> and melancholy<br />

of journalism c<strong>on</strong>cerns from now <strong>on</strong> all those who are not satisfi<br />

ed with the new disorder of the world and who worry about the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>difference<br />

and disillusi<strong>on</strong>.<br />

The essential thrust of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong> is dem<strong>on</strong>strated by «absurdity»,<br />

by the fear of the torturers and génocidaires of see<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g their acts<br />

3 Author of Chienne de Guerre and of La Guerre qui n’aura pas eu lieu, published<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Editi<strong>on</strong>s Fayard, Paris.<br />

4 Tchétchénie: Le désh<strong>on</strong>neur russe, Buchet-Chastel, Paris, 2003, 185 pp.<br />

5 No More Heroes: war corresp<strong>on</strong>dents retreat from the fr<strong>on</strong>tl<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>e, IPI Report, fi rst<br />

quarter 2000.


FORBIDDEN JOURNALISM: TRIBUTE TO THE INFORMATION THIEVES 107<br />

exposed. When <strong>on</strong>e reads The Burn<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g Tigris 6 by Peter Balakian, the<br />

apocalyptical account of the Armenian genocide <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> 1915, there is no<br />

doubt that the Ottoman authorities and their German allies sought<br />

from the very outset to hide the horror, and afterwards sought, helped<br />

by the Turkish government, to deny its reality. When <strong>on</strong>e reads Offi -<br />

cial Secrets 7 , this masterpiece <strong>on</strong> the Holocaust by Richard Breitman,<br />

it clearly appears that the Nazi authorities <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> 1942 were afraid of their<br />

own people and afraid that the Allied Forces might learn and above all<br />

might understand what was go<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <strong>on</strong>. When <strong>on</strong>e reads the detailed<br />

analysis carried out by Alis<strong>on</strong> Des Forges 8 for Human Rights Watch, signifi<br />

cantly titled Leave N<strong>on</strong>e to Tell the Story, of the preparati<strong>on</strong> and enactment<br />

of the Rwanda genocide, it appears tragically that if the press<br />

had clamoured much louder dur<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the period 1991-1993, if they had<br />

rema<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ed <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> or entered the country <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> April 1994, the United States<br />

could not have turned a bl<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>d eye and refused to talk of genocide,<br />

and the perpetrators could have been stopped. The Rwandan government<br />

was so scared of the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al reacti<strong>on</strong> that it took the departure<br />

of the journalists and the unenthusiastic journalistic cover, as<br />

a «license to kill». In April, the three ma<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> American televisi<strong>on</strong> stati<strong>on</strong>s<br />

devoted 32 m<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>utes to Rwanda, <strong>on</strong>e and a half percent of their news<br />

programmes 9 . Between April and June, fi ve people were murdered<br />

every m<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ute, as was known, but not seen, by all. The genocide was<br />

the equivalent of twice as many 9/11 victims, every day for <strong>on</strong>e hundred<br />

days.<br />

The same doubts arose <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> c<strong>on</strong>necti<strong>on</strong> with Darfur, caus<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g a representative<br />

of a human rights defence organisati<strong>on</strong> to exclaim: «Journalists<br />

do not cover genocides. They simply cover their anniversaries».<br />

Whilst the most serious exacti<strong>on</strong>s carried out by the Janjaweed militia<br />

aga<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>st the Black African populati<strong>on</strong> took place <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Autumn 2003,<br />

the American press <strong>on</strong>ly really began to cover the humanitarian crisis<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> April 2004. When thousands of people had already been killed and<br />

more than a milli<strong>on</strong> had been displaced.<br />

6 Peter BALAKIAN: The Burn<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g Tigris, The Armenian Genocide and America’s Resp<strong>on</strong>se,<br />

HarperColl<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>s Publishers, New York, 2004, 475 pp.<br />

7 BREITMAN, Richard: Offi cal Secrets, What the Nazis Planned, What the British and<br />

Americans knew, Allen Lane, The Pengu<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Press, L<strong>on</strong>d<strong>on</strong>, 1998.<br />

8 Human Rights Watch/FIDH, Leave N<strong>on</strong>e to Tell The Story, New York, 1999,<br />

798 pp.<br />

9 MOELLER, Susan: Compassi<strong>on</strong> Fatigue, Routledge, L<strong>on</strong>d<strong>on</strong>, 1999, p. 283.


108 JEAN-PAUL MARTHOZ<br />

1. Courage<br />

«No <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong>, no photo is worth the life of a journalist», exclaimed<br />

a lead<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g fi gure <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the American press a few years ago. At the<br />

risk of appear<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>decent, we believe however, that there is certa<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong><br />

that is worth tak<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g a risk for: war crimes, crimes aga<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>st humanity,<br />

and genocide are such examples of the need to <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>form, and<br />

come under the written obligati<strong>on</strong> to be found <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the C<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong> of<br />

