Tichitt-Walata and the Middle Niger - PanAfrican Association of ...

Aspects of Af rican Archaeology 

Tichitt-Walata and the Middle Niger: evidence for 

cultural contact in the second millennium Be 

KEVIN C. MACDoNALD 

Introduction: palaeohydrology and previous research 

A cultural connection between the Tichitt-Walata complex of southeastern Mauritania and the later 

civilisations of the Middle Niger has long been hypothesised (McIntosh 1995; Holl 1985a; Munson 

1980). Soninke oral traditions concerning the origins of the Empire of Ghana (particularly the myth 

of Dinga; Dieterlen and Sylla 1992), affinities in ceramic traditions (McIntosh 1995), and the existence 

of vestigial Soninke-speaking populations in the vicinity of Tichitt (Munson 1980) have all 

been used to assert population movement from Mauritania to the Middle Niger sometime before the 

first millennium AD. It now appears that a fossil drainage of the Middle Niger supplies the concrete 

evidence for this interaction which has long been sought. 

The Merna, a region of the modern republic of Mali, is one of the Niger River's many desiccated 

basins. Its vanished waterways were first investigated early this century by the geologist 

Furon (1929), who indicated the presence of two fossil drainages in the Merna - the Bras de 

Nampala and the Bras du Debo. The latter, now known as the Fala de Molodo, was a distinct and 

narrow dry-channel which could be followed without difficulty from the Niger to the Boulel Ridge. 

To the north, he traced the Fala's extension (the Bras de Nampala) by following low-lying ponding 

areas or mares across the landscape (Fig. 1). Today, despite the advent of aerial photography, we are 

not much farther in our understanding. Some recent studies indicate that the Bras de Nampala was 

in fact a chain of 'palaeolakes' (Raimbault and Dutour 1989; MacDonald and Van Neer 1994). 

Others have used the same evidence, to consider it as a 'water corridor', with a surrounding 

backswamp (Furon 1929; Togola 1993; McIntosh pers.comm.). 

In the 1950s, Monod and Mauny (1957) of IFAN visited the Merna when their attention was 

drawn to the vast, 400 m long kjokkenmodding of Kobadi by a local administrator. Strangely, it was 

to remain the only site predating the Empire of Ghana known from the region until the 1980s. 

In 1984 an ambitious campaign was launched by Raimbault and Togola whose survey work 

confirmed the presence on the ground of 102 sites between Nampala and Lere north of the Boulel 

Ridge (Togola and Raimbault 1991). Additionally, they did survey work in the portion of the Macina 

south of the Boulel Ridge which has sometimes been considered as part of the Merna (cf. Haaland 

1980), but is also known as the Kareri region. Most of the localities visited by Togola and Raimbault

430 Kevin C. MacDonald 

Figure 1 

of sites. 

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Map of the Merna region showing principal geomorphological features and the distribution 

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Palaeochannels 

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ossil Dunes 

Pr incipal Facies by Site 

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Modern Villages 

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Tichitt-Walata and the Middle Niger: evidence for cultural contact in the second millennium Be 431 

were large tell sites, with only one further 'Neolithic' site, that of Tiabel Goudiodie, being discovered. 

Raimbault has since returned to the Merna to excavate at Kobadi (Raimbault et al. 1987; 

Raimbault and Dutour 1989). 

The 1989 and 1990 Merna Survey 

In the winter of 1989/1990 a systematic survey of the Merna region was carried out by T. Togola and 

myself. The purpose of the mission was to establish a cultural chronology for the region, particularly 

with a view to studying changes in site distribution and environmental change over time. After 

the survey, several sites were selected for test excavations to allow the chronological placement of 

surface materials. In total 137 archaeological sites were visited, surface collected, and plotted on 

aerial photos during our survey. The work of Togola was presented as his doctoral thesis (Togola 

1993), while my work on the project formed a portion of my own (MacDonald 1994). 

Until the present decade, occupation sites pre-dating the advent of metallurgy were a rarity in 

the vicinity of the modern delta . Indeed, no vestiges of\human occupation from before 200 cal BC 

are yet known from the interior of the modern Inland Niger Delta itself, a phenomenon attributed 

tentatively to alluviation and/or to highly seasonal settlements before this time (R.J. McIntosh 1983). 

Remarkably, the Merna survey succeeded in locating 28 sites belonging to what has conventionally 

been termed the 'LSA' or 'Neolithic' . 

