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The National Coordination of EU Policy in Latvia 93 The shift from pre-accession to full membership was also important, as the demands faced were very different. For this reason, it could not be said that the period of pre-accession prepared the way. One important difference was that the EU’s influence became less direct as 1 May 2004 approached, since the close supervision and monitoring that had been a feature of the preaccession period fell away. Although the impetus was external, domestic factors exerted an im - portant influence in shaping Latvia’s coordination system. As all political parties supported to a greater or lesser degree the goal of EU membership after Latvia gained its independence, accession has not been politically contentious. The same cannot be said of popular opinion, where support for EU membership was lowest among the candidate countries and indifference has remained high since accession. 18 Thus, frequent changes of government have not led to shifts in Latvia’s European policy. Another important factor was the absence of administrative resistance to the demands of pre- accession or full EU membership. Gearing up the administration so that it could meet EU requirements was part of a general reform and overhaul of the state, as the remnants of the Communist system were eliminated. The system for the coordination of EU policy reproduced the power relations and norms of the new polity, with its tendency towards decentralization of functions and responsibilities. In addition, although in the pre-accession phase Latvia had borrowed from both Estonia and Finland — countries of similar size with PM-led systems and small coordination centres — the choice of an MFA-centred coordination model for post-accession was made for domestic political reasons. The EIB was abolished, its functions transferred else - where — legal aspects to the Ministry of Justice, EC twinning assistance to the Ministry of Finance — and very limited competences remained at the centre of government (a single special advisor to the PM on EU Affairs). The State Chancellery’s role was limited to supplying information on the EU, a responsibility of the EUIA, and ensuring that Latvia’s positions on the EU follow the same inter-departmental coordination procedures as other policy initiatives, if on a faster track. Furthermore, the influence of key individuals on the national coordination system has been very important. They include, Einārs Repše, New 18 Eurobarometer 69 — Opinion Poll in the EU. Report on Latvia, European Commission, 2008.

94 Ivo Rollis Era PM between 2002 and 2004, and Artis Pabriks, Foreign Minister, and Aigars Kalvītis, PM, (both People’s Party) between 2004–2007. Repše, for example, decided to abolish EIC meetings, as well as the EIB, and to establish a less influential EAB, to support the PM. It was Kalvītis, mean - while, who decided to transfer the EAB to the MFA, thus entrusting respons i - bility for the management of EU affairs to his party colleague, Pabriks. Consult ants and officials have been less important. 19 As in other EU states, Latvia has experienced deparliamentarisation. Though the Parliament has a strong role in general, this is not true in relation to EU affairs. It actively monitored government action during pre-accession, but it has shown less interest since Latvia became a full EU member state, while the limited resources available to the EAC allow it to follow selective issues only. Finally, though social partners are consulted by relevant ministries, may have representatives present at interdepartmental meetings at State Secretary level, and occasionally attend meetings of the CSO, their input is limited. Success and failure Latvia’s overall performance during the first years of EU membership does not stand out among other EU New Member States with visible activity or passivity. This can partially be justified by the limited administrative capacity, with the national administration still learning to become more pro-active and not just react to position papers or draft legislation, and be able to influence EU agenda setting based on identified national interests on EU issues. In support of this, the Permanent Representation in Brussels has also gradually extended over the years of EU membership. At the edge of the Presidency of the Council of the EU in 2015, the Permanent Representation accounts for 120 diplomats and experts from the MFA, other line ministries, the Parliament and the Bank of Latvia, representing Latvia’s interests in more than 100 Council working groups and committees. 20 19 Kalniņa Z. Eiropas jautājumi sanāk Ārlietu ministrijas rokās. Latvijas Vēstnesis, 2004.; Preisa D. Eiropas lietu birojs maina bosu. Dienas Bizness, 2004.; Ministru prezidents Aigars Kalvītis (TP) aicinās valdību lemt par Eiropas lietu biroja nodošanu Ārlietu ministrijai. News Agency “LETA”, 2004. 20 Permanent Representation in EC, 2014. http://www.mfa.gov.lv/brussels/about/struktura (Latvijas Republikas Ārlietu ministrijas mājas lapa; aplūkota 18.03.2014.).

The National Coordination of EU Policy in Latvia 93<br />

The shift from pre-accession to full membership was also important, as the<br />

demands faced were very different. For this reason, it could not be said that<br />

the period of pre-accession prepared the way. One important difference was<br />

that the EU’s influence became less direct as 1 May 2004 approached, since<br />

the close supervision and monitoring that had been a feature of the preaccession<br />

period fell away.<br />

Although the impetus was external, domestic factors exerted an im -<br />

portant influence in shaping Latvia’s coordination system. As all political<br />

parties supported to a greater or lesser degree the goal of EU membership<br />

after Latvia gained its independence, accession has not been politically<br />

contentious. The same cannot be said of popular opinion, where support for<br />

EU membership was lowest among the candidate countries and indifference<br />

has remained high since accession. 18 Thus, frequent changes of government<br />

have not led to shifts in Latvia’s European policy. Another important factor<br />

was the absence of administrative resistance to the demands of pre- accession<br />

or full EU membership. Gearing up the administration so that it could<br />

meet EU requirements was part of a general reform and overhaul of the state,<br />

as the remnants of the Communist system were eliminated. The system for<br />

the coordination of EU policy reproduced the power relations and norms<br />

of the new polity, with its tendency towards decentralization of functions<br />

and responsibilities. In addition, although in the pre-accession phase Latvia<br />

had borrowed from both Estonia and Finland — countries of similar size<br />

with PM-led systems and small coordination centres — the choice of an<br />

MFA-centred coordination model for post-accession was made for domestic<br />

political reasons. The EIB was abolished, its functions transferred else -<br />

where — legal aspects to the Ministry of Justice, EC twinning assistance to<br />

the Ministry of Finance — and very limited competences remained at the<br />

centre of government (a single special advisor to the PM on EU Affairs). The<br />

State Chancellery’s role was limited to supplying information on the EU, a<br />

responsibility of the EUIA, and ensuring that Latvia’s positions on the EU<br />

follow the same inter-departmental coordination procedures as other policy<br />

initiatives, if on a faster track.<br />

Furthermore, the influence of key individuals on the national coordination<br />

system has been very important. They include, Einārs Repše, New<br />

18<br />

Eurobarometer 69 — Opinion Poll in the EU. Report on Latvia, European Commission, 2008.

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