9 th December 1948 which imposes a duty <strong>on</strong> all States to «prevent,<br />

suppress and punish» the crime of genocide.<br />

To put the questi<strong>on</strong> of journalism faced with humanitarian crises is<br />

to put the questi<strong>on</strong> of journalists» security <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> war z<strong>on</strong>es and of the resp<strong>on</strong>sibility<br />

of every<strong>on</strong>e to guarantee their protecti<strong>on</strong> as called for under<br />

the Geneva C<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>s. But it is also to talk of courage. Every day,<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> many countries, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Colombia, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Algeria, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the Great Lakes Regi<strong>on</strong>,<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Iraq, journalists take risks to defend the right to knowledge and the<br />

right to speak. In Sarajevo, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> East Timor, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the Middle East, journalists<br />

have died because they wanted to report barbaric <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>cidents. I would<br />

like to pay tribute to these «media bandits», to these journalists who<br />

avoid the government <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong> and press services, who jump over<br />

barriers, force roadblocks, and cross the l<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>e of fi re, also to these humanitarian<br />

workers who work <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> these distant and outlawed places, far<br />

from the CNN cameras, and without whom world news would be even<br />

more brief and frivolous. I would <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> particular like to pay tribute to Daniel<br />

Pearl, of the Wall Street Journal, beheaded by his extremists captors<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Pakistan, to Elizabeth Neuffer, of the Bost<strong>on</strong> Globe, who after hav<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

written <strong>on</strong>e of the most powerful books <strong>on</strong> the Balkan massacres, met<br />

her death <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Iraq. But I would above all like to remember those journalists<br />

who were killed far from the limelight. I am th<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>k<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of Miguel Gil<br />

of the Associated Press and Kurt Schork of Reuters, who died <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Sierra<br />

Le<strong>on</strong>e, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> <strong>on</strong>e of these rotten and forgotten c<strong>on</strong>fl icts which led some of<br />

the public to turn their eyes away or to zap to the next channel.<br />

For a l<strong>on</strong>g time now the press card no l<strong>on</strong>ger protects aga<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>st bullets.<br />

In many war z<strong>on</strong>es, journalists have become legitimate targets,<br />

the tak<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of hostages has become part of the normal panoply of the<br />

warlords, government soldiers are shutt<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g off the battlefi elds. Silence,<br />

we’re kill<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g. Every<strong>on</strong>e is <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>volved: <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> August 2004, the new Iraqi Army<br />

forced journalists to leave the town of Najaf under siege. August 27 th ,<br />

Enzo Bald<strong>on</strong>i, of the Milan Diario della Settimana, was shot down by<br />

his captors from the so-called «Islamic Army of Iraq».<br />

While it had become customary to w<strong>on</strong>der at the latest possibilities<br />

offered by new <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong> and communicati<strong>on</strong> technologies, at the


FORBIDDEN JOURNALISM: TRIBUTE TO THE INFORMATION THIEVES 109<br />

miracles of live televisi<strong>on</strong> and Internet, most post-modern wars take<br />

place <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> camera. CNN, which had set up its cameras and deployed it<br />

satellite antennas <strong>on</strong> the roofs of the Al-Rashid Hotel <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Baghdad, dur<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

the Gulf War, stayed clear of Chechnya;. too dangerous.<br />

2. News as a Commodity<br />

However, physical fear is not the <strong>on</strong>ly reas<strong>on</strong> for the withdrawal<br />

of war corresp<strong>on</strong>dents because <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the world of journalism <strong>on</strong>e will<br />

always fi nd enough scarred veterans, enough ambitious and crazy<br />

young people, enough rebels, to follow powder and blood. The media<br />

ec<strong>on</strong>omy is just as determ<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g. «The greatest risk for <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al<br />

news, said Seymour Topp<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g, former chief editor of the New<br />

York Times, is the c<strong>on</strong>centrati<strong>on</strong> of ownership and the search for<br />

profi t, as is its tendency to not assume any resp<strong>on</strong>sibility except that<br />

of its own account<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g.»<br />

After many years marked by c<strong>on</strong>centrati<strong>on</strong>s, privatisati<strong>on</strong>s and the<br />

m<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gl<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of the press and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dustry, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong>, especially the televisi<strong>on</strong>,<br />

has become a commodity. Whilst <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> most democracies, a few titles<br />

and a few quality programmes still prosper <strong>on</strong> an ambitious and<br />

rati<strong>on</strong>al c<strong>on</strong>cepti<strong>on</strong> of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong>, <strong>on</strong>ly a m<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ority of the public views<br />

them. Internati<strong>on</strong>al news is the fi rst victim of this duality between an<br />

elite press and a more general public press. Especially <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the United<br />

States, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al cover has c<strong>on</strong>stantly decreased over the last ten<br />

years. The time and space devoted to it has been reduced —a drop of<br />

72 percent for the major American stati<strong>on</strong>s s<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ce the 1970s—, many<br />

foreign offi ces have been closed down and the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al menu of<br />

the ma<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> televisi<strong>on</strong> programmes or of the ma<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> regi<strong>on</strong>al papers is usually<br />

limited to a few sensati<strong>on</strong>al pictures and to a meagre and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>coherent<br />

selecti<strong>on</strong> of news fl ashes. September 11 and the wars <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Afghanistan<br />

and Iraq have naturally changed the situati<strong>on</strong> somewhat but this<br />

return of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al news to mass media is short-term because it is<br />

not <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>spired by the recogniti<strong>on</strong> of the importance of the world, but<br />

more by its current closeness to home.<br />

In the United States, the country which so much determ<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>es the acti<strong>on</strong><br />

or <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>acti<strong>on</strong> of the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al community, the media apartheid<br />

has become a reality: <strong>on</strong>ly 4% of the populati<strong>on</strong> can be c<strong>on</strong>sidered<br />

to be well <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formed <strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al events. The rema<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>der sways between<br />

naïve ignorance and half-yearly media enthusiasm: Somalia and<br />

Bosnia <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> 1992, South Africa and Rwanda <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> 1994, Kosovo and East<br />

