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Post Verbal Subjects and Agreement in Brazilian Portuguese

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(75) *Duas men<strong>in</strong>as t<strong>in</strong>ha/ t<strong>in</strong>ha-m na festa.<br />

two girls had.sg/had-pl at-the party.<br />

‘Two girls were at the party.’<br />

As a solution to address this, I adopt Avelar’s (2004) proposal that the<br />

existential ter <strong>and</strong> the stage level copular estar (‘be’) are the spell out of the same<br />

verbal root. Based on a distributed morphology framework (Halle <strong>and</strong> Marantz<br />

(1993)), he proposes the idea that the verbal root is spelled out as estar when the<br />

verb attaches to a T conta<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g a D feature (which attracts a DP to its specifier) (v-<br />

T D), <strong>and</strong> it is spelled out ter when it lacks that D feature(v-T). From this<br />

perspective the alternation <strong>in</strong> (72) <strong>and</strong> (73) also exists <strong>in</strong> BP <strong>and</strong> is spelled out as<br />

follows:<br />

(76) T<strong>in</strong>ha/ t<strong>in</strong>ha-m duas men<strong>in</strong>as na festa.<br />

had.sg/had-pl two girls <strong>in</strong>-the party.<br />

‘There were two girls at the party.’<br />

(77) Duas men<strong>in</strong>as estam/ *esta na festa.<br />

two girls are/ is(stage-level) <strong>in</strong>-the party.<br />

‘Two girls were at the party.’<br />

Thus, existentials allow for the same possibilities as unaccusatives: either<br />

the expletive or the subject of the small clause may raise to spec-TP:<br />

(78) [ TP [pro-there] k are(V-v-T) j [ vP t k [duas men<strong>in</strong>as] i t j [ VP t j [[ SC t i t k] [ PP<br />

at the party]]] 20<br />

(79) [ TP [duas men<strong>in</strong>as] k are(V-v-T D) j [ vP t k [ VP t j [ SC t k [pro-there]] [ PP at the<br />

party ]]<br />

20 This representation is most likely a very simplified representation (adjo<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g the PP to SC,<br />

follow<strong>in</strong>g Moro (1993, 1997)), given some recent proposals about the structure of PP <strong>in</strong> Koopman<br />

(1997) <strong>and</strong> Kayne (2004). However, it seems to suffice for the po<strong>in</strong>t discussed above.<br />

25

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