Four distinCt ceramic facies were identified at these 28 sites, representing two broad cultural 

traditions. Each facies was named after a type assemblage most clearly representing all of its facets 

(Kobadi, Beretouma, Ndondi Tossokel and Faita). It should be stressed, however, that although 

assemblages were invariably dominated by a single set of wares, materials attributable to other 

facies were usually also represented in them. Test excavation and surface associations indicate that 

three of these facies were at least partially contemporaneous, whilst the fourth (Faita facies) represents 

a later phase in the region's occupation (ca. 800BC - AD 200). The three contemporary facies 

would appear to date to between 2000 and 800 Be on the basis of an admittedly small suite of eight 

radiocarbon dates from three sites (MacDonald 1994, MacDonald and Van Neet 1994). For the 

purposes of this paper we will limit discussion to this period. 

Kobadi facies, Kobadi tradition (Fig. 2) 

First characterised by Mauny (1972), Kobadi ceramics are characterised by thick-walled, open and 

restricted simple-rimmed vessels of a usually globular shape. The internal rim diameters of these 

vessels usually range from 28 to 40 cm. 

They are decorated principally with pivoting stylus and pivoted, dragged or rocked comb (24- 

60% of motif occurrences). Other important means of decor include: twine impression (usually 

along the rim), braided twine roulettes (cf. Hurley 1979; types 210-212), twisted twine roulettes (cf. 

Soper 1985: 36), fabric impression (cf. Bedaux and Lange 1983) and incised or complex punctate 

decors often rendered in 'wavy' patterns (cf. Fig. 2.c-d). 

Temper is one of the most distinctive elements of the Kobadi Tradition. Sponge spicules and 

coarse sand were virtually the only tempers utilised in Kobadi wares. There is an increasing literature 

concerning sponge spiCUle temper in African pottery (cf. Brissaud and Houdayer 1986; Adamson 

et al. 1987; McIntosh and MacDonald 1989). In the Merna, we are dealing with high content samples 

which contain spicules only (no gemmules or gemulscleres), almost certainly indicative of the 

genus Potamolipis (a freshwater sponge, indigenous throughout the Niger River system) (McIntosh 

and MacDonald 1989). Spicule content, measured by thin-section point counts, in samples from 

Kobadi and Tiabel Goudiodie, may be placed at 18 to 25% of content (200 point samples). This 

measure far exceeds that for known Middle Niger pottery of later periods. Such quantities would


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20cm 

Figure 2 Typical Wares of the Kobadi Facies: a= pivoted stylus and impressed fabric decor [1251-1], 

b= twine impressed, pivoted comb and impressed fabric decor [1251-1], c=simple incised and impressed 

cord-wrapped stick decor [Beretouma 1121-2], d= complex punctate and stabbed comb decor [Tiabel 

Goudiodie]. 

Figure 3 Typical Beretouma Ware: a=stabbed comb and twisted cord roulette [Kolima-Sud], b=rocker 

comb, simple incision and twisted cord roulette [Beretouma 1121-5], c= rocker comb and twisted cord 

roulette [Kolima-Sud). 

Figure 4 Typical Wares of the Ndondi Tossokel Facies: a= cord-wrapped stick roulette [Kolima-Sud], 

b=simple incised and impressed cord-wrapped stick [1251-2], c=cord-wrapped stick roulette [Ndondi 

Tossokel 1119-1]. 

Figure 5. Dhar Tichitt Tradition Ceramics from the Chebka and Arriane Phases: a= cord-wrapped 

stick roulette [Munson site 16], b= cord-wrapped stick roulette [Munson site 22], c= impressed cord 

wrapped stick [Munson site 22], d= simple incision and cord-wrapped cord roulette [Munson site 46].

Tichitt- Walata and the Middle Niger: evidence for cultural contact in the second millennium Be 433 

argue for some sort of intentional concentration of spicules in the clay: either through the intentional 

gathering of clay from dry season floodplains'where dead sponges are clustered, or through 

the physical grinding, burning or macerating of whole specimens. The latter practices have been 

demonstrted along the White Nile between 3500 and 1500 BP by Adamson et at. (1987). Sponge 

spicule tempering would appear to be a distinctive technology, associated with peoples exploiting 

riverine resources. 

Aside from pottery, Kobadi facies localities possess a plethora of bone points, hooks and (more 

rarely) harpoons. Additionally, polished stone points are known from excavated contexts (Raimbault 

and Dutour 1987; MacDonald 1994). Stope grinders and objets de parure are rare. Geometric 

microliths though present at earlier localities (i.e. Tiabel Goudiodie), seem to disappear in favour of 

a crude assortment of retouched flakes at later sites (e.g. Kobadi and Kolima-Sud). 