Timor <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> 1999, the war aga<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>st terrorism and Afghanistan <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> 2001, Iraq


110 JEAN-PAUL MARTHOZ<br />

and the Sudan <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> 2004. This slots <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> between O.J. Simps<strong>on</strong>, Lady Di,<br />

M<strong>on</strong>ica Lew<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>sky or Schwarzenegger.<br />

This commoditisati<strong>on</strong> of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong> has a travell<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g compani<strong>on</strong>:<br />

the reign of communicati<strong>on</strong>. Special reporters, already castigated by<br />

an <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>fota<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ment logic which favours mass journalism and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>stant <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong>,<br />

usually found far from the scene of battle, such as Grenada,<br />

Kuwait, Kosovo, Chechnya, Afghanistan, Iraq or the Sudan,<br />

c<strong>on</strong>stitute a w<strong>on</strong>derful manipulative plebe for the military specialists<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> psychological warfare and the communicati<strong>on</strong> directors of the big<br />

NGOs.<br />

Swear<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g that they would not be caught out aga<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>, journalists fi nd<br />

themselves between two syndromes: that of Timisoara, which taught<br />

them to be wary of emphases and fabulati<strong>on</strong>s, and that of Srebrenica,<br />

which makes them afraid of miss<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g a crime aga<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>st humanity or a<br />

genocide. Paradoxically, whilst humanitarian mobilisati<strong>on</strong> depended<br />

ma<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ly <strong>on</strong> the availability of images, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> East Timor, Kosovo and recently<br />

to a certa<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> extent <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Darfur, it is the denial of access and the absence<br />

of images that was <strong>on</strong>e of the ma<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> causes for <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dignati<strong>on</strong> and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terventi<strong>on</strong>.<br />

«The reference to Srebrenica, said Jean-Christophe Rufi n 10<br />

when talk<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of Kosovo, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>troduces <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>to the political arena/discussi<strong>on</strong><br />

what philosophers call a «parousic» dimensi<strong>on</strong>. Parousia is the moment<br />

where the hidden is revealed. When talk<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of Kosovo, the example of<br />

Srebrenica c<strong>on</strong>t<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>uously gives rise to the fear that someth<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g more serious<br />

will be revealed than what had already been found. The idea that<br />

the real drama exceeds the visible drama will lead to experienc<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the<br />

Kosovo crisis <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> a virtual mode. <strong>Humanitarian</strong>s, for the fi rst time, no<br />

l<strong>on</strong>ger have the need to alert public op<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>i<strong>on</strong> by a descripti<strong>on</strong> of the<br />

facts, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>sofar as a certa<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> secti<strong>on</strong> of the public, the American public,<br />

will c<strong>on</strong>t<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ue to be c<strong>on</strong>v<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ced that these facts are <strong>on</strong>ly the tip of the<br />

iceberg and that all will be revealed <strong>on</strong>e day, as was the case with the<br />

Bosnian mass graves.»<br />

Even if this «parousic» dimensi<strong>on</strong> has enabled humanitarian actors»<br />

determ<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ati<strong>on</strong> to be re<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>forced and has encouraged the «<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al<br />

community» to do someth<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Kosovo, the gap between sensati<strong>on</strong>al<br />

journalism and the reality <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the fi eld can harm/ <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>fl uence of<br />

humanitarian <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong> and thus <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terventi<strong>on</strong> possibilities. It could be<br />

discourag<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g. Journalists, encouraged by extravagant declarati<strong>on</strong>s, run<br />

the risk of transferr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g their scepticisms and doubts <strong>on</strong>to <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong><br />

10 Kosovo: échec ou espoir?, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Des Choix Diffi ciles, les dilemmes moraux de<br />

l’humanitaire, Under the guidance of J<strong>on</strong>athan Moore, Gallimard, Paris, 1999, p. 397.


FORBIDDEN JOURNALISM: TRIBUTE TO THE INFORMATION THIEVES 111<br />

from NGOs. At the cost of <strong>on</strong>ce aga<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> underestimat<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the extent of<br />

the crisis. In the grey areas of the «nasty little wars» of the start of this<br />

century, truth and sobriety are imperative.<br />

3. New C<strong>on</strong>fl icts<br />

The chang<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g nature of c<strong>on</strong>fl icts also expla<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>s the uneas<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ess found<br />

am<strong>on</strong>gst journalists. S<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ce the end of the Cold War, which offered a<br />

logical framework and a clear understand<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of all crises, issues and<br />

the divid<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g l<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>es between good and evil have become blurred. Recent<br />

c<strong>on</strong>fl icts have eroded the c<strong>on</strong>cept of «entitlement». In most wars, from<br />

