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coal trade bulletin - Clpdigital.org

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known a State, or even a neighborhood, where<br />

the newspapers were not really friendly to its<br />

industries nor one where there was a disposition<br />

to be unfair if they were treated with the courtesy<br />

and consideration common between men of character<br />

and standing.<br />

While the newspaper is an important factor in<br />

recording public sentiment about industry, other<br />

elements are still more vital to its making or<br />

creation. Its sources lie in the men engaged in<br />

the <strong>org</strong>anization ancl conduct of business in all<br />

its ramifications. If they realize they<br />

HAVE OTHER DUTIES<br />

than the mining and the selling of <strong>coal</strong>; or Unbuilding<br />

and the running of railroads; or the<br />

cutting of lumber; or the management of factories;<br />

or the growing of crops; then they will<br />

so form and modify among themselves the feeling<br />

about industry that the resulting sentiment must<br />

be friendly. If they are sure that they understand<br />

each other and the motives and principles<br />

that move them there is not likely to be much<br />

question of opposition to what they do or want.<br />

Morally, they are guided by precepts and examples<br />

which have created precedents from<br />

which there is no escape because without these<br />

they could not long remain in business at all,<br />

but it is as desirable as it is necessary that the<br />

rigidity of these principles shall be constantly<br />

enforced.<br />

Another thing both desirable and necessary in<br />

the creation and maintenance of a wholesome<br />

public sentiment, based upon knowledge, is that<br />

the men of a given area, engaged in various<br />

undertakings of importance to all should inform<br />

themselves upon the other callings or branches of<br />

business carried on within the scope of their<br />

influence. In reality, the most vital feature in<br />

the formation of an instructed public sentiment<br />

is that men engaged in the varied industries of<br />

the world shall get an adequate idea of what<br />

ancl how those in other occupations may be<br />

thinking about the large questions that are of interest<br />

or important to all. The<br />

SCENES SO SHIFT<br />

that, in due course, something like a general<br />

understanding about many things may result and<br />

thus cure prejudice and narrowness.<br />

If the farmers of your State could really know<br />

the other commanding industries around them<br />

upon which their own prosperity depends, different<br />

as they are, in all respects from their own,<br />

and thus supplement the study of each by all,<br />

it would be impossible that serious misconceptions<br />

should arise or that the men engaged in one<br />

industry should permit themselves to do an injustice<br />

to those engaged in another. It would<br />

then be possible to resist strike legislation or<br />

THE COAL TRADE BULLETIN. 39<br />

proposed systems and methods of taxation or assessment<br />

known to be unjust, or the measures<br />

proposed in the interest of a class, because it<br />

would be clearly understood by all concerned that<br />

the cost which one was asked to pay would, in<br />

the end, have to be met by all. Such knowledge<br />

would promote a more careful study of the incidence<br />

of laws and show how difficult it is, even<br />

to impossibility, to lay upon one industry a burden<br />

which is not finally distributed over all.<br />

I was interested, recently, in the course of my<br />

reading, to come across an expression in a letter<br />

of Florence Nightingale to Sir William Wilson<br />

Hunter in which she said:<br />

"We should always place on record what we<br />

expect to accomplish by our acts of Parliament<br />

so that every measure should not be an experiment<br />

but an experience."<br />

How fortunate we should be, as a people, if,<br />

in all the relations which<br />

OUSINESS HOI.US TO THE LAW<br />

and its administration, we could command the<br />

results of experience rather than be subjected to<br />

the peril to which every ignorant agitator or<br />

legislator invites us when he proposes some experiment—many<br />

times one already tried with<br />

disaster as its only visible result.<br />

It must not be f<strong>org</strong>otten that the punishment<br />

incident to economic fallacies and blunders fall<br />

ultimately upon industry. It cannot escape payment<br />

of the bills when they are finally made up.<br />

If a President gets into a rage and indulges<br />

himself as a madman; if a Cabinet officer looks<br />

out for himself, leaving the country to suffer for<br />

his ignorance or indifference to its interests; if<br />

now one party and then another attaches itself<br />

to discredited doctrines—in every ease industry<br />

suffers and pays. One of the most interesting questions<br />

that we can ask ourselves—and as partisans<br />

none of us can be exempt from responsibility—is<br />

when shall we tire of thetask we have so often<br />

set for ourselves, of rewarding and honoring men<br />

for the mischief they have done or that we know<br />

they will do? If, as the natural effect of such<br />

confidence, there conies a great business catastrophe<br />

in which thousands of men are thrown<br />

out of employment, industry must bear the burden<br />

and it seldom falls upon the men who have<br />

made or precipitated the crisis.<br />

Nor can we throw the blame upon some undefined<br />

class or type of foreign voters or upon those<br />

sometimes called anarchists or socialists. I am<br />

sometimes inclined to fear that our principal<br />

STOCK IN TRADE,<br />

when it comes to these serious matters, is cowardice<br />

and that we seek to throw off our responsibilties<br />

upon imaginary persons or classes,

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