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The sexual and reproductive health of younger adolescents

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<strong>The</strong> <strong>sexual</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>reproductive</strong> <strong>health</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>younger</strong> <strong>adolescents</strong><br />

studies are <strong>of</strong> 15–19 year olds, data from DHSs<br />

<strong>and</strong> other sources permit some descriptions <strong>of</strong> the<br />

situation <strong>of</strong> <strong>younger</strong> <strong>adolescents</strong> – <strong>of</strong>ten drawn<br />

from 15–19 year olds reporting on their own<br />

behaviour before they turned 15 years.<br />

Gendered patterns <strong>of</strong> <strong>sexual</strong> initiation (which are<br />

not mutually exclusive <strong>and</strong> may coexist within<br />

countries <strong>and</strong> even within communities) include<br />

the following:<br />

▪<br />

▪<br />

▪<br />

single st<strong>and</strong>ards <strong>of</strong> behaviour in prohibitive<br />

<strong>sexual</strong> cultures in which neither boys nor girls<br />

have non-marital sex before the age <strong>of</strong> 15<br />

years, although some sex differences in <strong>sexual</strong><br />

initiation may appear in later adolescence (e.g.<br />

Armenia, Azerbaijan, Ethiopia, Indonesia <strong>and</strong> the<br />

Philippines; see comparisons <strong>of</strong> married females<br />

<strong>and</strong> females who have had intercourse by the<br />

ages <strong>of</strong> 15 <strong>and</strong> 18 years, in Appendix Table 2);<br />

single st<strong>and</strong>ards <strong>of</strong> behaviour in somewhat<br />

permissive <strong>sexual</strong> cultures that tolerate (or are<br />

at least forced to accept) early non-marital sex<br />

for both girls <strong>and</strong> boys (e.g. 13–15-year-old<br />

students in the United Republic <strong>of</strong> Tanzania<br />

<strong>and</strong> northern <strong>and</strong> central Ghana, as shown in<br />

Appendix Table 3);<br />

double st<strong>and</strong>ards in which boys are considerably<br />

more likely than girls to have non-marital sex at<br />

the age <strong>of</strong> 14 years or <strong>younger</strong>, the differences<br />

between them ranging from slight to substantial<br />

(e.g. in the Latin American <strong>and</strong> Caribbean<br />

countries in Appendix Table 2, excluding girls<br />

who are already married or cohabiting, <strong>and</strong><br />

most student surveys in Appendix Table 3).<br />

One also finds:<br />

▪<br />

gendered double st<strong>and</strong>ards <strong>of</strong> desirable age<br />

differences between partners, in which the<br />

average age gap ranges from 2 to 3 years or less<br />

in peer-oriented dating cultures, to 8 to 10 years<br />

or more where adult men seek out young<br />

girls as <strong>sexual</strong> partners or where the marriage<br />

market is organized around older (sometimes<br />

▪<br />

▪<br />

polygamous) men marrying young brides<br />

(Glynn et al. 2001; Luke 2003Clark 2004; Khan<br />

<strong>and</strong> Mishra 2008:72;);<br />

cultures <strong>of</strong> <strong>sexual</strong> violence as reflected in high<br />

levels <strong>of</strong> unwanted or coerced sex <strong>and</strong> abuse<br />

reported by girls <strong>and</strong> women in some countries,<br />

both at the occurrence <strong>of</strong> first non-marital or<br />

marital intercourse (<strong>sexual</strong> initiation before<br />

15 years is most likely to be coerced, e.g. 43%<br />

in the United Republic <strong>of</strong> Tanzania, 41% in<br />

Peru, 36% in Bangladesh <strong>and</strong> 20% in Thail<strong>and</strong>)<br />

(WHO 2005:11–15; see also Ajuwon et al. 2001;<br />

Jejeebhoy <strong>and</strong> Bott 2003; Erulkar 2004; Koenig<br />

et al. 2004; Jejeebhoy et al. 2005);<br />

subcultures in which boys are victims as well<br />

as perpetrators <strong>of</strong> <strong>sexual</strong> coercion <strong>and</strong> abuse,<br />

particularly those living on the streets or in<br />

conflict situations, who are raped by other boys<br />

or men <strong>and</strong> who may in turn coerce others,<br />

including their female partners (Ramakrishna<br />

et al. 2003; Rajani <strong>and</strong> Kudrati 1996; Population<br />

Council 2004a; Jewkes et al. 2006).<br />

<strong>The</strong> sex–gender rules are also played out in boys’<br />

<strong>and</strong> girls’ partners <strong>and</strong> motives for <strong>sexual</strong> initiation.<br />

Apart from the forced or unwanted <strong>sexual</strong> initiation<br />

<strong>of</strong> young girls in arranged marriages or non-marital<br />

situations,<br />

▪<br />

▪<br />

girls are more likely than boys to say they were<br />

motivated to have sex by love, a desire to<br />

“deepen the relationship”, a sense <strong>of</strong> obligation<br />

to the boy, or (in some settings) by promises <strong>of</strong><br />

gifts or money (mostly from older boys or men),<br />

whereas boys more <strong>of</strong>ten mention curiosity,<br />

physical gratification, or “friends are doing it”<br />

as their primary motive (Matasha et al. 1998;<br />

Eggleston et al. 1999; Luke 2003; Kaufman <strong>and</strong><br />

Stavrou 2004);<br />

a girl’s first partner is more likely to be a<br />

boyfriend or someone she hopes to marry,<br />

whereas boys’ first partners are more <strong>of</strong>ten<br />

friends, acquaintances, or (in some settings)<br />

16

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