Liberia to the Ivory Coast, from Ituri (C<strong>on</strong>go) to Darfur (the Sudan),<br />

from the Jaffna Pen<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>sula to the kill<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g fi elds of High Magdalena (Colombia),<br />

there are no l<strong>on</strong>ger many combatants who will be idealised<br />

by public op<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>i<strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the North. There are no l<strong>on</strong>ger any good rebels:<br />

the Islamic slaughterers, Tamil terrorists, Chechen hostage-takers, Hutu<br />

génocidaires and the Colombian narco-guerilleros have banished to the<br />

attic the broken dreams of 1970s romanticism. Afghan «freedom fi ghters»<br />

have become the Taliban, and President Kabila is not as <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>spir<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

as Che Guevara.<br />

Very often, there aren’t even any good victims. In the course of<br />

ethnic c<strong>on</strong>fl icts, c<strong>on</strong>fusi<strong>on</strong> has spread. Whilst <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Sarajevo it was possible<br />

to choose your side, to feel sympathy for the besieged populati<strong>on</strong><br />

and even to attribute the most sombre role to the Serb forces, whilst <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

Rwanda <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> 1994 the blame <strong>on</strong> Hutu Power and the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>nocence of the<br />

Tutsi victims were without doubt, c<strong>on</strong>fusi<strong>on</strong> reigned <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the Hutu refugee<br />

camps <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> C<strong>on</strong>go when victims of this humanitarian crisis more mediatised<br />

than the genocide itself, were suspected of be<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g murderers<br />

and therefore guilty.<br />

The <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>credible and apparently irrati<strong>on</strong>al brutality of the civil wars<br />

adds complexity to the situati<strong>on</strong>. The massacre by machete of hundreds<br />

of thousands of Tutsis <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Rwanda, the amputati<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Sierra Le<strong>on</strong>e, the<br />

executi<strong>on</strong>s of Colombian peasants, the exacti<strong>on</strong>s committed by the<br />

Janjaweed militias <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the Sudan, appear, literally, to be <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>comprehensible.<br />

The refl ex is therefore to simplify, to take for sole explanati<strong>on</strong> ancestral<br />

hatreds and tribal divisi<strong>on</strong>s, or to take refuge <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> unsuitable historical<br />

(the Holocaust) or localised (the comparis<strong>on</strong> between the chaos<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Mogadishu and gang warfare <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Los Angeles) analogies, which c<strong>on</strong>fuse<br />

more than clarify.<br />

«In three m<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>utes <strong>on</strong>e cannot expla<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> several centuries of hatred»:<br />

it was <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> these terms and referr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g to pictures show<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g Iranian Islamic


112 JEAN-PAUL MARTHOZ<br />

dem<strong>on</strong>strators that <strong>on</strong>e of the best public American televisi<strong>on</strong> programmes<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the early 80s, the McNeil/Lehrer NewsHour, advertised itself,<br />

thus underl<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the damage caused by the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong> ec<strong>on</strong>omy,<br />

or rather the ec<strong>on</strong>omy <strong>on</strong> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong>. In the world of media and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

particular <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the televisi<strong>on</strong> world marked by the competiti<strong>on</strong> for the<br />

highest audience, most televisi<strong>on</strong> channels d<strong>on</strong>’t even have these three<br />

m<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>utes needed to expla<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the «centuries of hatred». Their <strong>on</strong>ly recourse<br />

is a stereotyped form of comment<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <strong>on</strong> selected images, follow<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

a certa<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> market<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g logic, and their dramatic character is obta<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ed<br />

through copy<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the fast rhythm of a thriller series.<br />

Three problems emerge from this c<strong>on</strong>cepti<strong>on</strong> of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong>: the<br />

impressi<strong>on</strong> of dizz<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ess and of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>signifi cance whereas the repetiti<strong>on</strong> of<br />

the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong> would allow it to be really brought home to the public<br />

and to the leaders; the excessiveness of the horror which, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>stead of<br />

provok<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dignati<strong>on</strong> and acti<strong>on</strong> am<strong>on</strong>g the audience, plunges it <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>to<br />

numbness and oblivi<strong>on</strong>; the simplifi cati<strong>on</strong>, even a caricature, of the orig<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>s<br />

of c<strong>on</strong>fl icts. Yet, by defi n<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g a c<strong>on</strong>fl ict, by nam<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g it, <strong>on</strong>e also determ<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>es<br />

the soluti<strong>on</strong>s, which have to be sought. What is there to do<br />

when faced with a «millennium of hatred» except offer help to the victims<br />

or else ignore them and change televisi<strong>on</strong> channel? And yet there<br />

is someth<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g that can be d<strong>on</strong>e, acti<strong>on</strong> can be taken aga<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>st the perpetrators,<br />

if this hatred really is as it is described: government programm<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

of a genocide. Someth<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g else can be d<strong>on</strong>e, if the violence of<br />

killers is l<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ked to globalisati<strong>on</strong> and to the crim<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>alisati<strong>on</strong> of the world<br />

ec<strong>on</strong>omy.<br />

4. Understand<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> order to Act<br />

Understand<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g this c<strong>on</strong>text is essential to establish humanitarian acti<strong>on</strong><br />

and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> order to th<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>k of a susta<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>able soluti<strong>on</strong> for crisis situati<strong>on</strong>s.<br />

