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01-08-2021

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SuNdAy, AuGuST 1, 2021

5

Female sprinters take the

spotlight at Tokyo Olympic

SCoTT CACCioLA

For years, the 100-meter dash was

synonymous with one stupendously fast

human: Usain Bolt, who won three

straight Olympic titles before he retired

in 2017. He has since occupied his time

with dabbling in professional soccer,

selling cars, traveling the world as a bon

vivant and becoming a new father.

There was a time, not so long ago,

when his void at the Tokyo Games was

expected to be filled by a bunch of other

stupendously fast humans - in the

women's 100 meters.They seemed

primed for the spotlight, for a bit of

attention from the public that Shelly-Ann

Fraser-Pryce of Jamaica, one of the race's

top contenders, said was "long

overdue."But now, after another drugrelated

suspension, the final on Saturday

night is shaping up to be just as notable

for the athletes who are missing.

Blessing Okagbare of Nigeria, the

seventh-fastest woman in the world this

year, was provisionally suspended on

Saturday morning by the Athletics

Integrity Unit for testing positive for

human growth hormone, knocking her

out of the Games. Okagbare, the 2012

Olympic silver medalist in the long jump,

had won her opening round heat on

Friday.The news of Okagbare's exit -

between rounds and mid-competition -

was a stunning development. The field

was already absent Sha'Carri

Richardson, who is serving a monthlong

suspension for testing positive for

marijuana, a banned substance, after she

dominated the women's 100 meters at

the U.S. trials.

Richardson had been expected to be a

gold medal contender and cement

herself as one of the next great American

sprinters. She was replaced by Jenna

Prandini, the fourth-place finisher at the

trials.

On Friday, after successfully advancing

to the semifinals on Saturday, Prandini

said she was not feeling any additional

pressure."I'm just out here trying to do

my best," she said, "and that's all I can

do."

Prandini recalled being at practice

Sprinters competing in the women's 100-meter qualifying round on

Friday.

Photo: Alexandra Garcia

FRANK PASquALe

when she was informed that a spot had

opened up in the 100. She had already

secured a spot on the U.S. team in the

200 meters."To be honest, I had no idea

who I was replacing," she said. "I just got

a call, and they asked me if I'd run the

100, and I said yes, and that was it. I

didn't know the rest of the story. So, as

soon as you guys found out, that's when I

found out, as well."

After finishing with the third-fastest

qualifying time in Tokyo, Fraser-Pryce

did not discuss Richardson or her

suspension. She could be forgiven for

wanting the focus to remain on the

sprinters who are at the Olympics, even if

doing so was becoming a losing battle.

For much of Fraser-Pryce's career, she

- and most sprinters, male and female -

were overshadowed by Bolt.

Now, at 34, Fraser-Pryce is a two-time

Olympic champion, a six-time Olympic

medalist, a nine-time world champion

and the mother of a young son, Zyon. She

famously went into labor while watching

a broadcast of the women's 100-meter

final at the 2017 world championships.

She took about a year off after giving

birth, a sabbatical that "kind of

rejuvenated my motivation and what I

wanted to achieve," she said.

Fraser-Pryce returned to win another

world championship in 2019, then ran

the fastest time of her life in June: 10.63

at a meet in Jamaica. That performance

made her the second-fastest female

sprinter in history behind Florence

Griffith-Joyner, whose world record has

stood for 33 years.

On Friday, Fraser-Pryce did not

dismiss the idea that she could set

another personal best if the conditions

were right and the race lived up to its

potential.She was among the athletes

who described the Olympic Stadium

track as fast ("superfast" was her exact

word). In her heat on Friday alone, two

women - Ajla Del Ponte of Switzerland

and Gina Bass of Gambia - broke

national records.

"Honestly, I try not to put any pressure

on myself," Fraser-Pryce said. "I'm sure

coming into this championship, I may be

seen as a favorite. There are different

narratives that are out there. So I'm

trying not to focus on the expectations. I

just want to make sure I put myself in

position to do my best."

Easier said than done: Merely making

their way to the starting line proved too

much of a challenge for at least two of

Fraser-Pryce's rivals before the final on

Saturday. But it could still be one of the

premier showdowns of the Tokyo

Games.

