30-07-2021

frIDAY, JUlY 30, 2021
4
Acting Editor & Publisher : Jobaer Alam
e-mail: editor@thebangladeshtoday.com
Friday, July 30, 2021
Pushing forward our
Delta Plan 2100
Bangladesh signed a memorandum of understanding
with the Netherlands some years ago. Called the
Bangladesh Delta plan 2100, it envisages the
establishment of cooperation with the Dutch in all respects
of water management from 50-100 years. One would only
wish for the best for this plan and for it to continue because
Bangladesh stands to be benefited immensely from it.
Information-- indicating the future of Bangladesh most
of the time -- appear to be short of hope. It is generally
made out that the future of the country is rather hopeless.
Far too many people are already seen living in this tiny
country in the physical sense. Thus, anxiety is expressed
about the living space for this population which would
become even greater in the future not to mention finding
the means of sustenance for the growing number.
But Malthus and all other prophets of doom have been
proved wrong in the context of Bangladesh. Bangladesh's
population nearly doubled in the last three decades.
However, so did its food production. Agricultural
production has been more than keeping pace with
population growth.
Thus, Bangladesh has not become a failed state like
Sudan or Somalia. It is still a land of hope for its
hardworking and resilient people. If only its political
leadership improved in their sincerity to truly lead the
country in the desired path, then, as most Bangladesh
watchers say, this country could achieve a much higher
level of economic progress by now.
As for the other formidable worry - land shortage - there
is good news waiting for this country. Although there has
been a long standing projection about a part of
Bangladesh's coastal areas sinking into the sea in the near
future from the greenhouse syndrome, regularly received
satellite imageries and other tangible supporting evidences
suggest that Bangladesh is rather about to receive the gift
of a huge land mass from its adjoining sea.
The size of this land mass, eventually, could be as big as
the present size of Bangladesh or even bigger. But it will
depend considerably on what the Bangladeshis themselves
do-- like the people of the Netherland did --for lands to rise
from the sea and for the same to be joined to the mainland.
The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC)
is no doubt the most authoritative forum as regards
worldwide climate change and its consequences. But only
last year, IPCC had to eat its own words and confess that
some of its projections were flawed such as the imminent
disappearance of the Himalayan glaciers that could most
dramatically raise sea levels in the South Asian region.
Scientific data also indicate that nothing can be absolutely
said, yet, about the extent of sea level rise or the height of
its occurrences in different parts of the world.
Thus, it may eventually become quite possible for
Bangladesh to gain in elevation or new lands in its coastal
area in the likelihood of deposition of silt in its coastal
areas being faster or greater than the anticipated sea level
rise in this region.
Unfortunately, nothing has been noted so far in the
country's annual development plans (ADPs) to the
effect that the government is paying 'enough' attention
to this issue. No substantial allocations have been
made over the years to build dams and other
structures to put a pace on the process of accretion of
coastal lands. Let us hope that the agreement signed
with the Netherlands will reverse this trend.
Already, substantial territories have surfaced in the
coastal areas of Bangladesh. Some of these places have
completely surfaced and have human habitations on
them while others remain submerged during tides to
emerge with the ebbing of the tide. The latter types of
accreted lands are likely to gain in elevation to be
permanently joined to the mainland. Indeed, a part of
present day Bangladesh including the districts of
Faridpur, Barisal, Noakhali, Patuakhali, etc., were
formed in this manner over time.
Lands have already emerged from the sea in the coastal
areas and more lands from the sea will hopefully rise in the
future. But the natural process is a long one. It can be
hastened and the technology for it is not so prohibitive or
complex either. For Bangladesh, it involves only
quickening the process of accretion by establishing
structures like cross dams to speed up the rate of
deposition of silt in areas that have accreted or nearly
accreted.
The country is likely to get a generous response from the
international community in matters of fund availability
and technical supports if it can show that it is really keen
to accrete more lands and has put the endeavor under a
systematic policy framework.
Netherlands is one country which has the most
experience in getting lands out of the sea. It had a situation
worse than Bangladesh in the sense that much of it was so
low lying and below the sea level that even high tides and
storms in the sea led to its severe flooding and continuing
inundation. Today, the Dutch have not only solved these
problems through sophisticated engineering works, they
have permanently reclaimed vast stretches of lands from
the sea and are keeping them dry for various uses within
secure barriers or sea walls.