Indeed, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the world of media where sensati<strong>on</strong>alism is k<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g, it is easy to<br />

shock and mobilise public op<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>i<strong>on</strong> but even easier to frighten people<br />

and cause them to switch off. Images of the fam<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>e and war <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Somalia<br />

create an atmosphere where <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terventi<strong>on</strong> is desired, and images of<br />

martyred American soldiers create such feel<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gs of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dignati<strong>on</strong> that call<br />

for withdrawal.<br />

It is necessary for journalists as well as human rights organisati<strong>on</strong>s<br />

to analyse the historical causes and the ec<strong>on</strong>omic c<strong>on</strong>text —areas so<br />

often forgotten <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> this post-Marxist and «end of time» era—, to enquire<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>to the proliferati<strong>on</strong> of state and n<strong>on</strong>-state actors, and to unravel<br />

the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terc<strong>on</strong>necti<strong>on</strong> of local and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al authorities, s<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ce


FORBIDDEN JOURNALISM: TRIBUTE TO THE INFORMATION THIEVES 113<br />

they cannot expect to have any impact if they denounce the existence<br />

of evil without be<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g c<strong>on</strong>cerned with the root causes of such evil.<br />

Only a detailed c<strong>on</strong>fl ict analysis will ensure that the c<strong>on</strong>fl ict will not<br />

<strong>on</strong>ly be described <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> relati<strong>on</strong> to its brutalities and violence and to prevent<br />

them from nurtur<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the feel<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of scorn vis-à-vis these cursed<br />

peoples and c<strong>on</strong>t<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ents which have fallen prey to the profi t and loss of<br />

modernity.<br />

The choice of journalism affects the choice of acti<strong>on</strong> taken. The <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>creased<br />

dist<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>cti<strong>on</strong> between two <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>creas<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gly divided classes of media,<br />

quality press and sensati<strong>on</strong>al press, has meant that public op<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>i<strong>on</strong><br />

has equally been divided as to the soluti<strong>on</strong>s. Fed by «journalistic junk<br />

food», the general public falls back <strong>on</strong>to the easy soluti<strong>on</strong> of provid<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

aid to the victims, rather then stopp<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g to c<strong>on</strong>sider the means of stopp<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

the carnage. Rwanda offers a poignant example of this. Whilst<br />

televisi<strong>on</strong> channels were show<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g pictures of civilian massacres, sometimes<br />

with<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> range of UN soldiers» revolvers, it was <strong>on</strong>ly a few m<strong>on</strong>ths<br />

later, when a cholera epidemic broke out <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Hutu refugee camps <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

Goma, that the American public started to show its generosity.<br />

For quality press viewers, where explanati<strong>on</strong> has priority over emoti<strong>on</strong>,<br />

the equati<strong>on</strong> is different. This type of c<strong>on</strong>fl ict raises not <strong>on</strong>ly the<br />

questi<strong>on</strong> of assistance and aid to victims, but also that of the neutralisati<strong>on</strong><br />

of the perpetrators. The right to <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>tervene has shifted: from access<br />

to victims over borders, to the right to track down their executi<strong>on</strong>ers.<br />

Pity has turned <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>to the right to justice.<br />

Even though the hunt<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g down of Somali warlords <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the streets of<br />

Mogadishu <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> 1992 showed the limits <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> this shift towards military operati<strong>on</strong>s,<br />

it is <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> these terms that many journalists and researchers from<br />

human rights organisati<strong>on</strong>s th<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>k of the c<strong>on</strong>fl icts they cover. In recent<br />

years <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>deed, we have seen that the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong> we have <strong>on</strong> civilian<br />

massacres, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>evitably called for <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>vestigati<strong>on</strong>s <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>to their executi<strong>on</strong>ers,<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>to the cha<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> of command and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>to <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terventi<strong>on</strong> methods to br<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g an<br />

end to war crimes and crimes aga<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>st humanity. The creati<strong>on</strong> of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al<br />

crim<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>al courts, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> place of heavy-handed <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terventi<strong>on</strong>s, is <strong>on</strong>ly<br />

a postp<strong>on</strong>ed versi<strong>on</strong>; some would say a watered-down versi<strong>on</strong>, of this<br />

desire to br<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g those resp<strong>on</strong>sible to justice.<br />

5. A New Form of Journalism<br />

These new c<strong>on</strong>fl icts call for new forms of journalism. At the most<br />

technical level, they call for new ways of prepar<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g reports and of the<br />

rec<strong>on</strong>sider<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of editorial organisati<strong>on</strong>al methods. What po<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>t is there,


114 JEAN-PAUL MARTHOZ<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> these times of fast-mov<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g globalisati<strong>on</strong>, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the almost complete<br />

separati<strong>on</strong> of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al news services, of nati<strong>on</strong>al politics, of ec<strong>on</strong>omics,<br />

of developments <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> society and miscellaneous news? Like food<br />

scares which rope <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> all editors —from the agricultural editor to the European<br />

corresp<strong>on</strong>dent, from the medical columnist to the political editorialist—,<br />

humanitarian crises cover almost all these areas. The situati<strong>on</strong><br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the Great Lakes Regi<strong>on</strong> for example is of as much c<strong>on</strong>cern to<br />

the diam<strong>on</strong>d ec<strong>on</strong>omy specialist as to the arms traffi ck<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g specialist,<br />

the military chr<strong>on</strong>icler, the African specialist, the pers<strong>on</strong> resp<strong>on</strong>sible for<br />

immigrati<strong>on</strong>s and asylum matters, the United Nati<strong>on</strong>s corresp<strong>on</strong>dent,<br />

and the diplomatic commentator. The challenge of this «transversal» or<br />

«<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>tegral» journalism is to br<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g back mean<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g to the news.<br />

