Lexicon and Grammar - Department of Cognitive Science - Johns ...

More documents

Recommendations

Info

(41) -al N Y / !F] V __ Since all such entailments are surface constraints, there is nothing extraordinary to the fact that they can refer to such surface properties as stress. In the traditional perspective, such cases will require at least a cyclic provision: the phonological structure of the stem must be calculated first, before affixation can occur. Roca and Johnson (1999, 453) assume just such an analysis. The cases listed in (42) all seem to instantiate this type of interaction. (42) Like (40): selection of stem/ root based on some of its specific prosodic properties, like number of syllables/ position of stress/ tonal structure. Carstairs (1988) and refs.: a. Turkana deverbal abstract noun suffixes -isi; -u; -V iC i (subject to vowel harmony) b. Hausa number suffixes -ai; -una, -ye c. Turkish verbal causative suffixes: -t-; -dir- d. Warlpiri ergative suffixes -ngku; -rlu Hargus (1993) and refs. (Also citing further languages and references): e. German deverbal nominalizing suffixes -ei; -erei Booij and Lieber (1993): f. Dutch adjectival suffixes -isch; -ief Kiparsky (1994): g. German participial prefix ge- h. Finnish illative sg. -seen; -(h)Vn i. English comparative -er Harris (1989): j. Spanish singular definite article el with feminine nouns Anttila (2002, fn. 4) (Also citing further languages and references): k. Finnish lexicalized suffixes -kka n, -kka a 40
Vaux 2003 (Also citing further languages and references): l. Turkish present suffixes -Ir; -Er (subject to vowel harmony) There are other cases, however, in which the prosodic/ phonological structure of the whole word needs to be calculated for morphological selection to operate correctly. The familiar vád-/ and- case repeated in (43) is of this type. (43) a. vád-o ‘I go’ b. and-iámo ‘we go’ Cyclicity is of no help to these cases, because, while the choice of stem allomorphs is controlled by presence versus absence of stress, the latter in turn depends on the structure of the whole word including the affix. Hence phonology must first apply to the word before morphology is able to select the stem –an apparent contradiction of the traditional sequential order. Regular OT makes available a potential solution to this type of case. It consists of allowing an input to be a disjunctive set of allomorphs rather than just a singleton, here the set in (44). (44) Multiple Input: {vád-, and-} It is easy to see that the first allomorph vád- will be optimal in all and only the stressed positions by virtue of satisfying IO-FAITH (stress), while the second will be optimal in the unstressed positions, for the same reason. No such solution is available in the pre-OT framework based on re-write operations, since those can only handle one-to-one relations, and thus not the one between each output in (43) and the two members of the input set in (44). I will argue below that the Multiple Input (MI) approach of (44), proposed in Mascaró (1996a, b), Lapointe (2001), and hinted at in Mester (1994) (see also Tranel 1998, Perlmutter 1998, Yip 2003 for similar proposals) is correct except that the ‘inputs’ are in fact outputs, so that ‘MI’ is to be properly understood as the multiple correspondence of (9b), (19) above, as already argued in connection with (24) above, which subsumes (43). The cases in (45) are all of the same type as the one in (43). (45) Like (43): allomorph selection based on satisfaction of accentual faithfulness. Carstairs (1988), DiFabio (1990): (24c) above: a. Italian -ísc- (only stressed) Kiparsky (1994) b. Modern Greek diminutive -áki (only stressed) c. Spanish abol- stem of verb ‘abolish’ (only unstressed) Note in passing that Italian abol- has exactly the same property as its Spanish counterpart in 41
Page 1 and 2: * Acknowledgments Lexicon and Gramm
Page 3 and 4: 1. Introduction The assumption that
Page 5 and 6: The rest of the article is organize
Page 7 and 8: input is a contributor to the struc
Page 9 and 10: shortening provisions, exactly as i
Page 11 and 12: a. Affixal Correspondence b. Multip
Page 13 and 14: as in (14), where intuitive rather
Page 15 and 16: occur with otherwise comparable -y:
Page 17 and 18: gender of the form in (ii), but the
Page 19 and 20: pursue this issue in her work. Comp
Page 21 and 22: without: and-, -s- (or -t- as in v
Page 23 and 24: without an associated meaning, they
Page 25 and 26: (27) Selection Attraction a. i. ré
Page 27 and 28: the participial morpheme, here -it-
Page 29 and 30: operation of incremental morphology
Page 31 and 32: contradictory: given a genitive in
Page 33 and 34: an approach skirts the issue of how
Page 35 and 36: opposed to derivational morphology
Page 37 and 38: minimally specified to be able to r
Page 39 and 40: suppletion), facts such as (38) can
Page 41: instance, the mismatch between [p !
Page 45 and 46: i. Welsh na/ nac ‘nor’ (and oth
Page 47 and 48: (53) a. -e Y / #F ___ b. -ne Y / FF
Page 49 and 50: (59) SING. PL. SING. PL. a. UR /k h
Page 51 and 52: as in (61). (61) Types of Phonologi
Page 53 and 54: In sum, the multiple inputs of the
Page 55 and 56: from participle to noun. This was c
Page 57 and 58: This contrasts with the fact that o
Page 59 and 60: (73) /Agamemnon/ *WEAK N )-ENERGY I
Page 61 and 62: This breakthrough for parallelism i
Page 63 and 64: not in (b), while the case in (c) m
Page 65 and 66: *WEAK PLACE (-son.) replaces *WEAK
Page 67 and 68: The Finnish case is described in (8
Page 69 and 70: property of the UR or input, but ra
Page 71 and 72: express the lexical control. In man
Page 73 and 74: the one made by the Italian data in
Page 75 and 76: directionality in OO-FAITH relation
Page 77 and 78: 157-199. Burzio, Luigi (2003) ‘Ou
Page 79: Pinker, Steven (1991) 'Rules of Lan

Lexicon and Grammar - Department of Cognitive Science - Johns ...

Create successful ePaper yourself

Delete template?

Save as template?