All Kobadi facies sites occur within the bounds of the ancient floodplain (Fig. 1). All of the 

sites are kjokkenmoddings, and were probably initially chosen for occupation because of their elevation 

above the surrounding plain. At Kobadi, excavations by Raimbault have shown that the 

original site surface was 1-2 m above the floodplain (Raimbault and Dutour 1989), and similar 

results have been achieved by our team at Kolima Sud ' (MacDonald 1994, MacDonald and Van 

Neer 1994). Additionally, at Kobadi it appears that the habitation area stretched along the top of the 

bone midden and burial area, although no post holes or daub fragments have yet been reported. 

1251-1 follows the same pattern as Kobadi in terms of shape, except that it would have been situated 

on an islet within a lake. Tiabel Goudiodie is an enormous shell midden of over 3m in height 

situated directly beside the ancient Fala de Molodo channel. 

In size, the sites of the Kobadi facies far exceed their peers, ranging between 1.9 and 7.6 ha in 

expanse. This may be due to greater population aggregations at Kobadi localities, a permanent as 

opposed to a seasonal occupation of the sites, their depositional nature (kjokkenmoddings), or to a 

longer period of occupation for these sites (with horizontal displacements). 

Economically, the Kobadi facies would appear to be 'hunter-fisher', with catfish, Tilapia, Nile 

perch and aquatic mammals dominating faunal assemblages (Raimbault et at. 1987, MacDonald 

and Van Neer 1994). 

Beretouma facies, Kobadi tradition (Fig. 3) 

The Beretouma facies is perhaps best regarded as a phase of the Kobadi tradition rather than as a 

discrete entity. It is characterised by distinctive simple rimmed, open bowls with internal diameters 

varying between 34 and 48 cm, although a few smaller vessels (c.24 cm) are known. 

Their decor is highly distinctive, consisting of twisted and braided twine roulettes on their 

exterior, burnishing of their lip and interior, and the decoration of the interior with one rank of 

rocker comb decor. The vessels are also unique in being consistently black in colour (fired in a 

reducing atmosphere). In terms of temper, only 12% of such vessels recovered in the survey were 

grog tempered, the remainder were tempered with sponge. 

There are three localities located in the survey which bear quantities of Beretouma ware associated 

with Kobadi and Ndondi Tossokel ceramics. They are all of substantial size, the largest being 

the 12.5 ha site of Kolima Sud. The remaining two, 1121-4 and 1121-5 are both situated on the 

raised beaches which form a ring around the southern portion of "Palaeolake Beretouma". Both 

sites are semi-circular high density artifact scatters abutting the lake bed. 

We have little economic evidence associated with Beretouma pottery other than numerous fish 

remains (MacDonald 1994).


Ndondi Tossokelfacies, Dhar Tichitt tradition (Fig. 4) 

Elements of the Ndondi Tossokel tradition first appeared like uninvited guests in elements of the 

Kobadi assemblage illustrated by Mauny (1972: Plate n.8-10). In retrospect, parallels between these 

vessels and those from Tichitt-Walata should have been obvious at the time (Mauny 1972: Plates V 

VII; Holl 1986: Fig.23). However it was not until I had a chance to study the Dhar Tichitt assemblage 

curated by Pat Munson at Indiana University in 1993, that I realised the Ndondi Tossokel 

tradition and that of Tichitt-Walata to be one and the same (compare Figs 4 and 5). 

The Ndondi Tossokel tradition comprises both open simple-rimmed vessels and closed evertedrimmed 

vessels, with the latter being the more numerous. The everted rim vessels have internal rim 

diameters of between 12 and 22 cm. The diameters of open simple rimmed vessels range between 

14 and 38 cm. 

In addition to the distinctive shape of their everted rims (cf. Fig. 4 for the three principal variations), 

their decor and its manner of application are most characteristic. Tightly spaced cord-wrapped 

cord roulettes descending vertically from the lip or collar of the vessel are a hallmark of Ndondi 

Tossokel wares, comprising between 39 and 59% of total motif occurrences. Additionally, impressions 

using the same tool are common. Other decor attributes include applied plastic nubbins and 

fillets (cf. Rye 1981: 94) which are usually in the shape of teats and are applied below or within the 

band of cord-wrapped stick decor, and simple incised lines or arcs (Fig. 4b). Red slip is also very 

common, with traces visible on the lip of most vessels. The fabric of Ndondi Tossokel pottery is 

distinctive, usually consisting of grog and coarse sand, sometimes augmented by chaff (ca. 5-30% 

of sherds depending on the assemblage). In texture, they are harder than Beretouma or Kobadi 

wares, and tend to have thinner walls. 