6. «Journalism with Mean<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g»<br />

The world, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>deed, as Zaki Laïdi so well put it, is «devoid of mean<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g»<br />

11 . And for this reas<strong>on</strong> today, the battle of words and ideas is just as<br />

important as, if not more than, the war of pictures. To support the humanitarian<br />

cause, it is no l<strong>on</strong>ger suffi cient <strong>on</strong>ly to plant <strong>on</strong>es cameras<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> fr<strong>on</strong>t of suffer<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g, <strong>on</strong>e must fi rst expla<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> its causes. It is equally just<br />

as, and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>creas<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gly, important to imag<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>e the soluti<strong>on</strong>s, and particularly<br />

to offer an <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terpretati<strong>on</strong> of the world which neither ends up <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

cynicism or <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> despair.<br />

Sombre and catastrophe books such as those by Robert Kaplan,<br />

The Ends of the Earth 12 or The Com<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g Anarchy 13 , are just as important<br />

as CNN images because, when <strong>on</strong>e realises that they are read by heads<br />

of state or political readers and that they are discussed dur<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g numerous<br />

sem<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ars <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> political circles, they provide a powerful code to understand<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

current affairs and are a c<strong>on</strong>stant reference <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> political decisi<strong>on</strong>-mak<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g.<br />

«Mean<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gful journalism» raises ethical issues <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong> and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>troduces<br />

the dilemma of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>volvement. No cause justifi es the downgrad<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

of the quality of journalism and of democratic debate. As a matter<br />

of pr<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ciple: because, for humanitarians and journalists, the end should<br />

not justify the means, because solidarity should never overlook the<br />

truth. Similarly, issues of effi ciency should not compromise the truth,<br />

11 Un M<strong>on</strong>de Privé de Sens, Fayard, Paris, 1994.<br />

12 Random House, New York, 1997, 476 pp.<br />

13 Random House, New York, 2000, 198 pp.


FORBIDDEN JOURNALISM: TRIBUTE TO THE INFORMATION THIEVES 115<br />

because the loss of credibility affects <strong>on</strong>e’s capacity to act <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the l<strong>on</strong>g<br />

term.<br />

Thus, dur<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the c<strong>on</strong>fl ict <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Kosovo, human rights organisati<strong>on</strong>s<br />

suffered from NATO’s communicati<strong>on</strong> and propaganda policies. Their<br />

methodical gather<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g and verifi cati<strong>on</strong> of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong> suffered under<br />

the sensati<strong>on</strong>alist accusati<strong>on</strong>s made dur<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g Evere briefi ngs which made<br />

them look as if they were additi<strong>on</strong>al forces <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terventi<strong>on</strong>. In this<br />

over-mediatised c<strong>on</strong>fusi<strong>on</strong>, their words became hidden and doubts encouraged<br />

by war propaganda also affected them.<br />

7. Objectivity or Truth?<br />

One should be as wary of the rule of objectivity as of the choice of<br />

partiality. In recent c<strong>on</strong>fl icts, partiality guided many journalists» reports<br />

disgusted by the brutality and the perversity <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the aggressors» camp.<br />

However, even though the feel<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of humanity legitimately leads journalists<br />

to choose the side of the victim —the Tutsis and moderate Hutus<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Rwanda, the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>habitants of Sarajevo <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Bosnia, the black African<br />

people <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Darfur— this does not dispense them of their obligati<strong>on</strong> to<br />

tell the truth particularly about the acts and strategies of the victims»<br />

leaders.<br />

Objectivity can nevertheless also be a mask<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g force, when it merely<br />

tries, as if it were an apothecary of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong>, to strike a balance between<br />

freedom of speech and speak<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g time. «A journalist should be<br />

objective, but a journalist cannot be neutral, said Elie Wiesel, when<br />

dem<strong>on</strong>strat<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the futility of the theory of objectivity <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the face of the<br />

ignom<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>y of the Holocaust. Neutrality does not hurt the executi<strong>on</strong>er, it<br />

<strong>on</strong>ly affects the victim».<br />

Objectivity does not rhyme with accountability, it is not acceptable<br />

to say «<strong>on</strong>e m<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ute for Hitler, <strong>on</strong>e m<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ute for the Jews». In Rwanda, for<br />

many American channels, it was <strong>on</strong>e m<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ute for the genocide committed<br />

by militias and the Hutu government, and <strong>on</strong>e m<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ute for the war<br />

crimes committed by the Tutsi army, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> this way cover<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g up the reality<br />

of the horror, dilut<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g resp<strong>on</strong>sibilities and justify<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>acti<strong>on</strong>,<br />

by relegat<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g both camps to the scandal of violence 14 .<br />

14 Jean-Paul MARTHOZ: Le journaliste, un témo<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> engagé, UNESCO, Paris, décembre<br />

1994.