Bangladesh can certainly gain from engaging the
Netherlands in doing similar work for it. If we can play the
Netherland card well, then in the near future we can also
expect to sustainably get huge lands from the sea. Not only
in land reclamation, the Dutch help will prove to be
invaluable in all fields of water management such as
fighting flood, river training, etc.
Tunisia's president steps in due to Ennahda's failings
The last time protesters amassed
along Habib Bourguiba Avenue in
Tunis, Tunisia was in the throes of a
revolution that unseated strongman Zine
El-Abidine Ben Ali and dismantled his
fearsome police state. Last weekend, as
people gathered in front of parliament,
dissatisfaction with the ruling Ennahda
party and Prime Minister Hichem
Mechichi grew so great that President
Kais Saied invoked an emergency article
of Tunisia's constitution.
He dismissed parliament and several
key ministers and deployed the hitherto
apolitical army onto the streets. In what
was the region's only successful
democracy in the wake of the tumult of
the so-called Arab Spring, recent events
paint a stark picture.
Returning to his family home for lunch
and refusing to stay in the presidential
palace, the law professor-turnedpresident
does not fit the profile of the
archetypal Arab strongman. However,
after having campaigned on a populist
ticket, he has quickly become known as
"Robocop," with his staccato addresses in
formal Arabic in regards to law and order
issues suggesting that the events of this
week were perhaps inevitable.
Recent developments cannot, however,
be viewed in isolation. In April, Saied
raised eyebrows when he declared that his
powers as commander of the armed forces
also covered the internal security forces,
threatening to draw the sensitive Interior
Ministry into the political arena and
potentially dividing the security
establishment.
This should have served to warn the
country's warring factions that sustained
political squabbling, coupled with a
worsening public health crisis, might steer
the country toward executive rule.
The government proved to be
completely incapable of dealing with the
stagnant economy and an alarming
coronavirus disease outbreak.
To Saied, the author of several books on
Tunisia's government, including "General
Provisions of the Constitution," the
constitutional mechanisms with which to
take power would have been incredibly
clear. Though recent clashes between
supporters of Saied and those of Mechichi
and Ennahda have typified the political
chasm that divides Tunisia today, they
only explain one of the many issues with
the post-revolution political setup.
According to Yasmina Abouzzohour of
the Brookings Doha Center: "The yearlong
power struggle at the top can also be
taken as a failure on the government's
ZAID m. BelBAGI
part. Infighting between the legislative
and executive branches, as well as major
divides within parliament, have all but
paralyzed the political process and made it
difficult to implement much-needed
systematic reforms."
To Saied, the constitutional
mechanisms with which to take power
would have been incredibly clear.
North Africa expert and chairman of
Cross-border Information Jon Marks
said: "Tunisia has a peculiar and
complicated political culture that has been
ill-suited to developing an economy,
which is continually getting worse and
meeting the problems that caused the
Arab Spring. Their constant bickering has
resulted in successive governments who
have been unable to resolve the constant
political crises that have exacerbated
social division."
This summary of the root of the political
stagnation in the country highlights the
serious impact of the divisions between
the middle class, academics, a socially
conservative working class and politically
DoN mClAIN GIll
mobilized unions on the country's urgent
problems.
Culture wars have typified Tunisian
politics over the last decade, with laws
concerning the private lives of citizens
taking center stage ahead of urgently
needed economic reforms and job
creation. While Saied has been criticized
for his forceful deployment of
constitutional privilege,
Ennahda's decade as Tunisia's foremost
political force has become synonymous
with a continued failure to translate the
great hope of the country's revolutionary
generation into economic well-being.
Despite being well placed across
government and key institutions and
organizations, the party's record is one of
misappropriation of the generous aid
Tunisia has received, while also
politicizing its position within Tunisia
internationally to such an extent that the
country has become host to several
foreign powers and their respective battles
for regional dominance.
The once fiercely independent Tunisian
political class, which led African efforts at
decolonization, has now become a pawn
for the ambitions of foreign powers at the
expense of the lives of ordinary Tunisians,
which still have not improved.
Zaid M. Belbagi is a political
commentator, and an adviser to
private clients between London
and the Gulf Cooperation Council
(GCC). Twitter: @Moulay_Zaid
Time to renew multilateral leadership on climate crisis
Bolstering India-Japan partnership in Russian Far East
On July 20, Indian Foreign
Secretary Harsh Shringla stated
that India and Japan are willing to
enhance cooperation through
investments and joint projects in third
countries, including the strategically
located and resource-rich Russian Far
East.Moreover, he outlined the deepening
multidimensional partnership between
India and Japan has the "potential to
shape a multipolar world that is more
peaceful, secure and sustainable."
