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Ἄνωθεν οἱ

Ἄνωθεν οἱ προφῆται in Dionysius’s Hermeneia, a source for the Mother of God surrounded by prophets? | 65 raphers surrounding Joachim and Anna appeared on the lower frames of the Ruthenian icons, painted within the territory of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. 70 What is interesting in this case is the fact that Saint Stephanes (probably the Sabbait monk and hymnographer) replaces Saint Theophanes in the row of hymnographers. Stephanes appears alongside Saint Joseph the Hymnographer, Saint Cosma of Majuma, and Saint John of Damascus. In conclusion, this subject ought to be understood in light of, and as a result of the growing popularity of Byzantine hymnography. This scene brought forth the poetic expression of the text inscribed on the Sinai icon and became most popular during the Paleologan era, among other depictions of different liturgical hymns. 71 The role of hymnography turned out to be crucial during the reigns of the Paleologan emperors, and some hymns became richly and largely illustrated cycles, among which the Akathist was central. It was also the time of the final flourishing in Byzantine music. “Rich coloraturas breaking the previous balance between music and words ”72 also grew to be very popular, as did the three Johns who represented that era: Glykus, Lampadarios and Papadopoulos Koukouzeles. It seems that the last period of Byzantine hymnography development is poorly understood. Such an example may be that of the works of John Papadopoulos, an extremely popular hymnographer, whose songs were copied in almost all of the Greek manuscripts dating to the period from the early 14 th to the early 19 th century, especially in codices coming from libraries of Mount Sinai and Mount Athos monasteries, as well as from those in Bulgaria; his works are however still overlooked or poorly studied. 73 Another popular poet and music theorist active in the second half of the 14 th century and in the early 15 th century was John Klades (called Lampadarios). 74 He was first choir singer and performed the office of “lamp bearer” in Hagia Sophia, in the capital of the Empire. His compositions, Cherubikon songs, kontakia, and troparia, were greatly admired in the 15 th century, as were the hymns of Philoteos Kokkinos, author of the 14 th century. 75 The troparion Ἄνωθεν οἱ προφῆται, a possible source or paradigm for the icons described herein, as stated by certain researchers, was sung straight before the liturgy. It was attributed to one of the Paleologan hymnographers: John Koukouzeles Papadopoulos from the Great Lavra monastery on Mount Athos, but it could also have been the work of John Kladas from Hagia Sophia in Constantinople. 76 Their names accompany the troparion in a manuscript dating back to 1425, and preserved in the Georgian monastery on Mount Athos (ms. Iviron 985). However, one should not exclude the possibility that the text of the troparion could also be linked with the much older canon of Saint Germanus of Constantinople, in particular the attributes of the Virgin Mary included in it. 77 Jean Gouillard believed that John Koukuozeles could have used one of the prophetic canons of Saint Germanus, sung during the liturgy on the first Sunday of Lent (preserved in a Triodion from 1028 – the ms. Sinait, gr. 736, fol. 71). Should this be the case, Koukuozeles could have only added the melodic component to a pre-existing text. This would explain why the troparion was believed to be his work since that time. 78 As an example, the Hymn to the Mother of God written by Saint Germanus (pg, vol. 98, col. 454) used such epithets regarding Saint Mary as “the golden candlestick, the shining cloud higher than Cherubs, the living Ark, the great throne of the Lord, the vessel full of manna”, 79 but they belonged to a category of typical Marian prefigurations to which many other writers, living before and after Saint Germanus, referred