Although lithics are scarce in the Merna, probably due to the lack of local rock sources aside 

from schist and sandstone, Ndondi Tossokel sites usually provide an assortment of projectile points 

comparable to those known from Dhars Tichitt and Walata (cf. Amblard 1984, types 68, 78 and 79). 

Also, polished stone hachettes, stone rings and beads which correlate well with the findings of 

Amblard (1984) are associated with the Ndondi Tossokel facies. 

In most instances the Ndondi Tossokel sites are characterised by the presence of what may be 

called "mini-middens". These are relatively small, one to five metre diameter, rounded mounds no 

more than 50 cm in height containing broken pottery, stone chips and bone. In between these there 

is only a thin scatter of cultural materials. Munson (pers. comm.) has suggested that similar "bumps" 

observed in the Dhar Tichitt region, were wind-eroded rubbish pits or sherd-lined earth ovens. 

Alternatively, these could be the remains of refuse accumulations from beside living areas, or even 

hydrological phenomena. Still, it is interesting that "mini-middens;' do not occur at sites of other 

traditions situated within the inundatable plain. 

Except when they are mixed with Beretouma ceramics, Ndondi Tossokel facies sites do not 

occur within the ancient floodplain, but on its margins (Fig. 1). They feature little debris accumulation, 

with their deposits never rising more than a metre above the surrounding area. In size they are 

much smaller than Kobadi sites, usually not exceeding 1.5 ha. A notable exception to this is the 6 ha 

escarpment-top occupation of Saberi Faita, but it is only superficially stratified. These sites give the 

impression of ephemeral occupations by highly mobile groups. 

Cattle and ovicaprine remains, as well as terracotta cattle statuettes, have been positively associated 

with Ndondi Tossokel facies ceramics at Kolima-Sud and other sites (MacDonald 1994). 

This brings into question claims of Raimbault (et al. 1987) concerning the association of cattle 

remains with the Kobadi tradition. As has been argued elsewhere, we believe it more probable that 

cattle remains at Kobadi stem from intrusive Ndondi Tossokel facies deposits at the site (MacDonald 

and Van Neer 1994).


Figure 6 Outlying sites and regions discussed in the text with radiating lines showing likely sources 

of stone imports found in the Merna from ca. 2000-800 Be. 

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MAURITANIA 

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MALI 

Dhar Tichitt Tradition Ceramics (Figure 6) 

250km 

• Hassi el Ablod 

Some mention should be made here concerning the main aspects of the Tichitt ceramic tradition to 

which parallels have been drawn. Although presented extensively in Munson's (1971) thesis, a 

detailed characterisation of these assemblages has never been published. It should be evident from 

what follows that I still subscribe to Munson's (1971, 1976) chronological hypothesis, albeit with 

some modifications, and not to Holl's (1986) seasonality hypothesis. Most of my reasons can be 

found in Munson's own rebuttal to Holl (Munson 1989), but I would also stress the integrity and 

clarity of Munson's original ceramic sequence. 

The earliest Tichitt ceramics, those assigned to the Akreijit through Goungou phases (I-III), are 

strictly simple rimmed vessels. All are chaff tempered, and decor consists initially of comb decor 

gradually replaced in turn by impressed cord wrapped stick and twisted twine roulettes. Chaff in


fact remains the almost exclusive temper of the Tichitt tradition .throughout its long span of years, 

with sand and grog occasionally added or substituted. Everted rims, as well as red slip, only begin to 

appear in the Nkahl and Naghez phases (IV-V), with twisted twine remaining the dominant decor. 

By the Chebka and Arriane phases (VI-VII) everted rims have become common accounting for 

c.40-50% of all rims. Cord-wrapped stick motifs become common again, and start to be used as 

roulettes instead of only for impression (cf. Fig. 5 for ceramics from phases VI-VII). Finally, in the 

AkJinjeir phase (VIII) applied plastic motifs become common, and vessels grow much larger and 

have less decor. 