India and Japan are major Asian
powers that seek to maintain the stability,
peace, and order of the continent. Aside
from their political clout and military
capabilities, both countries possess
significantly large economies. Russia can
benefit from this by bolstering its
partnership with India and Japan as it
seeks to improve the political-economic
environment in its Far East region.
The Russian Far East constitutes more
than one-third of the country's total
territory. It is also abundant in natural
resources and is critical to preserving
According to Yasmina Abouzzohour of the Brookings Doha
Center: "The year-long power struggle at the top can also be taken
as a failure on the government's part. Infighting between the legislative
and executive branches, as well as major divides within
parliament, have all but paralyzed the political process and made
it difficult to implement much-needed systematic reforms."
The events of the past year are a stark
reminder of the need for global
action on climate change and
environmental protection.
A global pandemic, with its likely source
in increased interaction between wildlife
and humans, has brought the world's
economy to its knees, put a strain on the
social fabric across the globe, and claimed
millions of lives so far.
In Southeast Asia and indeed across the
globe, natural disasters have again taken a
heavy toll. Even nations at an advanced
stage of development, equipped with the
best capacities and technologies, have
been increasingly impacted by climaterelated
disasters affecting their
infrastructures, food and health systems,
and ecosystems.
Some commentators and decisionmakers
have seen this unprecedented
crisis as a sign of failure of international
cooperation and multilateralism, and are
promoting more isolationist policies.
Even before the pandemic struck, an
increase in commercial and geopolitical
tensions was already a concern,
particularly in the Asia-Pacific region.
These approaches are fundamentally
misguided. Our economies and societies
have become closely interconnected, and
advances in digital and transportation
technologies will only reinforce this trend.
Multilateral action is complex and can
often be frustrating when the national
interests of nearly 200 states are at stake.
But we are acutely aware by now that
certain challenges are global in nature and
require global solutions.
Environmental and climate-change
issues offer plenty of examples. The
oceans, our river basins, the air we
breathe, and the biodiversity we rely on
for our economy, our health and our
scientific progress know no borders. We
also know that multilateral action can
work. Joint action on threats to the ozone
layer, under the 1987 Montreal Protocol,
has led to a significant drop in ozonedepleting
substances. The ozone layer is
recovering and based on current trends,
the World Meteorological Organization
foresees an end to the "ozone hole"
phenomenon over Antarctica by 2060.
It is worth reviewing the key success
factors in this case.
First, the Montreal Protocol addressed a
scientifically recognized challenge of
global scale, with implications for human
health. Second, it benefited from
increased consumer awareness of the
harmful effects of ozone-depleting
substances, thanks to effective education
and awareness campaigns.
Third, after some initial resistance,
industry leaders invested in research and
development and were able to deploy
alternative technologies within a few
years.
And last but not least, the Montreal
Protocol came about as a result of decisive
leadership from key developed nations, in
a spirit of multilateralism, which included
financial and technical support for
developing countries to make the shift to
more environmentally friendly
technologies. Many of these ingredients
are again present, to address larger
environmental and climate change
challenges.
Scientific evidence of the impacts of
environmental degradation and climate
change on human development is
overwhelming. Global awareness of these
issues is reaching unprecedented levels as
impacts on health, access to water, food
systems and migrations, just to name a
highly important Asian trade routes.
However, despite its geopolitical and
economic importance, the Russian Far
East continues to face underdevelopment,
which has been a point of concern for
Moscow.
The region's history of socio-political
issues coupled with economic constraints
serves as a challenge for Moscow's
interests to maintain the stability, unity,
and peace throughout the country.
Accordingly, these factors have prompted
the Russian government to spearhead
policies to prioritize the development of
the Far East in 2006.
A major milestone toward the growth
profile of the Far East was reached a few
years later through the government's
"Pivot to the East" strategy, which
encompassed a series of initiatives for the
development of the region. The Far East
was to act as a link between businesses in
Russian mega-regions and companies in
East and South Asia.
Furthermore, the strategy also aimed to
increase investments in the Far East to
SAY SAmAl
few, are becoming more and more
obvious. Particularly encouraging is the
engagement of youth. In Cambodia, a
recent study found that 75% of young
people under 25 were motivated to take
action or had already acted to fight climate
change.