to. It is hard therefore to ascertain who are the authors of the songs referring to these epithets, as they slightly paraphrase Old Testament verses. To a certain extent, they were a common reference used in different times by different hymnographers. When creating their liturgical works, each one of these authors came up with a different variation of the same quote. Thus, in the Orthodox Church, during Matins on November the 21 st , a hymn sung after the third song of a canon describes Saint Mary as an incense burner (λυχνία χρίσε): “You were foretold by the prophets [...] as a golden incense burner and a candlestick”. 80 Perhaps this was the reason why Manolis Chatzidakis (1962) 81 or Ioan D. Ştefănescu earlier (1929) 82 also regarded this depiction as an illustration of sorts of the Hymn All the creation rejoices in thee / Tu fais la joie de toute la creation. Its triumphant implications – the Triumph of Orthodoxy – are clearly visible in the depictions: Vierge en Gloire / Glory of the Virgin / Похвала Богоматери. The conclusion of Annemarie W. Carr referring to the Sinai icon deserves to be quoted in this context, as it is our conclusion as well: The image is striking for the learning and diversity of its biblical, poetic and liturgical inscriptions. It links the Old Testament vision to the New Testament revelation and the Incarnation to the Second Coming; it moves from Child to Mother and back again, from Mary’s son to her husband, to her father, to her father in heaven who is her son and from feast of the Marian year. The viewer is drawn even deeper into the endless layers of Marian meaning. Many scholars have taken on the challenge of explicating this image, but none has begun to exhaust the associative meanings that the image evokes. This is what icons are for: they open up the meaning of their subjects; they do not tie it down. 83 Notes : 1 The article represents an augmented version of a paper presented at the Conference: Text and Image in the Romanian Painting of the 16 th Century, October 10 th -11 th , 2013, at the Institute of Art History “Gorge Oprescu” of the Romanian Academy, in Bucharest. See also: Kruk%20Anothen%20hoi%20profettai%2027.02.2014.pdf. 2 Podlacha 1912, p. 35; Cf. Kruk 1995, p. 25-46; Kruk 2000, p. 77-193; Kruk 2001a, p. 393; Kruk 2001 b, p. 237-246; Kruk 2004, p. 129-154, fig. 1-4; Kruk 2007, p. 287-298; Kruk 2009, p. 215-248; Kruk 2013, p. 16-28. 3 The Virgin and Child enthroned surrounded by saints, icon, first half of 12 th century, 48,5 x 41,2 cm, Sinai, Saint Catherine Monastery – Carr 1997, cat. and fig. 244 – dated to 1080-1130; Kruk 2000, Cat. iii.2. Previously, I mistakenly identified Saint John the Evangelist instead of Saint Simeon the Prophet in the figure standing next to Saint Anna. 4 The Mother of God Eleousa enthroned, surrounded by prophets, icon, late 12 th century-early 13 th century, 48,5 x 37,0 x 2,7 cm, from Mount Athos, nowadays in Saint Petersburg, at the Hermitage – Афонские Древности 1992, Fig. iii; Kruk 2000, cat. iii. 3; Piatnitsky 2000, cat. and fig. B-90: late 12 th c., 48,5 x 36,8 x 3,1 cm.

66 | Mirosław P. Kruk 5 Babić 1968, p. 150. 6 Babić, Chatzidakis 1982, p. 306. 7 Милановић, 1991, p. 414-415. 8 Kruk 1995, p. 25-46; Kruk 2000, cat. 14. 9 Koндаков 1915, p. 385-386. 10 Radojčić 1958, p. 121. 11 Καλοκύρης 1972; Kissas, 1984-1985, p. 267. 12 Dionysius of Fourna 1974, p. 51. 13 Chatzidakis, 1962, p. 10. 14 Der Nersessian, 1975, p. 313. 15 Μουρικι 1970, p. 217-251. 16 Ibidem, p. 222-223. 17 Ibidem, p. 241. 18 Милановић 1991, p. 412. 19 Поповиђ 1991, p. 448. 20 Милановић 1991, p. 418. 21 Ibidem, p. 419. 22 Ibidem, p. 420. See also: Linardou 2011, p. 133-152. 23 Смядовски 1998, item 110. 24 Iwanoyko 1956, p. 118. 25 Myslivec 1969, p. 410. 26 Свєнцицька 1983, p. 18. 27 Biskupski 1985, p. 158. 28 Oрлова 1980, p. 307; Дувакина 1985, p. 194; Саликова 1998, p. 69-80; Шaмардина 1998, p. 81-91, p. 81-91. 29 Гелитович 2005, p. 6. 30 Cf.: Kruk 2001 a, p. 393. 