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DIPLOMACY ДИПЛОМАЦИЯ

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COMPETING REGIONALISM IN

COMPETING REGIONALISM IN EUROPE AND ASIA: THE PERSPECTIVE OF RUSSIA... trade regime with protectionism. At the same time EAEU and SCO are “working to establish interconnections between the physical, legal and regulatory infrastructure of their member states” 22 , which would make it difficult for strong environmental and labour rights codifications to penetrate this alternative core. To Russia, the EU will find it hard to counterbalance its welding with China into a hegemonic core, alternative to the western order. For its ethnic and ideational pluralism, ASEAN finds it hard to marry the protection of sovereignty and the economic pragmatism of some of its member states with acting as a unified and coherent body that attempts to counterweight the Sino-Russian economic hegemony. Bibliography 1. Отчет Евразийской Экономической Комиссии 2012-2015: Расширяя пространство Возможностей, /Activity report of the Eurasian Economic Commission /2012-2015/ 2. David Lane (2016): Post-socialist regions in the world system, European Politics and Society 3. Ivaylo Gatev & Glenn Diesen (2016): Eurasian encounters: the Eurasian Economic Union and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, European Politics and Society 4. Jürgen Rüland & Anja Jetschke (2008) 40 years of ASEAN: perspectives, performance and lessons for change , The Pacific Review, 21:4, 397-409 5. Lay Hwee Yeo, The Asia-Europe Meeting 6. Munmun Majumdar (2015) The ASEAN Way of Conflict Management in the South China Sea, Strategic Analysis, 39:1, 73-87 7. Richard Sakwa, Eureasian Integration: A Project for the 21st Century, in David Lane and Vsevolod Samokhvalov, The Eurasian Project and Europe, 2015, Palgrave 8. Ruth Banomyong , P. Cook & P. Kent (2008) Formulating regional logistics development policy: the case of ASEAN, International Journal of Logistics Research and Applications, 11:5, 359-379 9. Stephen V. Marks (2015) The Asean–China Free Trade Agreement: Political Economy In Indonesia, Bulletin Of Indonesian Economic Studies, 51:2, 287-306 10. Walter Kennes, ASEAN and the EU An evolving and solid development partnership, in Louis Brennan, Philomena Murray, Drivers of Integration and Regionalism in Europe and Asia, Routhledge, 2015 22 Ivaylo Gatev & Glenn Diesen (2016): Eurasian encounters: the Eurasian Economic Union and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, European Politics and Society Teodor Kalpakchiev is a graduate of the Sofia University, the Willy Brandt School of Public Policy at the University of Erfurt and the College of Europe. He has held different positions at the European Commission, the Asia- Europe Foundation and the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe. DIPLOMACY 18/2016 201

RESPONSIBILITY TO PROTECT: THE CONTINUING POST-COLONIAL WESTERN... Responsibility to Protect: The Continuing Post- Colonial Western Hegemony Hassan Doutaghi & Helyeh Doutaghi In 2005, the doctrine of Responsibility to Protect (R2P) was created by the UN Member States agreeing not only to have the primary responsibility to protect their civilians from genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity and ethnic cleansing, but also to be responsible towards those civilians whose State was found manifestly failing in that regard. 1 This paper will assess the doctrine of R2P and will argue that R2P too, just like humanitarian intervention, suffers from a lack of legal basis and political will to implement it. Or better said, it is being selectively used by the hegemon’s power to achieve its political will. In doing so, the origin and development shall be explained. Furthermore, it will be submitted that R2P has failed to achieve its purpose due to the unresolved Security Council’s deadlock. Lastly, the concept of legal morality entailed in R2P and its use in real life cases since 2005 will be examined. Background In order to understand how far we have come, and still have to go, one must first address how the International Community protected the world before R2P came into place. The consideration of R2P’s origin and objectives is also crucial in this analysis. After World War II, and the failure of the League of Nations, the world, or better said, the winners of the war came together to create an international institution, the United Nations (UN), hoping that this time it could prevent another worldwide conflict from happening and maintain peace and security globally. The founders were very much concerned with the problem of States using military force against each other. Accordingly, the United Nation Charter provides clear principles that address this issue. In addressing the non-interference principle and prohibiting the use of force, the Charter prohibits the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state. 2 (With the exception of genocide). The Charter also codifies the non-use of force principle in Article 2(4): “All Members shall refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state, or in any other manner inconsistent with the Purposes of the United Nations”. 3 However, this provision is subject to two exceptions: self-defence and the authorization of the Security Council. With all these principles and international laws into place, the International Community has still failed to stop tragic incidents, war crimes, and atrocities committed by States. Evans rightly argues that, even in situations where States took reactive action or where the use of force was authorised by the UN, “it was too often erratic, incomplete or counterproductive”. 4 This resulted in the intervention in Somalia in 1993, the failed and inadequate response to Rwanda in 1994, the inability to stop the ethnic cleansing in the Balkans in 1995 and Kosovo, where the situation was eventually remedied through the legitimate, but not legal intervention of NATO, 202 1 "2005 World Summit Outcome" (PDF). Sixtieth session, items 48 and 121 of the provisional agenda. A/60/L.1 (United Nations General Assembly). 15 September 2005. Retrieved at: http://www.who.int/hiv/universalaccess2010/worldsummit.pdf 2 United Nations Charter, article.2, para. 7. 1 UNTS XVI. 3 Ibid. Para 4. 4 Evans, Gareth. "From humanitarian intervention to the responsibility to protect."Wis. Int'l LJ 24 (2006): 703. ДИПЛОМАЦИЯ 18/2016

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    CONTENTS Contents INTERVIEW The Eur

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    СЛОВАШКОТО ПРЕДСЕД

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    СЛОВАШКОТО ПРЕДСЕД

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    СЛОВАШКОТО ПРЕДСЕД

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    РОЛЯТА НА МЕЖДУНАР

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    РОЛЯТА НА МЕЖДУНАР

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    ПРОМЕНЯЩИЯТ СЕ ЯДР

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    САЩ КАТО ВЪЗХОДЯЩА

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    18/2016 October/December DOCENDO DI

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    THE EUROPEAN UNION IS A WEALTH THAT

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