Elaine Thompson-Herah, another

Jamaican, helped prevent Fraser-Pryce

from an Olympic three-peat by winning

gold in Rio de Janeiro. Marie-Josee Ta

Lou of the Ivory Coast had the fastest

time in qualifying. Dina Asher-Smith of

Britain edged Fraser-Pryce and Ta Lou at

a Diamond League meet in May.

The efficiency level of A.I.

Americans have good reason

to be skeptical of artificial

intelligence. Tesla crashes

have dented the dream of

self-driving cars. Mysterious

algorithms predict job

applicants' performance

based on little more than

video interviews. Similar

technologies may soon be

headed to the classroom, as

administrators use "learning

analytics platforms" to

scrutinize students' written

work and emotional states.

Financial technology

companies are using social

media and other sensitive

data to set interest rates and

repayment terms.

Even in areas where A.I.

seems to be an unqualified

good, like machine learning

to better spot melanoma,

researchers are worried that

current data sets do not

adequately represent all

patients' racial backgrounds.

U.S. authorities are

starting to respond.

Massachusetts passed a

nuanced law this spring

limiting the use of facial

recognition in criminal

investigations. Other

jurisdictions have taken a

stronger stance, prohibiting

the use of such technology

entirely or requiring consent

before biometric data is

collected. But the rise of A.I.

requires a more coordinated

nationwide response, guided

by first principles that clearly

identify the threats that

substandard or unproven

A.I. poses. The United States

can learn from the European

Union's proposed A.I.

regulation.

In April, the European

Union released a new

proposal for a systematic

regulation of artificial

intelligence. If enacted, it

will change the terms of the

debate by forbidding some

forms of A.I., regardless of

What if A.i. takes a wrong turn against

humanity?

Photo: Nicholas Konrad

their ostensible benefits.

Some forms of manipulative

advertising will be banned,

as will real-time

indiscriminate facial

recognition by public

authorities for law

enforcement purposes.

The list of prohibited A.I.

uses is not comprehensive

enough - for example, many

forms of nonconsensual

A.I.-driven emotion

recognition, mental health

diagnoses, ethnicity

attribution and lie detection

should also be banned. But

the broader principle - that

some uses of technology are

simply too harmful to be

permitted - should drive

global debates on A.I.

regulation.

The proposed regulation

also deems a wide variety of

A.I. high risk,

acknowledging that A.I.

presents two types of

problems. First, there is the

danger of malfunctioning

A.I. harming people or

things - a threat to physical

safety. Under the proposed

E.U.

regulation,

standardization bodies with

long experience in technical

fields are mandated to

synthesize best practices for

companies - which will then

need to comply with those

practices or justify why they

have chosen an alternative

approach.

Second, there is a risk of

discrimination or lack of fair

process in sensitive areas of

evaluation, including

education, employment,

social assistance and credit

scoring. This is a risk to

fundamental rights, amply

demonstrated in the United

States in works like Cathy

O'Neil's "Weapons of Math

Destruction" and Ruha

Benjamin's "Race After

Technology." Here, the E.U.

is insisting on formal

documentation from

companies to demonstrate

fair and nondiscriminatory

practices. National

supervisory authorities in

each member state can

impose hefty fines if

businesses fail to comply.

To be sure, Europe's

proposal is far from perfect,

and the E.U. is not alone in

considering the problems of

artificial intelligence. The

United States is starting to

grope toward basic

standards of A.I. regulation

as well. In April, the Federal

Trade Commission clarified

a 2020 guidance document

on A.I., stating that U.S. law

"prohibits the sale or use of

… racially biased

algorithms."

However, the problems

posed by unsafe or

discriminatory A.I. do not

appear to be a high-level

Biden administration

priority. As a remarkable

coalition of civil rights and

technology policy

organizations complained

this month: "Since assuming

office, this administration

has not pursued a public and

proactive agenda on the civil

rights implications of A.I. In

fact, the Trump

administration's executive

orders and regulatory

guidance on A.I. remain in

force, which constrains

agencies across the federal

government in setting policy

priorities."

Things are somewhat

better on the state level. A

more robust proposal is now

under discussion in

California to regulate public

contracts for the provision of

A.I.-based products and

services. Legislators in

Washington State are

discussing a similar

proposal. The proposed

California law has some

elements in common with

the European approach and

with the Canadian model of

"Algorithmic Impact

Assessment," designed to

mitigate bias and unfairness

in emerging A.I. for public

administration.

