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On Really Existing Anti-Americanism - Hoover Institution

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<strong>Hoover</strong> Classics : Berman hcberman ch3 Mp_87 rev0 page 87<br />

<strong>Really</strong> <strong>Existing</strong> <strong>Anti</strong>-<strong>Americanism</strong><br />

87<br />

dain for the democratic soldier, with his childish scrawl<br />

and bad manners. The passages show Brecht working<br />

toward a rapprochement with the liberal institutions of<br />

England and the emancipatory character of bourgeois,<br />

which is to say, capitalist, life: for this same substance,<br />

shifted to the United States, today’s anti-American only<br />

has contempt.<br />

anti-americanism: a european ideology<br />

Is anti-<strong>Americanism</strong> an endogenous formation, the consequence<br />

of internal European cultural processes, or<br />

does it reflect genuine differences between Europe and<br />

the United States? This chapter began exploring the first<br />

model, according to which the enemy is understood to<br />

be a retroactive construction, necessary for the constitution<br />

of an identity. It followed that anti-<strong>Americanism</strong><br />

had little to do with reality, or with real conflicts, and<br />

much more to do with cultural traditions and stereotypes.<br />

Yet Brecht’s reflections of 1940 suggest an alternative<br />

account. At a particular point in history, he was<br />

able to shift loyalties from one culture to another, from<br />

continental ideologies of dogma to British liberalism<br />

and liberty. For all his Central European illiberalism<br />

(which is shared by today’s European anti-American<br />

movements), he nonetheless imagined a personal rapprochement<br />

with the enemy, the culture across the<br />

channel. Brecht, the son of Augsburg, accepted Marlborough’s<br />

victory at Blenheim and all that that implied—parliamentary<br />

ascendancy, commercial culture,<br />

military prowess as a progressive force, and, ultimately,

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