116 JEAN-PAUL MARTHOZ<br />

8. Prem<strong>on</strong>itory Journalism<br />

Human rights organisati<strong>on</strong>s are faced with the same dilemmas as<br />

journalists. Very often, humanitarians are witnesses of history. «When<br />

events give rise to revisi<strong>on</strong>s, negati<strong>on</strong>s, the search for truth, passi<strong>on</strong>ate<br />

speeches, humanitarian actors, writes Claud<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>e Vidal, as eye witnesses<br />

claim<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g to be <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>dependent of the belligerents, become the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formants<br />

of professi<strong>on</strong>al historians 15 .»<br />

However, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> this world of emergencies and right of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terventi<strong>on</strong>,<br />

documentati<strong>on</strong> of war crimes, gather<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of testim<strong>on</strong>ies of sexual violence<br />

or mutilati<strong>on</strong>, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong> <strong>on</strong> acts of genocide, all come too<br />

late. If classical techniques of denunciati<strong>on</strong> and enquiry make it possible<br />

to support the ensu<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g struggle aga<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>st impunity, as dem<strong>on</strong>strated<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the sett<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g up of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al crim<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>al courts or the «P<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ochet<br />

precedent», they appear to be <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>creas<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>gly derisory vis-à-vis «live<br />

crimes».<br />

It is for this reas<strong>on</strong> that, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> recent years, from Kosovo to Chechnya,<br />

from Sierra Le<strong>on</strong>e to Darfur, Human Rights Watch, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> additi<strong>on</strong> to its<br />

role as a historian of horror, has been try<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g to also be a witness and a<br />

chr<strong>on</strong>icler of current history. In order to force the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al community<br />

to act, and <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> order to forbid it from th<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>k<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g that it could, several<br />

years later, present its excuses to the victims by argu<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g that it did not<br />

know or that it did not appreciate the full extent of the horror of the<br />

crime.<br />

The role of journalism is to report events, but who decides when<br />

any situati<strong>on</strong> becomes an event? The sett<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g-up of the murder<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

structure by the Hutu Power <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> 1993 was not an event, the genocide<br />

was. Must we leave to the génocidaires of this world the freedom to<br />

choose, machete <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> full view, the moment when an event should start<br />

claim<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the attenti<strong>on</strong> of the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al press? It is at this po<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>t that<br />

the challenge of «prem<strong>on</strong>itory journalism» is posed. Whilst prevent<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

c<strong>on</strong>fl icts is not the primary missi<strong>on</strong> of journalists, it is to <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>form<br />

the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ternati<strong>on</strong>al community of the imm<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ence of these c<strong>on</strong>fl icts. It is<br />

through this acti<strong>on</strong> that journalists rec<strong>on</strong>cile their professi<strong>on</strong>al ethics<br />

with their humanitarian beliefs. The war <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Kosovo provides us with a<br />

clear example. Whilst the media managed to ma<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ta<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> focused attenti<strong>on</strong><br />

<strong>on</strong> the humanitarian crisis due to their fl ock<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g to the borders dur<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

the war <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Kosovo, it is imperative to questi<strong>on</strong> the role they could<br />

15 Claud<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>e VIDAL: Les humanitaires, témo<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>s pour l’histoire, Les Temps Modernes,<br />

April-May-June 2004, p. 92.


FORBIDDEN JOURNALISM: TRIBUTE TO THE INFORMATION THIEVES 117<br />

have had before the c<strong>on</strong>fl ict, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> anticipat<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g and help<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g to prevent it.<br />

Every<strong>on</strong>e knew about the drama which was unfold<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Kosovo. Ever<br />

s<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ce 1989, analysts were warn<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g aga<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>st the apartheid policies that<br />

Milosevic was enforc<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g. And ever s<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ce 1990, Human Rights Watch,<br />

am<strong>on</strong>gst others, was relat<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g human rights abuses, beh<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>d which a<br />

logic of violence and exclusi<strong>on</strong> existed.<br />

This crisis was an «announced crisis» and most of the quality<br />

press have articles and programmes <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> their archives, which describe,<br />

sporadically, the oppressi<strong>on</strong> of the Albanian majority <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Kosovo. But<br />

was it suffi cient <strong>on</strong>ly to «cover» <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the more classical sense of journalism,<br />

or should more noise have been made? Not <strong>on</strong>ly do the tragedies<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> ex-Yugoslavia, as with those <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Central Africa, rest up<strong>on</strong> a<br />

noti<strong>on</strong> of <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>volved journalism, but also up<strong>on</strong> journalism with its «prem<strong>on</strong>itory»<br />

functi<strong>on</strong>, like the image of the canary <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> coal m<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>es who<br />

alerted to the presence of fi redamp and to the imm<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ence of an explosi<strong>on</strong>.<br />

Whilst journalism does not enterta<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the all-mighty power that<br />

some demagogues affi rm it does, journalism must nevertheless attempt,<br />

when the commissi<strong>on</strong> of crimes aga<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>st humanity is announced,<br />

to change some of the more classical rules <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong> and the more<br />

c<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>al defi niti<strong>on</strong> of nati<strong>on</strong>al <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>terests.<br />

