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Bundu Trap - Windward Community College

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Asha Samad<br />

Worldwide, some 80 to 100 million women<br />

have undergone an operation first recorded in<br />

Egypt more than 4,000 years ago. Since then,<br />

“female circumcision” in various forms has<br />

been customary in many African and in some<br />

Asian, Middle Eastern, and indigenous Central<br />

and South American cultures. Very different<br />

from male circumcision (the removal<br />

of the foreskin of the penis), female circumcision<br />

can involve the partial or total removal of<br />

the clitoris and/or “infibulation,” surgical<br />

modification and suturing together of the labia.<br />

In some areas (Chad, Somalia, Sudan),<br />

“decircumcisions” are necessary to open infibulations<br />

before marriage and childbirth.<br />

While many associate female circumcision<br />

with Muslim tradition, it predates Judaism,<br />

Christianity, and Islam. It has also been practiced<br />

by Jewish communities and Christians<br />

living in regions where circumcision is customary.<br />

Condemned by African women’s groups<br />

and the World Health Organization as abusive<br />

and often dangerous, female circumcision<br />

persists even where modern African<br />

governments seek to limit or prohibit it.<br />

While most women survive these mutilating<br />

operations, they may suffer immediate and<br />

lasting physical effects. Hemorrhaging, infection,<br />

and infertility are among the serious<br />

complications. The inability to pass urine normally,<br />

pain during sexual intercourse, and excessively<br />

difficult deliveries are common<br />

results. Although harder to measure, emotional<br />

and psychological effects may also ensue.<br />

“You were standing there like a dead<br />

body. She was going to bring you home.”<br />

“I know my way home,” I answer defensively.<br />

“You know your way home, and you<br />

couldn’t keep a tray of food on your<br />

head.”<br />

“I told you I was afraid they were going<br />

to catch me.”<br />

The way Mother is looking at me, I<br />

know that if a garbage truck for children<br />

came along at this moment, she would<br />

happily throw me in.<br />

“They should have just circumcised<br />

you then so you could stay there. Maybe<br />

they’ll find you a husband after that.<br />

You’re no use to me.”<br />

I know my mother is just upset, so I<br />

don’t say anything. I go inside the house<br />

Afterword<br />

All groups circumcising females also circumcise<br />

males. Such groups regard the rite as<br />

an essential part of a child’s socialization.<br />

The operation is done at different ages in different<br />

societies—ranging from a few days after<br />

birth until puberty. However, among some<br />

ethnic groups it is done just prior to marriage,<br />

or, as in Rivers state, Nigeria, in the seventh<br />

month of the woman’s first pregnancy. The<br />

rite can symbolize the stability of the group as<br />

expressed in the faithfulness of its females—<br />

the passers-on of its customs and the maintainers<br />

of its families. The custom also reinforces<br />

respect and authority. The day of<br />

circumcision thus involves not only pain but<br />

also recognition for having become a full<br />

adult and a marriageable member of society.<br />

Other obvious functions of female circumcision<br />

include control of female sexuality and<br />

marital chastity. In patrilineal societies, authority<br />

over the bride is transferred at marriage<br />

to the spouse’s patriline. The bride’s<br />

moral and economic value to her patriline and<br />

to her spouse is dependent upon her unquestioned<br />

virginity as demonstrated by the intact<br />

infibulation.<br />

Many groups feel that attempts to prevent<br />

them from practicing circumcision represent<br />

an attack on their cultural integrity by “colonial,”<br />

Western interests and westernized African<br />

governments. (The Masai, for instance,<br />

are loath to change customs at the behest of a<br />

government that has moved them out of their<br />

traditional lands.) They may fear that loss of<br />

a cohesive tradition, with nothing to replace<br />

it, will result in daughters who are as “loose”<br />

and change my clothes, happy I came<br />

back—at least for now.<br />

NOTES<br />

1. Circumcision; secret society of circumcised<br />

women.<br />

2. Rice porridge.<br />

3. Sisal leaves cooked in West African<br />

sauce.<br />

4. Senegal-style red rice.<br />

5. Cooked cassava dough.<br />

6. Title of honor for a woman who has<br />

been on a pilgrimage to Mecca.<br />

7. A minority tribe of Sierra Leone.<br />

8. “Amen.”<br />

9. “Thanks be to God.”<br />

10. A majority tribe in Sierra Leone.<br />

11. “She sounds like a fishwife.”<br />

12. A shaman who will cast out “bad<br />

spirits.”<br />

Reprinted with permission from Natural History, August 1996, pp. 42–52. © 1996 by Memuna M. Sillah.<br />

6<br />

Article 27. <strong>Bundu</strong> <strong>Trap</strong><br />

as uncircumcised African and Western<br />

women are perceived to be. More generally,<br />

they believe that an uncircumcised daughter<br />

may become centered on herself, rather than<br />

family, home, and group.<br />

Some westernized Africans now debate<br />

the value of female circumcision. But fear<br />

that uncircumcised daughters will not be acceptable<br />

as brides in their communities<br />

spurs many to perpetuate the custom. Some<br />

parents may seek modified forms of the operation<br />

for their daughters and may have the<br />

procedure performed in private clinics or at<br />

home under anesthesia and in antiseptic<br />

conditions.<br />

Some—usually Western-educated African<br />

women, often of independent means, or<br />

those living in the immigrant and refugee<br />

communities of Europe and North America—<br />

have fully rejected the procedure and are educating<br />

women about its deleterious effects<br />

and organizing to end the custom. At the same<br />

time, other women protest what they consider<br />

outside interference in the most intimate aspects<br />

of their culture. They ask why Western<br />

women—whose own culture often leads them<br />

to radically alter their appearance, even<br />

through surgery—are so intolerant of the<br />

practices of others.<br />

What African women on both sides of the<br />

issue resent most is being looked upon by the<br />

rest of the world as self-mutilating primitives.<br />

Even opponents of circumcision feel that<br />

women from the ethnic groups practicing this<br />

ancient custom should be the ones leading the<br />

fight to eradicate it.<br />

Born in Sierra Leone, Memuna M. Sillah<br />

grew up “in the midst of quiet, yet constant,<br />

revolts, especially by teenage girls, against<br />

the unnecessary pain caused by genital mutilation.”<br />

Sillah came to the United States eight<br />

years ago, after living in London, Paris, and<br />

Kingston, Jamaica. Now a graduate student<br />

in sociology at City <strong>College</strong> of the City University<br />

of New York (CUNY), she has been<br />

actively concerned with the problem of female<br />

genital mutilation since 1993, when she<br />

chose the topic for a term paper in Asha Samad’s<br />

course on violations of women’s<br />

rights. “I then learned,” Sillah writes, “how<br />

widespread the practice is in Africa and other<br />

parts of the world—and the drastic forms it<br />

can take. This knowledge awakened my old<br />

teenage passions against the practice.” Sillah<br />

is now at work on a novel about immigrant<br />

African women in the United States.

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