The Tichitt assemblages only become analogous with those· of Ndondi Tossokel'during the 

Chebka and Arriane phases (e.g. higher proportions of everted rims, rouletted cord-wrapped decor, 

etc.). Their resemblance is not absolute, however, as some Tichitt vessels of these phases feature 

knotted twine decor (cf. Hurley 1979: Type 165), a manipulation entirely absent in the Merna. 

Discussion: regional chronology 

Dating the Kobadi facies 

The earliest known date for the human occupation of the Middle Niger comes from the site of Tiabel 

Goudiodie. This site has been dated on freshwater oyster shells (Etheria elliptica) to between 2570 

and 2410 cal BC (Togola and Raimbault 1991). As usual with dates on freshwater materials, however, 

a carbonate reservoir effect of several hundred years should be allowed for, thus an initial 

occupation date of around 2000 BC is more likely for the site. 

It is difficult to know what the sequence of dates from the site of Kobadi actually date culturally, 

since all but one of them are conventional collagen dates run on surface-collected bone, and 

Ndondi Tossokel materials are known to also occur on the site (Raimbault and Dutour 1989, 

MacDonald 1994). The earliest date, 1740-1510 BC, was run on burned hippopotamus bone, and is 

thus most likely associated with the aquatically based Kobadi tradition. More recently, an as yet 

incompletely published date (Georgeon et al. 1992: 86) was run on an unspecified material from the 

1989 excavations. Its result, 1740-1440 BC (3305±80 BP), is very close to that of the early 'hippo 

bone'. The middle dates are less certain, coming from indeterminate burned bone (1260-900 BC) 

and mammalian vertebrae (930-610 BC) respecti vely, the latter date coming from samples collected 

by Mauny in 1954 (Georgeon et at. 1992). The most recent date (770 to 380 BC) was run on the 

cranium of a late inhumation recovered eroding from the midden surface. It is evident that we are 

dealing with a lengthy and probably multi-faceted occupation at Kobadi (c. 1750-400 BC). How 

punctuated this may have been by gaps in occupation, and the extent to which typical Kobadi wares 

continued throughout it, will only be clarified with the publication of a complete excavation report 

by Raimbault. 

A single radiocarbon date has recently been run on hippo ivory from the lowest Kobadi facies 

occupation layer of Kolima-Sud (layer V, KLS- l lv.25). The result of this apatite determination was 

as follows: 3365±70 BP11740-1530 cal BC (GX-21192-AMS). This date is comparable to the two 

earliest dates from Kobadi itself, and when bracketed by a date associated with Ndondi-Tossokel 

ceramics in the upper Kolima-Sud sequence (see below), suggests a minimum temporal range of 

1750 to 1300 BC for the Kobadi facies. 

Dating the Ndondi Tossokel and Beretouma facies 

Test excavations carried out at the site of Kolima-Sud in 1990 provide our only definitive date for 

Ndondi Tossokel and Beretouma ceramics in context. There, two sondages revealed occupational 

deposits of 2.5 m in depth containing four principal occupational layers (MacDonald 1994). In


layers I to III cattle remains and cattle figurines appear with Ndondi Tossokel ceramics. Kobadi 

ceramics, which were present from the sites first occupation (layers IV and V), disappear before 

layer III and are replaced fully by Beretouma ceramics which continue beside those of Ndondi 

Tossokel. In the absence of substantive charcoal deposits, a cattle molar (Bos cf taurus, M2) from 

the Layer IIIIII interface (KLS-l, Iv. 1 0) was submitted to Geochron Laboratories for apatite dating. 

The result was: 3084±73 BP11420-1230 cal BC (GX-19814-AMS) (MacDonald and Van Neer 1994). 

Also, at least for the dating of N dondi Tossokel tradition, we may turn to the Dhar Tichitt Phase 

VI-VII Chebkal Arriane wares with which it is closely stylistically associated. The calibration of 

dates assigned by Munson (1989) to these phases, and the poorly chronologically defined Naghez 

phase, would place their one sigma range between 1400 and 800 Be. This would appear to be in line 

with our single date from the Merna. But here, unfortunately, we venture onto the much debated 

ground of Dhar Tichitt chronology (Holl 1986; Munson 1989; Muzzolini 1989). Suffice to say that 

another re-evaluation of the Dhar Tichitt sequence is in progress, which will hopefully clarify this 

matter for the time being (MacDonald and Munson in prep.). 

