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Trade and Employment From Myths to Facts - International Labour ...

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<strong>Trade</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Employment</strong>: <strong>From</strong> <strong>Myths</strong> <strong>to</strong> <strong>Facts</strong><br />

increase efficiency <strong>and</strong>, ultimately, the net gains from trade liberalization. 13 For<br />

example, if a rigid labour market prevents workers moving from firms that are shrinking<br />

due <strong>to</strong> import competition <strong>to</strong> other firms that are exp<strong>and</strong>ing due <strong>to</strong> improved export<br />

opportunities, programmes that facilitate those moves may be efficiency-increasing. 14<br />

If financial markets are weak, private inves<strong>to</strong>rs may find it difficult <strong>to</strong> get the capital<br />

<strong>to</strong> move in<strong>to</strong> exp<strong>and</strong>ing sec<strong>to</strong>rs. Private adjustment activities that have positive externalities,<br />

such as on-the-job learning, which cannot be fully captured by firms that<br />

pay for them, may be subsidized <strong>to</strong> increase efficiency as well. Marcal (2001), for instance,<br />

finds some evidence that training under the US-TAA programme increases<br />

the re-employment rates, i.e. those trained have a higher probability <strong>to</strong> find a new<br />

job than those not trained.<br />

An argument for adjustment assistance linked <strong>to</strong> the equity context is the<br />

political economy consideration by which losers of trade-policy changes would be<br />

compensated in order <strong>to</strong> reduce opposition against that policy change. In agriculture,<br />

for example, the Australian Government provided farmers with special retirement<br />

schemes <strong>to</strong> compensate for losses resulting from its agricultural liberalization. The<br />

WTO Agreement on Agriculture (AoA) explicitly exempts such retirement schemes<br />

from reduction commitments (AoA Annex II). 15 Compensating opponents may in<br />

some cases be the only way <strong>to</strong> achieve necessary support for policy changes. Aho<br />

<strong>and</strong> Bayard (1984) argue that the alternative <strong>to</strong> special TAA programmes is increased<br />

trade barriers or greater difficulty in reducing existing trade restrictions because of<br />

the political power of the potential “losers”. Davidson <strong>and</strong> Matusz (2006) show that<br />

an optimal way <strong>to</strong> compensate those who have <strong>to</strong> move jobs is <strong>to</strong> offer a wage subsidy<br />

<strong>to</strong> them. 16 They also show that the optimal way <strong>to</strong> compensate losers who remain<br />

trapped in the import-competing sec<strong>to</strong>r is <strong>to</strong> offer an employment subsidy. In another<br />

paper, co-authored with Douglas Nelson (Davidson, Matusz <strong>and</strong> Nelson, 2007),<br />

the authors show that such policies can indeed increase voters’ support for trade<br />

liberalization.<br />

The public debate <strong>and</strong> also the economic literature focusing on equity concerns,<br />

though, tends <strong>to</strong> use the concept of compensation as a compensation for both the<br />

short-run <strong>and</strong> long-run losses suffered by individuals. This debate thus goes beyond<br />

the concept of “adjustment assistance” as it is used in this chapter. 17<br />

13 Laird <strong>and</strong> de Córdoba (2006), p. 63.<br />

14 See also WTO (2008), p. 154.<br />

15 A compensation policy for cot<strong>to</strong>n producers in developed countries that is not trade-dis<strong>to</strong>rting<br />

could perhaps also contribute <strong>to</strong> overcome difficulties in the current Doha Round.<br />

16 “Optimal policies” are defined here as policies that fully compensate losers while imposing the<br />

smallest dis<strong>to</strong>rtion on the economy.<br />

17 Another point worth noting is the one made by Baldwin (2006), who argues that resistance against<br />

liberalization decreases as liberalization increases since export-oriented enterprises would grow <strong>and</strong><br />

intensify lobbying while enterprises in sec<strong>to</strong>rs that are affected by import competition shrink <strong>and</strong><br />

lose political influence. Thus, the political economy argument is stronger for economies with<br />

relatively high protection.<br />

230

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