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The National Coordination of EU Policy in Latvia Ivo Rollis, Konsultāciju grupas “CPM” valdes loceklis This article examines the response of Latvia’s national administration to the demands of EU membership. The national co-ordination system has undergone considerable change. It began under the responsibility of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, was then shifted to the Prime Minister, before returning after accession to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. This article examines the development of the system, and assesses the influence of internal and external factors in shaping how Latvia handles EU policy. It argues that Latvia’s coordination system has changed over time from a comprehensive, centralized to a comprehensive, decentralized system that is formalized and reactive, with a clear division of labour between actors and ability to speak with one voice in Brussels. Keywords: coordination system, Latvia’s EU membership, Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Rakstā analizēta Latvijas nacionālās publiskās pārvaldes darbība Eiropas Savienības (ES) ietvaros. Nacionālā koordinācijas sistēma ir būtiski mainījusies. Sākotnēji tā bija Ārlietu ministrijas atbildībā, bet pirms iestāšanās ES tā tika iekļauta ministru prezidenta kompetencē, savukārt pēc iestāšanās ES nonāca atpakaļ Ārlietu ministrijas kompetencē. Rakstā analizēta koordinācijas sistēmas attīstība, identificējot iekšējos un ārējos faktorus, kas nosaka, kā Latvija risina ES jautājumus; tiek formulēts pieņēmums, ka Latvijas koordinācijas sistēma ir mainījusies no visaptverošas centralizētas uz visaptverošu decentralizētu sistēmu, kas ir formalizēta un reaģējoša ar skaidru darba dalīšanu starp politikas veidotājiem, kuri spēj paust vienotu nostāju Briselē. Atslēgvārdi: Ārlietu ministrija, koordinācijas sistēma, Latvijas dalība ES.

80 Ivo Rollis Introduction Latvia offers a rare example of a national coordination system for EU policy that is centred on the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA). This was not always the case, however. Although the MFA was initially charged with this responsibility, the PM took over during pre-accession, and it was only after 2004 that the task was returned to the MFA. Line ministries have played an important role throughout. At the beginning, although each ministry established its own internal coordination, as well as mechanisms for the circulation of EU documentation, officials with no experience of European affairs simply assumed responsibility for the EU dimension of their portfolios. At the same time, a central body, the European Integration Bureau (EIB), was created to monitor, plan, manage and ensure quality control in EU matters. During pre-accession, a key role was played by State Secretaries in an interdepartmental committee, the Council of Senior Officials (CSO), and by the European Integration Council (EIC), a monthly meeting of ministers at the highest political level. The EIB acted as secretariat to both, setting the agenda and organising its meetings, as well as providing technical support. Later, the members of the CSO also served as the Negotiation Team members. During accession the coordination system worked relatively effectively, until the final stages, when, in preparing for full membership mode, an overhaul of institutions took place. The EIB was replaced by the European Affairs Bureau (EAB) and overall responsibility for EU matters switched to the MFA. In addition, a considerable number of civil servants who had developed EU-related expertise left the administration. If, until this point, arrangements had been mainly shaped by external factors — mainly functional pressures from the EU — domestic influences on the system put in place to manage full membership were more strongly pronounced. The system is formalized, decentralized and reactive, with a clear division of labour between actors within the coordination system, aimed to ensure that all representatives speak with one voice in Brussels. The MFA is the central coordinator for everyday business, as well as in preparations for meetings of the European Council. The State Chancellery (SC) also plays an important role, reflecting its responsibilities within the administration. It ensures that negotiating positions that result from inter-ministerial coordination are consistent with government policy. This article is organized into four sections. The first describes the context of the domestic political system. The second part discusses the architecture,

80<br />

Ivo Rollis<br />

Introduction<br />

Latvia offers a rare example of a national coordination system for EU<br />

policy that is centred on the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA). This was not<br />

always the case, however. Although the MFA was initially charged with this<br />

responsibility, the PM took over during pre-accession, and it was only after<br />

2004 that the task was returned to the MFA. Line ministries have played an<br />

important role throughout. At the beginning, although each ministry established<br />

its own internal coordination, as well as mechanisms for the circulation<br />

of EU documentation, officials with no experience of European affairs<br />

simply assumed responsibility for the EU dimension of their portfolios. At<br />

the same time, a central body, the European Integration Bureau (EIB), was<br />

created to monitor, plan, manage and ensure quality control in EU matters.<br />

During pre-accession, a key role was played by State Secretaries in an interdepartmental<br />

committee, the Council of Senior Officials (CSO), and by the<br />

European Integration Council (EIC), a monthly meeting of ministers at the<br />

highest political level. The EIB acted as secretariat to both, setting the agenda<br />

and organising its meetings, as well as providing technical support. Later,<br />

the members of the CSO also served as the Negotiation Team members.<br />

During accession the coordination system worked relatively effectively,<br />

until the final stages, when, in preparing for full membership mode, an<br />

overhaul of institutions took place. The EIB was replaced by the European<br />

Affairs Bureau (EAB) and overall responsibility for EU matters switched to the<br />

MFA. In addition, a considerable number of civil servants who had developed<br />

EU-related expertise left the administration. If, until this point, arrangements<br />

had been mainly shaped by external factors — mainly functional pressures<br />

from the EU — domestic influences on the system put in place to manage<br />

full membership were more strongly pronounced. The system is formalized,<br />

decentralized and reactive, with a clear division of labour between actors<br />

within the coordination system, aimed to ensure that all representatives speak<br />

with one voice in Brussels. The MFA is the central coordinator for everyday<br />

business, as well as in preparations for meetings of the European Council. The<br />

State Chancellery (SC) also plays an important role, reflecting its responsibilities<br />

within the administration. It ensures that negotiating positions that result<br />

from inter-ministerial coordination are consistent with government policy.<br />

This article is organized into four sections. The first describes the context<br />

of the domestic political system. The second part discusses the architecture,

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