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The argument structure of deverbal nouns in Brazilian Portuguese

The argument structure of deverbal nouns in Brazilian Portuguese

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eference to higher-order entities, the correspondence with the <strong>argument</strong>s <strong>of</strong> the verbal<br />

<strong>in</strong>put should be reflected <strong>in</strong> the underly<strong>in</strong>g <strong>structure</strong>s <strong>of</strong> both classes <strong>of</strong> words.<br />

As further evidence support<strong>in</strong>g the different behaviour <strong>of</strong> first and secondorder<br />

<strong>nouns</strong>, we may consider cases <strong>of</strong> double expression <strong>of</strong> the possessor phrase,<br />

which occurs ma<strong>in</strong>ly <strong>in</strong> the genitive-possessive type <strong>of</strong> nom<strong>in</strong>alization, like my<br />

horse’s w<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> the race. Although <strong>deverbal</strong> <strong>nouns</strong> adjust to the model <strong>of</strong><br />

prototypical <strong>nouns</strong>, there is a clear difference between these <strong>deverbal</strong> <strong>nouns</strong> and firstorder<br />

<strong>nouns</strong> <strong>in</strong> that the double expression <strong>of</strong> a possessor is allowed only for <strong>deverbal</strong><br />

<strong>nouns</strong>. Compare (36a) and (36b).<br />

(36)a *o livro de José de Maria<br />

the.M book <strong>of</strong> José <strong>of</strong> Mary<br />

‘John’s book <strong>of</strong> Mary’<br />

b John’s dismiss<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> Mary / John’s dismissal <strong>of</strong> Mary<br />

<strong>The</strong> only situation where a <strong>deverbal</strong> noun could be fully assimilated to a firstorder<br />

noun is where the <strong>deverbal</strong> <strong>nouns</strong> do not describe states-<strong>of</strong>-affairs, but the result<br />

<strong>of</strong> action predicates, as seen <strong>in</strong> (37a) represent<strong>in</strong>g a result noun <strong>in</strong> opposition to (37b)<br />

represent<strong>in</strong>g an action noun.<br />

(37)a Aquel-a constru-ção d-o alto d-a col<strong>in</strong>a<br />

That-F build-NMLZ <strong>of</strong>-the.M top <strong>of</strong>-the.F hill<br />

é muito sólid-a.<br />

be-IND.PRS.3SG very steady-F<br />

‘That build<strong>in</strong>g on the top <strong>of</strong> the hill is very steady.’<br />

b A constru-ção d-a casa demor-ou dois ano-s.<br />

the.F build-NMLZ <strong>of</strong>-the.F house last-IND.PRF.3SG two year-PL<br />

‘<strong>The</strong> build<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> the house lasted two years.’<br />

<strong>The</strong> underl<strong>in</strong>ed noun <strong>in</strong> (37a), which is derived from the verbal predicate<br />

construir ‘to build’, is not provided with an <strong>argument</strong> <strong>structure</strong> s<strong>in</strong>ce it does not refer<br />

to a state-<strong>of</strong>-affairs, but to the result <strong>of</strong> an action; therefore, the prepositional phrase<br />

do alto da col<strong>in</strong>a ‘[literally ‘<strong>of</strong> the top <strong>of</strong> the hill (on the top <strong>of</strong> the hill)]’ represents a<br />

possessor expression both formally and semantically, whose function is to locate the<br />

entity referred to. <strong>The</strong> same noun form <strong>in</strong> (37b) represents an embedded predication <strong>in</strong><br />

subject position.<br />

<strong>The</strong> category labels <strong>in</strong> (38) may be applied to both possible mean<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>of</strong> the<br />

noun <strong>in</strong> comparison with the verbal predicate.<br />

(38) construir > construção1 > construção2<br />

[+ V – N] [+V + N] [-V + N]<br />

Malchukov claims for a cl<strong>in</strong>e <strong>of</strong> <strong>deverbal</strong>ization toward nom<strong>in</strong>alization and<br />

toward <strong>deverbal</strong>ization, establish<strong>in</strong>g the relative rank<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> features on verbal and<br />

nom<strong>in</strong>al hierarchies; further he shows “the relevance <strong>of</strong> these hierarchies for<br />

constra<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g different types <strong>of</strong> possible transcategorial operations, such as<br />

nom<strong>in</strong>alization” (Malchukov 2004: 56). In the cl<strong>in</strong>e <strong>of</strong> <strong>deverbal</strong>ization,<br />

nom<strong>in</strong>alizations only stop describ<strong>in</strong>g a state-<strong>of</strong>-affairs when they change <strong>in</strong>to real<br />

first-order <strong>nouns</strong>. <strong>The</strong> more external verbal features and their respective layers are<br />

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