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Uganda Report 2012 FINAL PO:Layout 1 - ACORD

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The Human Rights Watch (2006) observes that people<br />

are still discriminated against in various ways because<br />

of their HIV status, which increases their vulnerability<br />

in terms of service access. This affects people’s<br />

enjoyment of the right to food and their ability to feed<br />

themselves as well as their families. Without the<br />

access to the means and entitlements to enjoy the<br />

right to food, a person becomes more vulnerable to<br />

HIV&AIDS.<br />

3.3 The Linkage between Community Vulnerability<br />

to HIV&AIDS and Food Insecurity<br />

Previous studies demonstrate a strong link between<br />

community vulnerability to HIV&AIDS and food<br />

insecurity; in many ways the effects of HIV&AIDS<br />

cause food insecurity, and food insecurity potentially<br />

causes vulnerability to HIV infection. This cyclical<br />

nature of the relationship between food insecurity and<br />

HIV has been shown to depend on a number of<br />

factors 52 , that include household demographic<br />

structure, gender of household head, number of<br />

people infected in the household, level of community<br />

reciprocity and nature of social networks.<br />

The HIV epidemic can be seen as a shock deeply<br />

affecting all components of livelihood systems and<br />

their outcomes. Pervasive or acute food shortages or<br />

famine in regions with high HIV prevalence such as<br />

Northern <strong>Uganda</strong> are fundamentally different than<br />

intermittent food insecurity in other contexts.<br />

Previously, a drought, civil conflict or other shock<br />

would temporarily alter food production and livelihood<br />

systems, requiring households to cope as best as they<br />

could until the situation normalised. However, in the<br />

case of HIV, households and communities face a<br />

shock to food and livelihood security from which quick<br />

return to normalcy is difficult. In contrast to more<br />

traditional shocks, the convergence of food insecurity<br />

and HIV often leads to the establishment of an<br />

increasingly vicious cycle, with food insecurity<br />

heightening susceptibility to HIV exposure and<br />

infection, and HIV in turn heightening vulnerability to<br />

food insecurity 53 .<br />

Unlike many short-term shocks HIV tends to have a<br />

continual and cumulative effect on household food<br />

security. HIV disproportionately affects prime-age<br />

adults, killing the most productive members of society.<br />

It therefore increases household dependency ratios,<br />

reduces agricultural productivity, income generation<br />

and caring capacity, and impairs knowledge transfer<br />

between generations 54 . HIV typically has a more<br />

pervasive impact on household food security than<br />

other shocks because the disease increases the<br />

nutritional requirements of infected individuals,<br />

widening gaps between food needs and food access.<br />

The scale of the HIV epidemic is therefore larger than<br />

that of most other shocks to food security.<br />

In terms of gender, food insecurity exacerbates gender<br />

inequality and potentially causes women to engage in<br />

exploitative sexual relationships that place them at<br />

greater risk of contracting HIV 55 . Food insecurity can<br />

promote migratory labor and marketing arrangements<br />

that place individuals at greater risk of being exposed<br />

to HIV 56 . Similarly, food insecurity can increase<br />

susceptibility to HIV in that the risk of infection and<br />

the disease’s rate of progression are influenced by an<br />

individual’s nutritional status. For instance,<br />

micronutrient deficiencies have been shown to<br />

increase the likelihood of mother-to-child<br />

transmission 57 .<br />

The main impact of HIV&AIDS is the illness or death of<br />

a household member and the subsequent loss of<br />

labor. This is the starting point for a set of high-risk<br />

responses. When a family member falls sick, the<br />

dependency ratio increases; households then seek<br />

human, financial and social alternatives to<br />

compensate for the loss. The loss of labor is twofold;<br />

(i) the household loses the labor of the HIV&AIDSinfected<br />

person and, (ii) the labor of family members<br />

who care for the sick person 58 . Loss of labor is<br />

followed by various high-risk responses, which make<br />

people even more vulnerable; (i) reduction in the<br />

acreage of land under cultivation, (ii) delays in farming<br />

operations, (iii) declines in crop yields and livestock<br />

production, (iv) a shift from labor-intensive crops to<br />

crops that are less nutritious and (v) declines in<br />

production. The different impacts erode households’<br />

right to food as people’s diet may deteriorate, for<br />

example, which makes them more vulnerable 59 .<br />

50 Gillespie and Levisohn (2003) Food Security and<br />

Rural Livelihoods<br />

51 Norman and Chopra (2005) HIV disclosure in South<br />

Africa.<br />

52 Villareal, M., Anyonge, C., Swallow B., and<br />

Kwesiga, F (2004) Keeping Agro forestry Relevant in<br />

Situations of High HIV/AIDS Prevalence,<br />

53 Loevinsohn, M., and Gillespie, S (2003) HIV/AIDS,<br />

Food Security and Rural Livelihoods; Gillespie and<br />

Kadiyala (2005) HIV/AIDS and food and nutrition<br />

security: From evidence to action.<br />

54 Haddad and Gillespie (2001) Effective Food and<br />

Nutrition Policy Responses to HIV/AIDS<br />

25

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