It is perhaps at this stage that tensi<strong>on</strong> can arise between «diplomatic»<br />

journalism, tempted to follow the pragmatic or sensitive logic<br />

of power, and the more radical and prophetic human rights journalism.<br />

Practiti<strong>on</strong>ers of the fi rst form made a mistake with their proximity<br />

to the Dayt<strong>on</strong> negotiators who, to stop the war <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Bosnia-Herzegov<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>a,<br />

negotiated with Milosevic and stepped back from tackl<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g the whole<br />

extent of the Balkan problems, thus turn<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g their eyes away from an<br />

already foam<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g/bubbl<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g crisis <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Kosovo. Practiti<strong>on</strong>ers of the sec<strong>on</strong>d<br />

form of journalism were not able to dem<strong>on</strong>strate the reality of Milosevic’s<br />

system with suffi cient force, nor were they able to suggest any<br />

scenarios, which could have ensured the stopp<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g of this <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>fernal spiral<br />

of violence. More than ever before, the war <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Kosovo rendered vital<br />

the creati<strong>on</strong> of a less c<strong>on</strong>venti<strong>on</strong>al defi niti<strong>on</strong> of what makes good<br />

«headl<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>es» because, as can be seen aga<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>, today’s «neglected c<strong>on</strong>fl<br />

icts» can become tomorrow’s humanitarian tragedies. Five years after,<br />

however, editors have followed the Darfur crisis <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> exactly the same<br />

way. First neglected, it then exploded <strong>on</strong>to our headl<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>es, after more<br />

then 10.000 people had been killed and more than <strong>on</strong>e milli<strong>on</strong> had<br />

been displaced…


118 JEAN-PAUL MARTHOZ<br />

9. Aga<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>st the Tide<br />

There is a corollary to this remark: courage. It is not the time for<br />

physical courage to face the snipers and killers, but the courage to<br />

swim aga<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>st the tide of the rules of the <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>formati<strong>on</strong> bus<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>ess. Courage<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> stand<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g up to editors by fi ght<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g for subjects that no market<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g<br />

director would want to cauti<strong>on</strong>; courage vis-à-vis the general public<br />

which often is look<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> the news for c<strong>on</strong>fi rmati<strong>on</strong> of its own prejudices<br />

and justifi cati<strong>on</strong> of its <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>difference; courage vis-à-vis its peers,<br />

tempted by gregarious journalism. «Journalism, said George Orwell,<br />

does not c<strong>on</strong>sist <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> giv<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g people what they want, but <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> tell<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g them<br />

what they do not want to hear». It sometimes takes more courage to<br />

stand up to the laws of the market and the trumpets of fame than to<br />

enter a town under siege. Paradoxically, today, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> a media envir<strong>on</strong>ment<br />

that encourages the journalist to be a follower, he/she must learn to be<br />

solitary <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> order to show solidarity.<br />

Bibliography<br />

BALAKIAN, Peter (2004): The Burn<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g Tigris, The Armenian Genocide and America’s<br />

Resp<strong>on</strong>se, HarperColl<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>s Publishers, New York, 475 pp.<br />

BREITMAN, Richard (1998): Offi cal Secrets, What the Nazis Planned, What the<br />

British and Americans knew, Allen Lane, The Pengu<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Press, L<strong>on</strong>d<strong>on</strong>,<br />

DES FORGES, Alis<strong>on</strong> (1999): «Human Rights Watch/FIDH», Leave N<strong>on</strong>e to Tell The<br />

Story, New York, 798 pp.<br />

KAPLAN, Robert (1997): The Ends of the Earth, Random House, New York, 476<br />

pp.<br />

KAPLAN, Robert (2000): The Com<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g Anarchy, Random House, New York, 198<br />

pp.<br />

LAÏDI, Zaki (1994): Un M<strong>on</strong>de Privé de Sens, Fayard, Paris.<br />

MARTHOZ, Jean-Paul (2003): Face au market<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g de guerre, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Irak, les medias<br />

dans la guerre, Actes Sud, Paris.<br />

MARTHOZ, Jean-Paul (1994): Le journaliste, un témo<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> engagé, UNESCO, Paris.<br />

MOELLER, Susan, (1999): Compassi<strong>on</strong> Fatigue, Routledge, L<strong>on</strong>d<strong>on</strong>, p. 283.<br />

NIVAT, Anne (2000): Chienne de Guerre and of La Guerre qui n’aura pas eu<br />

lieu, published <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Editi<strong>on</strong>s Fayard, Paris.<br />

POLIKOVSKAIA, Anna (2003): Tchétchénie: Le désh<strong>on</strong>neur russe, Buchet-Chastel,<br />

Paris, 185 pp.<br />

RUFIN, Jean-Christophe (1999): «Kosovo: échec ou espoir?, <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> Des Choix Diffi<br />

ciles, les dilemmes moraux de l’humanitaire», Under the guidance of<br />

J<strong>on</strong>athan Moore, Gallimard, Paris, p. 397.<br />

VIDAL, Claud<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>e (2004): «Les humanitaires, témo<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>s pour l’histoire», Les Temps<br />

Modernes, p. 92.


III<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>Work<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g> C<strong>on</strong>fl ict, <str<strong>on</strong>g>Work<str<strong>on</strong>g>in</str<strong>on</strong>g>g</str<strong>on</strong>g> <strong>on</strong> C<strong>on</strong>fl ict