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Separability of Light Verb Constructions in Persian*

Separability of Light Verb Constructions in Persian*

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arguments as <strong>in</strong> (15), when it functions as a heavy verb. However, it predicates different<br />

number and type <strong>of</strong> arguments as <strong>in</strong> (16) <strong>in</strong> its light use.<br />

(15) Ali keta:b-ra: be Sasan da:d. (Dative)<br />

Ali book-DOM to Sasan give-past<br />

‘Ali gave the book to Sasan.’<br />

(16) a. Ali ʔesteʔfa: da:d (Intransitive)<br />

Ali resignation give-past<br />

‘Ali resigned’<br />

b. Ali Sasan-ra: neja:t da:d (Transitive)<br />

Ali Sasan-DOM rescue give-past<br />

‘Ali rescued Sasan’<br />

c. Ali ʔota:q-ra: be Sasan ʔextesa:s da:d (Dative)<br />

Ali room-DOM to Sasan allocation give-past<br />

‘Ali allocated the room to Sasan.’<br />

In contrast to (15), <strong>in</strong> (16) the same LV predicates clauses with different number and type<br />

<strong>of</strong> arguments; depend<strong>in</strong>g on the predicational characteristics <strong>of</strong> the PV elements <strong>of</strong> the<br />

LVCs. Thus, it might be plausible to say that an LV has an unspecified, or defective astructure<br />

(Di Sciullo, 1990; Butt, 1995) which turns <strong>in</strong>to a fully-fledged one when the<br />

given LV co-occurs with another element, while a heavy verb bears a fully specified astructure.<br />

3.1.2. <strong>Light</strong> <strong>Verb</strong>s vs. Auxiliaries<br />

Persian auxiliaries (e.g. šodan ‘to become’, budan ‘to be’, da:štan ‘to have’,<br />

xa:stan ‘will’) <strong>in</strong> their usage as auxiliaries are different from LVs. LVs, bear<strong>in</strong>g lexical<br />

aspectual properties, contribute to the formation <strong>of</strong> predicates (= LVCs) by comb<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g<br />

with PVs. In contrast, auxiliaries, only capable <strong>of</strong> carry<strong>in</strong>g functional features (e.g. tense<br />

and agreement), are unable to participate <strong>in</strong> LVC formation and they may only co-occur<br />

with already fully-fledged predicates either simple or complex. Consider the follow<strong>in</strong>g<br />

examples:<br />

(17) a. Ali na:me-ra: xa:had xa:nd. (Future)<br />

Ali letter-DOM will read<br />

‘Ali will read the letter.’<br />

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