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Medical Science and the Anatomia Animata in Milton's Paradise Lost

Medical Science and the Anatomia Animata in Milton's Paradise Lost

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eform<strong>in</strong>g, chemically m<strong>in</strong>ded doctor”; he concludes that “His library, <strong>and</strong> his<br />

friendship with Quakers, suggest he was <strong>in</strong>terested <strong>in</strong> exactly <strong>the</strong> area of radical thought<br />

to which Milton belongs.” 19 Hanford extends his <strong>in</strong>vestigation of <strong>the</strong> relationship to<br />

show fur<strong>the</strong>r evidence of Milton’s relationships with figures such as Henry Oldenburg,<br />

Samuel Hartlib <strong>and</strong> Robert Boyle: his conclusion is that Milton had a susta<strong>in</strong>ed social<br />

<strong>in</strong>terest <strong>in</strong> medical experimentation <strong>and</strong> research, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> work of <strong>the</strong> early Royal<br />

Society. 20<br />

I propose that we th<strong>in</strong>k aga<strong>in</strong> about <strong>the</strong> connections Milton had with radical<br />

elements of <strong>the</strong> medical profession, <strong>in</strong> particular his l<strong>in</strong>ks with Nathan Paget. John<br />

Rogers po<strong>in</strong>ts to Paget as a direct l<strong>in</strong>k between Glisson <strong>and</strong> Milton; <strong>in</strong> 1651 <strong>the</strong>re is a<br />

brief note to <strong>the</strong> Exam<strong>in</strong>ations Committee of <strong>the</strong> Council of State <strong>in</strong> which <strong>the</strong>re is a<br />

recommendation for <strong>the</strong> repr<strong>in</strong>t<strong>in</strong>g of one of Milton’s tracts (probably <strong>the</strong> Defence of <strong>the</strong><br />

English People). Included <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> same note is a compla<strong>in</strong>t that one Peter Cole has been<br />

pr<strong>in</strong>t<strong>in</strong>g an unauthorised English translation of Glisson’s first medical treatise, De<br />

Rachitude, <strong>the</strong> patent of which was actually owned by William Dugard, Milton’s<br />

pr<strong>in</strong>ter. 21 Critics speculate reasonably that Milton was protect<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>terests of his<br />

friend Paget as well as those of his pr<strong>in</strong>ter, for Paget was one of a group of eight men<br />

from <strong>the</strong> College of Physicians who contributed to De Rachitude. 22 Fifteen years later,<br />

dur<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> plague of 1665, he <strong>and</strong> Glisson were named as some of <strong>the</strong> few brave enough<br />

to rema<strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong> London to treat <strong>the</strong> ill <strong>and</strong> dy<strong>in</strong>g. 23<br />

Paget also had a copy of Glisson’s<br />

<strong>Anatomia</strong> hepatis (1654) <strong>in</strong> his library, as well as a revised version of 1657 which<br />

19<br />

Christopher Hill, Milton <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> English Revolution (London: Faber <strong>and</strong> Faber, 1977), 493-495.<br />

20<br />

James H. Hanford, ‘Dr. Paget’s Library’, Bullet<strong>in</strong> of <strong>the</strong> <strong>Medical</strong> Library Association 33.1 (1945), 90–<br />

99, 98.<br />

21<br />

John Rogers, The Matter of Revolution: <strong>Science</strong>, Poetry <strong>and</strong> Politics <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> Age of Milton (Ithaca:<br />

Cornell University Press, 1996), 105. This connection has also been noted by Hill, Milton <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> English<br />

Revolution, 492; also by William Riley Parker, John Milton: A Biography, 2 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon,<br />

1968), 2: 979.<br />

22<br />

Francis Glisson, A Treatise of <strong>the</strong> Rickets, trans. Philip Arm<strong>in</strong> (London, 1651). Those named <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

preface are Francis Glisson, George Bate, Nathan Paget, Assuerus Regimorter, Thomas Sheaf, Edmund<br />

Trench, Robert Wright <strong>and</strong> Jonathan Goddard.<br />

23<br />

Guido Giglioni, ‘The Genesis of Francis Glisson’s Philosophy of Life’, Ph.D. <strong>the</strong>sis, John Hopk<strong>in</strong>s<br />

University, 2002, 18. This study of Francis Glisson’s philosophy <strong>and</strong> practice is rare <strong>in</strong> its translations<br />

<strong>and</strong> detailed analyses of Glisson’s actual texts; I use it extensively. Glisson had a career that spanned<br />

decades, so when us<strong>in</strong>g Giglioni’s translations I note <strong>the</strong> source materials from which he is work<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong><br />

order to reta<strong>in</strong> a sense of <strong>the</strong> time at which Glisson’s work was produced. For this <strong>in</strong>formation Giglioni<br />

cites Nathanial Hodges, LOIMOLOGIA sive Pestis Nuperae apud Populum Lond<strong>in</strong>ensem Grassantis<br />

Narratio Historica (London, 1672). “Neque vero deerant <strong>in</strong>super Insignissimi et Clarissimi viri, qui<br />

privatam <strong>in</strong> Peste compescenda (periculi tanti Consortes) operam navarunt, e quorum numero (non s<strong>in</strong>e<br />

honoris praefatione nom<strong>in</strong><strong>and</strong>i) erant Viri eruditi et sagacissimi Franciscus Glisson, Prof. Reg. Cantab.<br />

Nathan Pagetius, Thomas Whartonus, Petrus Earwickius, Humphredus Brookes, et alii haud vulgaris<br />

famae etiamnum hodie <strong>in</strong> vivis” (18-19).<br />

7

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