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Understanding Criminal Behaviour: Beyond Red Dragon - University ...

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The issue of difficulty in establishing the criteria for success was certainly illustrated in<br />

the Copson study. However, the profilers’ information (most of whom would have<br />

identified with the ‘clinical’ approach) appeared largely correct in over 2/3 of the data<br />

provided, but unfortunately, and again owing to the lack of empirical work on such cases<br />

following the conclusion of investigations, we are not clear on what kinds of information<br />

(and what patterns if any exist within and between them) the 1/3 of ‘incorrect’ data<br />

consisted of.<br />

Conclusions<br />

According to Silke (2001, p.243), offender profiling currently suffers from an identity<br />

crisis, with descriptions synonymous with ‘offender profiling’ including: “psychological<br />

profiling, criminal personality profiling, criminal personality assessment, criminal<br />

behaviour profiling, offender profiling, criminal profiling or investigative profiling”.<br />

Taken together with the multitudinal range of objectives expected (and proffered) within<br />

and from offender profiles, it is little wonder then that offender profiling remains “neither<br />

a readily identifiable nor a homogenous entity” (Gudjonsson & Copson, 1997, cited in<br />

Ainsworth, 2000, p.103; also see Homant and Kennedy, 1998 for suggestions to<br />

encourage distinctions between profiles in relation to their objectives). Although a sense<br />

of diversity in the area is important for theoretical progress, Bekerian and Jackson (1997)<br />

warn that too much diversity can lead to – and in the case of offender profiling to date,<br />

has led to – unintentional fragmentation and confusion. Given the relatively mixed results<br />

of profiling to date, we need to point to other influences to explain why offender profiling<br />

still occupies its distorted reputation and rather undeserved recognition.<br />

Part of this identity crisis is grounded in confusion about whether profiling necessarily<br />

requires a scientific basis. In asking whether offender profiling currently ought to be<br />

considered more an ‘art’, or soft science than anything remotely resembling sound<br />

empiricism, the current reality of profiling, and ‘current’ is emphasised, probably reflects<br />

an uneasy and perpetually shifting combination of both – the amount of each tends to<br />

alternate, sometimes dramatically so, from profiler to profiler and case to case. For a<br />

person to claim competence at any activity that might constitute the description of<br />

‘profiling’, an in-depth knowledge and understanding of the specific type of offender<br />

under scrutiny, as well as issues relating to the offence, is essential. Boon (cited in<br />

Woodhams, 2002) asserts that offender profiling contains elements of ‘art’ in that<br />

experience and creative talent play strong roles in the process of deducing a profile.<br />

The profiler should certainly clarify to the investigation team exactly what information he<br />

or she is likely to be able to offer and what the implications of that information might<br />

entail. This assumes, of course, that the profiler is very clear on what information is<br />

likely to be of use to the police. Sometimes profiles contain such jargon as to be of little<br />

practical relevance for the investigation team. The importance of recognising and<br />

acknowledging one’s limitations as a potential contributor to a police investigation<br />

cannot be overstated. According to Turvey (1999, p.266), investigators should only<br />

“enlist the services of competent professionals who are willing to engage in frank<br />

discussions about the limitations of their method.” Similarly, the police need to realise<br />

that it is unrealistic for any person, psychologist or otherwise, to possess an expert level<br />

14

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