KARLA CoRNejo viLLAviCeNCio

This summer's controversy

over the underrepresentation

of dark-skinned Afro-Latinos

in "In the Heights," the

Hollywood adaptation of the

Broadway musical, laid bare

the cancer of colorism in

Latinx communities in the

United States. The reckoning

was long overdue, a pain

that goes back as long as our

community has existed. And

the mainstream media was

enraptured. It created what I

think of as the spectacle -

elespectáculo. I haven't seen

as high a demand for Latinx

voices since the Pulse

shooting.

"Latinidad" is the shared

language, childhood

references, music, food,

inside jokes and

idiosyncratic TV Spanglish

among the Latinx in this

country. It is the sameness

that unites us no matter

where we grow up, and no

matter where our parents

were from. But the idea of

sameness can devastate as

much as it can connect. An

open wound in this world of

Latinx has been the shame

around darkness, our own

and that of our family and

neighbors and compatriots.

According to media by us or

for us, dark-skinned Afro-

Latinos do not exist and if

they do, they aren't Latino.

Not really.

Some seem to derive

schadenfreude from our

colorism problem, while

others with a platform use it

to accrue social capital when

we call it out. It's the kind of

performative racial

conversation that allows

Americans to proclaim how

antiracist they are while they

continue to gentrify our

neighborhoods and hide the

fact that they get paid more

than their Black or Latina

co-worker.The main issue

we are asked to write about,

other than the border crisis,

is the issue of anti-Blackness

in our community. When

interviewers have asked me

what Latinidad means to

me, I fumble. For many

people, I am a representative

of undocumented, brown

Latinidad, but my Latinidad

is complicated, and it is

personal. That space of

always wondering - of

constantly creating a version

of myself that incorporates

my race, ethnicity,

nationality, migration to

America, education and all

the rest of my history - is my

Latinidad.

Latinidad isn't a race, and

you can be Latinx and be of

any ethnicity. And we are

still talking about and

around Mestizaje - a race

that doesn't exist in the

racial binary of white and

Black in the United States.

Lately I've caught myself

comparing the skin color of

Latinx artists in my movies

and on my dust jackets with

ugly feelings, looking at their

eyes and lips and

cheekbones and noses and

jaws, looking for tells of

ancestry, assuming

deception and theft.

There are the reckonings

we have among ourselves,

and they are messy, loud and

deeply specific; they are

conversations that are

nuanced, containing not

only facts, but embodied,

familial and community

knowledge. They are

probably not conversations

we are having for the first

time, and probably not the

first time they have brought

many of us to tears. Anti-

Blackness in the Latinx

world causes those of us with

skin in the game deep pain.

As a brown artist I am only

consumable by American

audiences when I write

about extreme suffering. I

suggest that we interrogate

within ourselves what our

personal and professional

stakes are in this

conversation.

I think of the casta

paintings, colonial-era

paintings depicting the

interethnic mixing among

Europeans, Indigenous

peoples, Africans and the

existing mixed-race

population in the New

World. The paintings

typically depict a man,

woman and child, arranged

according to a hierarchy of

race and status, and denote

the racial mixing that has

occurred. A taxonomic

atrocity where the child of a

Spaniard father and albino

mother is labeled tornaatrás,

or "return backward," while

an Indigenous couple and

their child are considered

Indiosmecosbárbaros, or

barbarian Indians. The race

of mestizos, a mix of white

and Indigenous, is

something that allows

people to talk about

citizenship without naming

it. Our ancestral caste

system is created by a

recognition of race that is so

obsessed with blood

quantum and phenotype

that it becomes eugenicist.

It's true that some people

hear Latino and think of

Ricky Martin, but others

think of job-stealing

Mexicans - a different binary

altogether, of citizen and

alien. Campesino means

peasant in Latin American

Spanish, but it is a word that

signals race as much as it

does class. You can call

someone a campesino as a

slur to mean they look

Indigenous, but not

Indigenous enough to be

romanticized as a noble

savage, just Indigenous

enough to be barred access

to cultural and economic

capital. These categories

unify even as they divide: A

Latino is a Mexican is a

campesino is an indio is an

illegal.

I cherish being a mixedrace

person. Some of my

mestizo family's most

ingrained traditions come

from the Black Caribbean,

like the salsa from Joe

Arroyo, whose songs kept

my head held high when I

felt shame as an

undocumented student at

Harvard. We sometimes

speak Quechua at home,

especially to describe good

or bad feelings in the body

that don't have words in

English or Spanish. But I am

not Black and I am not

native. I have had to decide

for myself what is a

respectful enactment of my

culture and what might be

romanticization of ancestors

I don't know. What is an

authentic expression of my

culture and what is

appropriation? It takes deep

personal reflection. It takes

education.