Conclusion: the Merna before the Empire of Ghana 

In the Merna we have a particularly early West African example of multi-cultural contemporaneity 

within a single region. There are at least two groups involved. The Kobadi Tradition, with physical 

and material cultural roots to the northeast at Hassi el Abiod (Raimbault and Dutour 1989, Georgeon 

et al. 1992), and the Ndondi Tossokel tradition with material and economic roots to the northwest at 

Dhars Tichitt-Walata. 

The earlier occupants of the region are manifestly the Kobadi folk, robust "Mechtoid" fisherhunter-gatherers 

who first colonised the shrinking lacustrine region around 2000 Be. Human osteology 

has been used to link them with similar early Holocene fisher-hunter-gatherer populations 

from the Saharan site of Hassi el Abiod (Georgeon et al. 1992). Their movement to the Merna has 

been portrayed as a response to environmental change - a retreat with the lacustrine regions which 

maintained their aquatic subsistence lifestyle. Upon their arrival in the Merna, they were still producing 

a geometric microlith industry, but this seems to have given way to an opportunistic utilised 

flake industry (MacDonald 1994). Their hunting and fishing prowess in this virgin landscape appears 

to have been epic, with kills of elephants, hippos, crocodiles, and massive Nile perch and 

catfish of up to 2.5 m in length. Only at Kobadi and Kolima Sud, where ceramics of the Ndondi 

Tossokel facies are associated, do we have any evidence for food production associated with the 

Kobadi tradition. 

Around 1300 BC we have evidence that a new group had entered the zone with close affinities 

to Dhar Tichitt's ChebkalArriane phase (c.1400-800 BC). It would seem that the Dhar Tichitt tradition, 

with only small quantities of arable land, had long been under pressure to expand. Indeed, 

settlement hierarchies first visible at Dhars Tichitt and Walata around this time may represent traces 

of simple chiefdoms organised to defend the decreasing supply of land (Munson 1980; Holl 1985a). 

It is even possible that population pressures and territorial restrictions were responsible for a shift to 

the actual domestication of millet at the site (Munson 1976; Amblard and Pemes 1989). From this 

time, off-shoots of the Dhar Tichitt tradition begin to appear in small mobile settlements along the 

margins of the Merna's inundatable plain. Their economy would seem to have been based on pastoralism, 

but we have no data to show us whether they were also cultivators. Could they represent a 

pastoral sub-group of a Dhar Tichitt cultural complex? Or, were they true agro-pastoralists for whom 

the Merna was only a grazing and shallow-water fishing stop on an elaborate seasonal round? We do 

not yet know.


That there was movement between the Merna and Tichitt-Walata is evidenced by imported 

stone materials of Phthanite, Amazonite and Jasper from Mauritania. Indeed, it is possible that 

Ndondi Tossokel and Kobadi trade contact long predates the first arrival of the former's settlements 

in the region. Above all, trade could have been in the form of commodities: rare stones and cattle for 

fish and possibly grain. 

Around 1300 BC it would also appear that the Kobadi tradition underwent a shift, with the 

appearance of Ben5touma ware. This may simply represent a later phase of the Kobadi tradition, but 

it is notable that Beretouma ceramics occur frequently on sites where Kobadi and Ndondi-Tossokel 

ceramics co-exist. Is it possible that the Beretouma tradition might instead be a product of contact 

between these two groups? In some cases the two populations appear to have lived side by side, or 

at the very least there was a seasonal trade between them. 

Evidence to support this assertion comes from the pastoral element of the Ndondi Tossokel 

economy. If the cattle had not yet developed tsetse resistance, a substantial seasonal displacement to 

the north would have been essential for their herds survival, and would have constituted a barrier to 

any southward penetration of the zone (Smith 1979). Even if their livestock were tsetse resistant, it 

would have been difficult for them to have survived in a floodplain environment during the wet 

season if only for reasons of space and hoof-rot. In any event, their displacements need not have 

been the vast migrations practised by modern pastoral groups. Wet season settlements could even 

have been located less than 50 km away, at the Mauritanian sandstone inselbergs of which Saberi 

Faita is the southernmost. Questions of this nature will remain unanswerable until work is continued 

in the Merna, and survey is conducted in the adj9ining Dhar Nema region. 

Acknowledgements 

I would like to thank Tereba Togola for our long-standing friendship and continuing collaboration. 

I am also grateful to Patrick Munson for access to collections and some enlightening discussions. 

Funding for my participation in the Merna Project was supplied by a Thomas J. Watson Fellowship 

(1989/90). 

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