31 Ałeksandrowycz 2000, p. 69. 32 Vassiliaki 2000, p. 134-137: The icons of originating in Wallachia, Moldavia, or from the Rus territories of the former Polish Commonweatlh were omitted. See Kruk 2000, p. 186-194. 33 Piatnitsky 2000, p. 110: “The appearance of icons with the Virgin surrounded by Prophets is also linked in the same trend, and this subject subsequently attained wide currency in Byzantine and post-Byzantine art”. 34 Этингоф 2000, p. 71. 35 Этингоф 2000, p. 15, 42. 36 Kruk 1992. 37 Kruk 1995, p. 25-46. 38 Kruk 1999. 39 Kruk 2000; Kruk 2001a, p. 393; Kruk 2001b, p. 237-246; Kruk 2004, p. 129-154; Kruk 2007, p. 287-298; Kruk 2009, p. 215-248. 40 Mилановић 1991, p. 415; Этингоф 2000, p. 71. See Kruk 2000, p. 167. 41 Поповиђ 1991, p. 463. 42 Ojcowie Kościoła 1981, p. 34. 43 Ojcowie Kościoła 1981, p. 84-85. 44 Ojcowie Kościoła 1981, p. 90. S. Cyrilli Hierosolymitani Archiepiscopi, De Christo Incarnato (pg, vol. 33, col. 725-733). 45 Kruk 2000, p. 381. 46 Cormack 1985, p. 170. See also Daley 2001, p. 71-72. 47 Св. Герман Константынопольский 1995, p. 11. 48 Stylianou 1982, p. 528. 49 Ojcowie Kościoła 1981, p. 155-164. Sancti Patris nostri Germani archiepiscopi Constantinopolitani, in ingressum sanctissimae Deiparae sermo. i. 50 Ojcowie Kościoła 1981, p. 149. S. Andreae Cretensis, Oratio iv. In Sanctam Nativitatem praesanctae Dominae nostrae Dei Genitricis, semperque virginis Mariae. 51 Altaner, Stuiber 1990, p. 674. 52 Nikolau 1994, p. 384. 53 Radojčić 1958, p. 121. 54 Stern 1966, p. 147. 55 Grabar 1968, p. 68. 56 Babić 1968, p. 148. 57 The same song is attributed to Saint John of Damascus (pg, vol. 96, 853A). 58 Babić 1968, p. 148. 59 Петканова 1992, p. 64. 60 Ojcowie Kościoła 1981, p. 231-240; Saint John Damascene 1898. 61 Ojcowie Kościoła 1981, p. 155-164: Sancti Patris nostri Germani, archiepiscopi Constantinopolitani, in ingressum sanctissimae Deiparae sermo. i. 62 Carr 1997, cat. and fig. 244, p. 372. 63 Nauka 1938, p. 64; Kłosińska 1973, p. 169; Gumińska 2008, p. 36; Kruk 2009, p. 235; Крук 2013 p. 16-28. 64 Ojcowie Kościoła 1981, p. 243-258; Saint John Damascene 1898. 65 Ojcowie Kościoła 1981, p. 259-264; Saint John Damascene 1898. 66 Nikolau 1994, p. 384. S. Theodori Studitae, Laudatio in dormitionem sanctae Dominae nostrae Deiparae. 67 Dionysius of Fourna 1974, p. 487. The Mother of God should be depicted as a middle-aged woman, with a bit lowered noble head, properly formed eyebrows, beautiful eyes and nose, auburn hair, curled on a forehead, and long fingers – Dionysius of Fourna 1974, p. 483. The Hermeneia also paid special attention to the arrangement of the fingers of a blessing hand of Christ. According to its recommendations, they should be crossed in the way of making the outline of His hierogram. The straighten index corresponds to the letter i, and the bent middle finger – to the letter c. The crossed thumb and the ring finger correspond to the letters xc. The sigla hwn written within the nimbus means the pre-existing Logos. 68 Tarasii Archiepiscopi Constantinopolitani, Oratio in ss. Dei Matrem in Templum Deductam (pg, vol. 98, col. 1491-1494); Ojcowie wspólnej wiary 1986, p. 32-42 (here ref. to: pg, vol. 98, col. 460-465). 69 Ojcowie wspólnej wiary 1986, p. 51-56. S. Theodori Studitae, Laudatio in dormitionem sanctae Dominae nostrae Deiparae. This passus based on the repetition of hairetismoi resembles the Fourth Ephesian Homily of Saint Cyril archbishop of Alexandria (pg, vol. 77, col. 992-996), in which he used the term “ϴεοτόκου Μαρίας” (pg, vol. 77, col. 992), as well as the structure of the Akathistos Hymn. W. Kania noticed that this rhetorical figure was borrowed by Saint Cyril from Saint Ephrem the Syrian’s Hymn on the Birth of Jesus (he probably meant the Fifteenth-Eighteenth ones, with the repetition of Blessed) – Kania 1990, p. 194. 70 Kruk 2004; Kruk 2007. 71 See Mилановић 1991, p. 420. 72 Encyklopedia muzyki 1995, p. 106.

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