What was once Latin

culture in New York, what

was once Spanish culture in

New York, has meant

growing up mixed-race

alongside mixed races.

People on the ground - from

organizers of racial justice

movements and day laborer

centers to gangs in New York

and Los Angeles .

The beauty of being bilingual

NATALiA SyLveSTeR

My parents refused to let my sister and

me forget how to speak Spanish by

pretending they didn't understand

when we spoke English. Spanish was

the only language we were allowed to

speak in our one-bedroom apartment

in Miami in the late 1980s. We both

graduated from English as a second

language lessons in record time as

kindergartners and first graders, and

we longed to play and talk and live in

English as if it were a shiny new toy.

"No teentiendo," my mother would

say, shaking her head and shrugging in

feigned confusion anytime we slipped

into English. My sister and I would let

out exasperated sighs at having to

repeat ourselves in Spanish, only to be

interrupted by a correction of our

grammar and vocabulary after every

other word. One day you'll thank me,

my mother retorted.

That day has come to pass 30 years

later in ordinary places like Goodwill, a

Walmart parking lot, a Costco Tire

Center.I'm most thankful that I can

speak Spanish because it has allowed

me to help others. There was the young

mother who wanted to know whether

she could leave a cumbersome diaper

bin aside at the register at Goodwill

while she shopped. The cashier shook

her head dismissively and said she

didn't understand. It wasn't difficult to

read the woman's gestures - she was

struggling to push her baby's carriage

while lugging the large box around the

store. Even after I told the cashier what

the woman was saying, her irritation

was palpable.

The air of judgment is one I've come

to recognize: How dare this woman not

speak English, how dare this other

woman speak both English and

Spanish. It was a small moment, but it

speaks to how easy it would have been

for the cashier to ignore a young Latina

mother struggling to care for her child

had there not been someone around to

interpret. "I don't understand," she

kept saying, though the mother's

gestures transcended language. I

choose not to understand is what she

really meant.

Those of us who grew up bilingual

The celebration incolor diversity

The issue of anti-Blackness in North American

community is pervasive. Photo: Collected

understand the complexities of holding

onto and embracing either language.

Representative Alexandria Ocasio-

Cortez recently said on Twitter,

"Growing up, Spanish was my first

language - but like many 1st generation

Latinx Americans, I have to

continuously work at it & improve. It's

not perfect."

In the Spanish spoken by the

children of immigrants, you'll hear the

echoes of cousins laughing at our

accents when we visited them in Latin

America. If you go back one

generation, you'll hear stories of people

like my in-laws, whose teachers in

Florida beat them for speaking in

school the language they spoke at

home. Go back yet another generation

and you'll hear of the state-sanctioned

racial terror inflicted on residents of

Mexican descent in Texas in the late

1800s and early 1900s.

On videos circulating on social media

you'll hear Americans harassing

Spanish-speakers at supermarkets and

restaurants. This language of

xenophobia and white supremacy is

spoken fluently by our own president,

and is at the root of why generations of

Latinx Americans' relationship with

Spanish is laced with pain.

Those whose parents tried to shield

them from discrimination by not

passing it on are often expected to be

fluent in a language they never had the

chance to forget. Those of us who

managed to hold on to it, despite the

pressures to assimilate, know that our

imperfect Spanish is a privilege we are

often shamed for both inside and

outside of our communities. And those

of us who speak only Spanish are too

often dismissed and worse, targeted -

by women pushing shopping carts, by

ICE raids, by gunmen with antiimmigrant

manifestoes. Their terror

makes victims of us all.A few weeks

before the election in 2016, a woman at

a Walmart parking lot in Manor, Tex.,

ran to the tent where I was helping to

register voters; she was in tears

because her car had been stolen. In a

town that's nearly 50 percent Latinx,

none of the police officers on site could

understand her. As she filed her police

report, with me as an interpreter, I

noticed how they made almost no eye

contact with her. I was the one they

could understand, so they saw only me.

She confided that her immigration

papers were in the car.

The bittersweet discovery that language, and the stories it carries,

is not a straight path. Photo:

Rachel Levit Ruiz

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