Decomposing Household Income by Source and Subgroup - Alex Eble
Decomposing Household Income by Source and Subgroup - Alex Eble
Decomposing Household Income by Source and Subgroup - Alex Eble
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<strong>Decomposing</strong> <strong>Household</strong> <strong>Income</strong> <strong>by</strong> <strong>Source</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Subgroup</strong><br />
overall inequality. Through instituting new tax policy <strong>and</strong>/or revitalizing existing<br />
policy to curb the gross inequality stemming from this source of income, China could<br />
make enormous strides in reducing income inequality. Conversely, without attention<br />
paid to reducing income inequality stemming from family business, government<br />
policy aimed at reducing income inequality could at best finish only a little more than<br />
half of the job.<br />
Looking at the other end of the spectrum, agriculture contributes almost nothing to<br />
overall inequality (never more than five percent in any index). This finding has<br />
equally strong policy implications. Policies geared at increasing income have<br />
potentially inequality-inducing effects. Whereas a government-sponsored business<br />
incubator would likely increase inequality in light of the results of this paper,<br />
government investment in raising income from agriculture would almost certainly<br />
reduce inequality.<br />
Also interesting, remittances are the main contributor to inequality between counties.<br />
Further investigation into literature on migration could reveal what factors contribute<br />
to an individual’s decision to leave a village <strong>and</strong> remit money. Existing networks of<br />
villagers, limited information, prosperity, <strong>and</strong> proximity to travel infrastructure are all<br />
possible inputs. Policy towards alleviating inequality could improve access these for<br />
the poor <strong>and</strong> thus affect the amount of resources flowing into a region from<br />
remittances to accordingly even distribution across counties.<br />
The main surprise that came from this investigation is a methodological one. The<br />
relative contributions of income components <strong>and</strong> regional income inequality as<br />
measured <strong>by</strong> the ineqdeco function in Stata® may violate Shorrocks’ assertion that the<br />
relative contribution to income inequality of various components is independent of the<br />
choice of inequality index. Certainly, the question remains: is family business<br />
responsible for 80 percent of all income inequality or 40 percent? As can be seen<br />
numerically in figure one <strong>and</strong> graphically in several of the preceding graphs, there are<br />
numerous other instances in which the relative contribution of an income component<br />
or regional contribution is different according to the CV than that given <strong>by</strong> Theil’s T.<br />
In most cases the general structure of inequality contributions remains the same.<br />
Family business <strong>and</strong> intra-village inequality, for example, contribute the lion’s share<br />
to overall inequality for both indices. The proportional contributions of the several<br />
income components, however, differ frequently <strong>and</strong> noticeably between the two<br />
indices, as does regional decomposition. This result suggests one of four possibilities.<br />
The most obvious possibility is that I committed a mathematical error in calculations.<br />
It is also quite possible that I am misinterpreting Shorrocks’ use of the phrase “relative<br />
contribution.” The other two less likely although more interesting possibilities are that<br />
either Shorrocks made an error in his assertion or that Jenkins did so in writing his<br />
algorithm.<br />
For further investigation, time series data would help distinguish non-farmers from<br />
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