The private sector is gradually coming
on board. Many industry leaders now
recognize the opportunities of the green
economy. Investments in the
development and implementation of
sustainable energies and other climatefriendly
technologies are booming, and
sustainable finance is gathering pace.
In the last few months, we have seen
encouraging signs of leadership from
The Cambodian government fully appreciates the multilateral support
received as the country successfully transitioned to a new era of
peace and stability. We are now in a position to play an active role in
these multilateral mechanisms, as demonstrated by our contribution
to United Nations peacekeeping operations, and our active
participation in environmental and climate-change conventions.
some of the world's leading economies,
including announcements of carbonneutrality
targets by Japan and China,
and the European Green New Deal.
Most recently, the decision of the United
States to rejoin the Paris Agreement on
climate change and its commitment to
achieve net zero emissions of greenhouse
gases by 2050 have the potential to reinvigorate
global action on climate
change. Strong partnerships with climatevulnerable
nations must be a key
component of that response.
Multilateral action allows all nations, no
matter how small, to chip in and
contribute to a solution. It has a multiplier
effect, which makes possible results that
leading world or regional powers may not
be able to achieve on their own.
The Cambodian government fully
appreciates the multilateral support
enhance economic activity and growth.
However, the situation in Ukraine that
erupted in 2014 led to attempts from the
United States and the European Union to
isolate and impose sanctions of Russia.
These circumstances added more impetus
to Russia's pivot to Asia. Furthermore, the
role of the Far East became more
emphasized.
However, as Russia pivots to Asia, it is
faced with a worrying new reality in its Far
East - China's economic and military rise
and its proximity to the region. The
population of the Far East is only a little
over 6 million. Moreover, the population
in the region is on a downward trend due
to low birth rates and migration to other
parts of Russia.
This phenomenon is being exacerbated
by the influx of Chinese migrants in the
area. Furthermore, the large empty spaces
in the Far East have been increasingly
utilized by Chinese businesses. This
reality may greatly affect Russia's security
perception in the long term.
Despite being strategic partners, the
received as the country successfully
transitioned to a new era of peace and
stability. We are now in a position to play
an active role in these multilateral
mechanisms, as demonstrated by our
contribution to United Nations
peacekeeping operations, and our active
participation in environmental and
climate-change conventions. The
submission of our updated 2030 targets
under the UN Framework Convention on
Climate Change is the most recent
example of this commitment, and
Cambodia is currently working on its own
Long Term Low Emissions Development
Strategy. As mentioned recently by our
prime minister at the P4G Summit in
Seoul, Cambodia, as ASEAN chair for
2022, will work with all members of the
Association of Southeast Asian Nations to
implement the agreed comprehensive
Covid recovery framework, including
clear commitments on sustainable,
resilient and climate-smart recovery.
At the global level, a successful COP26
in Glasgow will be essential to increase
momentum. We call on all parties to
finalize negotiations on the rulebook for
the implementation of the Paris
Agreement on climate change.
Governments and private investors alike
need this clear framework to get more
ambitious projects moving on the ground.
After a forced period of economic
slowdown and self-reflection in 2020, this
year must mark a new beginning on how
the international community addresses
the global environmental and climatechange
crises. Cambodia stands ready to
do its part. We look forward to renewed
global leadership and commitment to
multilateral action from our partners.
Collectively, we must seize this
opportunity, to help our people and our
planet thrive.
Say Samal is Minister of
Environment, The Royal
Government of Cambodia.
level of mistrust due to a complex history
and China's increasing footprints in
traditional Russian spheres of influence
have warranted evaluation. Accordingly,
Moscow has further pushed for the
diversification of partners in its Far East
as it worries about a demographic and
economic imbalance in the region.
India and Japan have continuously
collaborated on a variety of
infrastructural, investment, and security
projects throughout Asia and beyond.
Both major democracies have highlighted
the need for transparency, peace, and
development in every joint project that
they have undertaken.
In recent years, the Russian Far East has
become a significant area for cooperation
between the two countries.
Don McLain Gill is a resident fellow at the
Manila-based International Development and
Security Cooperation (IDSC) and the director for
South Asia and Southeast Asia at the Philippine-
Middle East Studies Association (PMESA). He is
also a geopolitical analyst and an author