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Decomposing Household Income by Source and Subgroup - Alex Eble

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<strong>Decomposing</strong> <strong>Household</strong> <strong>Income</strong> <strong>by</strong> <strong>Source</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Subgroup</strong><br />

overall inequality. Through instituting new tax policy <strong>and</strong>/or revitalizing existing<br />

policy to curb the gross inequality stemming from this source of income, China could<br />

make enormous strides in reducing income inequality. Conversely, without attention<br />

paid to reducing income inequality stemming from family business, government<br />

policy aimed at reducing income inequality could at best finish only a little more than<br />

half of the job.<br />

Looking at the other end of the spectrum, agriculture contributes almost nothing to<br />

overall inequality (never more than five percent in any index). This finding has<br />

equally strong policy implications. Policies geared at increasing income have<br />

potentially inequality-inducing effects. Whereas a government-sponsored business<br />

incubator would likely increase inequality in light of the results of this paper,<br />

government investment in raising income from agriculture would almost certainly<br />

reduce inequality.<br />

Also interesting, remittances are the main contributor to inequality between counties.<br />

Further investigation into literature on migration could reveal what factors contribute<br />

to an individual’s decision to leave a village <strong>and</strong> remit money. Existing networks of<br />

villagers, limited information, prosperity, <strong>and</strong> proximity to travel infrastructure are all<br />

possible inputs. Policy towards alleviating inequality could improve access these for<br />

the poor <strong>and</strong> thus affect the amount of resources flowing into a region from<br />

remittances to accordingly even distribution across counties.<br />

The main surprise that came from this investigation is a methodological one. The<br />

relative contributions of income components <strong>and</strong> regional income inequality as<br />

measured <strong>by</strong> the ineqdeco function in Stata® may violate Shorrocks’ assertion that the<br />

relative contribution to income inequality of various components is independent of the<br />

choice of inequality index. Certainly, the question remains: is family business<br />

responsible for 80 percent of all income inequality or 40 percent? As can be seen<br />

numerically in figure one <strong>and</strong> graphically in several of the preceding graphs, there are<br />

numerous other instances in which the relative contribution of an income component<br />

or regional contribution is different according to the CV than that given <strong>by</strong> Theil’s T.<br />

In most cases the general structure of inequality contributions remains the same.<br />

Family business <strong>and</strong> intra-village inequality, for example, contribute the lion’s share<br />

to overall inequality for both indices. The proportional contributions of the several<br />

income components, however, differ frequently <strong>and</strong> noticeably between the two<br />

indices, as does regional decomposition. This result suggests one of four possibilities.<br />

The most obvious possibility is that I committed a mathematical error in calculations.<br />

It is also quite possible that I am misinterpreting Shorrocks’ use of the phrase “relative<br />

contribution.” The other two less likely although more interesting possibilities are that<br />

either Shorrocks made an error in his assertion or that Jenkins did so in writing his<br />

algorithm.<br />

For further investigation, time series data would help distinguish non-farmers from<br />

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