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uncorrected version - Ines G. Županov

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m a r t h a a n n s e l b y<br />

by the urge to produce śreyasī prajā, the very best of offspring. Both texts are<br />

very explicit in their language and grammar that the product of choice is male,<br />

for well-documented ritual and economic reasons.<br />

The narratives of the care of a woman during the nine months of gestation<br />

occur in various places for equally various purposes in both texts. The passages<br />

that I wish to examine here have been culled from Caraka-saṃhitā, śārīra-sthāna<br />

IV.1-26 and Suśruta-saṃhitā, śārīra-sthāna III (entire), for in these passages, we<br />

hear yet another loud, booming, and insistent voice, that of the fetus itself, who<br />

communicates his needs to the outside world through the instrument of his mother’s<br />

voice, thereby participating in the creation of his own identity and the traits of his<br />

own personality. I would like to examine these narratives in depth, paying strict<br />

attention to the points at which certain terms are used for “womb”. I would also<br />

like to trace the nuanced flow of the various registers of discourse that appear in<br />

these passages, for here, we find cosmogonic paradigms culled from the Vedas<br />

and sāṃkhya, mythemes from hymns fused with dizzying spins on emanation<br />

theory. This inter-uterine “big bang” language is interspersed with bland, frank,<br />

and pragmatic clinical descriptions of the embryonic tissue mass, obviously<br />

keenly observed in some sort of context, either by men in direct observation or<br />

possibly by female attendants who then report to men. The cosmic language<br />

of conception and that of clinical observation are also augmented by a third<br />

category of information composed of descriptions of what is happening to the<br />

outer bodily surfaces of the woman herself.<br />

First of all, it is necessary to indicate the sorts of phenomena that I characterize<br />

as betraying “religious” qualities or inhabiting “religious” positions in the<br />

examples that I have chosen for discussion below. As Jean Filliozat (1964: 26)<br />

has emphatically stated, “It is only in the case of certain therapeutic prescriptions,<br />

or in the case of ceremonies connected with birth that religion and magic are<br />

brought in” and included in the early medical collections. Some elements are more<br />

recognizably “religious” than others. I would include references to cosmogony —<br />

and the rather ingenious use of cosmogonic ideas to make sense of what happens<br />

at the moment of conception —in the religious category, although it is crucial<br />

to note here that the moment in the texts at which this appears is celebrated in a<br />

discursive shift in which the language is at once hymnic and explanatory. There<br />

are also obvious moments of priestly intervention: I include below translations<br />

and analyses of specific passages from the eighth chapter of the Caraka-saṃhitā’s<br />

śārīra-sthāna (literally, the “section on the body”), in which a priest is brought<br />

in to perform rituals to ensure that a woman will conceive a son with a desirable<br />

complexion and physique, as well as a description of the puṃsavana ritual (“male<br />

production rite”), performed for a woman as soon as conception is confirmed, to<br />

ensure that the embryo she is carrying will be male.<br />

44<br />

02•Selby.indd 44 20/03/09 14:37:10

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