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Mexico’s <strong>Drug</strong> <strong>Trafficking</strong> <strong>Organizations</strong>: Source and Scope <strong>of</strong> the Violence<br />

that the environment is growing more violent and that the “violent free for all” is a relatively new<br />

development in Mexico. 90<br />

Fragmentation that began in 2010 and accelerated in 2011 has redefined the “battlefield” and<br />

brought new actors, such as Los Zetas and the Knights Templar, to the fore. An array <strong>of</strong> smaller<br />

organizations are now active, including the Resistance and the Jalisco Cartel-New Generation,<br />

who have reportedly competed for territory in the coastal states <strong>of</strong> Nayarit, Colima, and Jalisco. 91<br />

Recently some analysts have identified Jalisco Cartel-New Generation as a “major” cartel.<br />

Although this group split <strong>of</strong>f from a wing <strong>of</strong> the Sinaloa DTO (it had been loyal to “El Nacho”<br />

Coronel who was killed by Mexican authorities in July 2010), Jalisco Cartel-New Generation<br />

now opposes some former allies <strong>of</strong> Sinaloa such as the Knights Templar as well as fighting<br />

against its enemy, Los Zetas. 92<br />

Contrary to the experience in Colombia with the sequential dismantling <strong>of</strong> the enormous Medellin<br />

and Cali cartels, 93 fragmentation in Mexico has been associated with escalating violence. 94 A<br />

“kingpin strategy” implemented by the Mexican government has “taken down” numerous topand<br />

mid-level leaders in all the major DTOs, either through arrests or deaths in operations to<br />

detain them. However, this strategy with political decentralization has contributed to violent<br />

succession struggles, shifting alliances among the DTOs, a proliferation <strong>of</strong> new gangs and small<br />

DTOs, and the replacement <strong>of</strong> existing leaders and criminal groups by ones who are even more<br />

violent. 95 Analysts disagree about the extent <strong>of</strong> this fragmentation and its importance. Several<br />

analysts have observed that as the Mexican DTOs have fragmented and multiplied, violence has<br />

escalated to an all-time high. 96 Others analysts caution not to overstate the level <strong>of</strong> fragmentation.<br />

Many <strong>of</strong> these organizations and smaller gangs are new and it is premature to predict how they<br />

will fare or whether the resulting highly competitive group <strong>of</strong> smaller organizations will be easier<br />

to dismantle. The Calderón government, on the other hand, asserted that the removal <strong>of</strong> DTO<br />

leadership through government enforcement operations has not caused violence to spike. 97<br />

90 Patrick Corcoran, “Mexico: Upstart Gangs Eat into Cartel Hegemony,” In Sight Crime: Organized Crime in the<br />

Americas, August 4, 2011.<br />

91 Patrick Corcoran, “Mexico: Upstart Gangs Eat into Cartel Hegemony,” In Sight Crime: Organized Crime in the<br />

Americas, August 4, 2011.<br />

92 See, Peña Nieto’s Challenge: Criminal Cartels and Rule <strong>of</strong> Law in Mexico, especially Appendix D: Main Cartels in<br />

Mexico. See also, STRATFOR, “Mexico Security Memo: The Death <strong>of</strong> a Cartel de Jalisco Nueva Generacion Ally,”<br />

February 27, 2013; STRATFOR, “Mexican Cartels: Cartel de Jalisco Nueva Generacion,” April 4, 2013; Patrick<br />

Corcoran, “Jalisco Cartel Promises Mexico Govt It Will Take Down Rival Gang,” In Sight Crime: Organized Crime in<br />

the Americas, March 23, 2013.<br />

93 In Colombia’s case, successfully targeting the huge and wealthy Medellín and Cali cartels and dismantling them<br />

meant that a number <strong>of</strong> smaller drug trafficking organizations replaced them (“cartelitos”). The smaller organizations<br />

have not been as violent and thus the government was seen to have reduced violence in the drug trade. Critical,<br />

however, were factors in Colombia that were not present in Mexico, such as the presence <strong>of</strong> guerilla insurgents and<br />

paramilitaries who became deeply involved in the illegal drug business. Some have argued that the Colombian cartels<br />

<strong>of</strong> the 1980s and 1990s were structured and managed very differently than their contemporary counterparts in Mexico.<br />

(See Appendix).<br />

94 O’Neil, “<strong>Drug</strong> Fragmentation and Violence.”<br />

95 STRATFOR, “Mexico’s <strong>Drug</strong> Wars: Bloodiest Year to Date,” December 20, 2010; STRATFOR, “Mexican <strong>Drug</strong><br />

Wars Update: Targeting the Most Violent Cartels,” July 21, 2011.<br />

96 O’Neil, “<strong>Drug</strong> Cartel Fragmentation and Violence;” Eduardo Guerrero Guitiérez, “La Raiz de La Violencia,” Nexos<br />

en Línea, June 1, 2011. Guerrero also argues that eliminating leaders has dispersed the violence.<br />

97 See Alejandro Poiré and Maria Teresa Martinez, “La Caida de los Capos No Muliplica la Violencia: El Caso de<br />

Nacho Coronel,” Nexos en Linea, May 1, 2011. (Alejandro Poiré and Maria Teresa Martinez were <strong>of</strong>ficials from the<br />

(continued...)<br />

Congressional Research Service 19

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