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William-Blake-and-the-Indigenous-Imagination-A-Review

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him alive, were slaves. 13 In both <strong>Blake</strong> <strong>and</strong> Malouf <strong>the</strong>re was, <strong>and</strong> is, something divine<br />

<strong>and</strong> transformative in <strong>the</strong> experience <strong>and</strong> vision that <strong>the</strong> outsiders <strong>and</strong> vagrants <strong>and</strong><br />

unvanquished artists possess: what is it?<br />

David Malouf’s 1993 novel Remembering Babylon opens with a startling epigraph from<br />

<strong>Blake</strong>: “Whe<strong>the</strong>r this is Jerusalem or Babylon we Know Not” (FZ iv.102). Like much of<br />

<strong>Blake</strong>, it’s an ambiguous, thought-provoking statement. In <strong>the</strong> contested histories <strong>and</strong><br />

worlds of how we define reality, who is to say what is freedom <strong>and</strong> what is Matrix-like<br />

captivity? Who is to say that ‘Operation Sovereign Borders’ is not rational practice, is not<br />

a protector of freedom <strong>and</strong> identity? <strong>Blake</strong>’s next line helps develop <strong>the</strong>se uncertainties:<br />

“All is confusion All is tumult & we alone are escaped”. In <strong>Blake</strong>’s world, <strong>the</strong>re is not<br />

one Urizenic, correct, ‘objective’ interpretation of experience, as <strong>the</strong> Cartesian mind<br />

(craving certainty, <strong>and</strong> thus control, power) would like. But ra<strong>the</strong>r than seeing this as a<br />

failing or a limitation, <strong>Blake</strong> urges us to embrace this multiplicity of vision, this<br />

enrichment of meanings (as <strong>the</strong> angels <strong>and</strong> devils embrace on <strong>the</strong> cover of The Marriage<br />

of Heaven <strong>and</strong> Hell, in an explosion of colour). In this sense, we are all subjects - not to<br />

an O<strong>the</strong>r, not to Monarchy, not to Ideology, not to Empire - but to ourselves, embodied<br />

perspectives, each with particular (subjective) vision <strong>and</strong> experience. It is this holiness of<br />

subjectivity that <strong>the</strong> subjugation of Aboriginals tramples on so disdainfully: a desire to<br />

eradicate <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r’s perspective. As Griffith pointed out, it is significant in this respect<br />

that <strong>the</strong> indigenous people of Australia were not even counted as humans but were<br />

classified by <strong>the</strong> original English explorers/ invaders/immigrants as part of <strong>the</strong> “fauna” of<br />

<strong>the</strong> place, of what <strong>the</strong>y called an “empty l<strong>and</strong>”. 14 Sadly, despite all <strong>the</strong> centuries of<br />

genocide (chronicled in Bringing Them Home, <strong>the</strong> influential 1997 report of <strong>the</strong> Human<br />

Rights Commission), despite all <strong>the</strong> governmental statements of apology, which resulted<br />

in part from <strong>the</strong>se findings, <strong>the</strong> Aboriginals remain largely “invisible” in much of<br />

contemporary Australian life. 15<br />

The <strong>Blake</strong>an epigraph also suggests a way forward: as Griffith noted, <strong>the</strong> quotation points<br />

to one of <strong>the</strong> main <strong>the</strong>mes of <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r great Australian novel that he discussed in his talk,<br />

Riders in <strong>the</strong> Chariot by Patrick White. This Nobel-winning book, first published in 1961,<br />

13 It is estimated that in <strong>the</strong> first century A.D. up to one million slaves were owned by <strong>the</strong><br />

richest five per cent of Roman citizens. Indeed, during this period <strong>the</strong> slave population<br />

constituted approximately one third of <strong>the</strong> total population, which is perhaps why <strong>the</strong><br />

message of Jesus had to be defused so urgently. It was <strong>the</strong> Emperor Constantine who<br />

finally managed this, turning him into a pro-Empire Mithraic Sun-God in <strong>the</strong> third-fourth<br />

century (Meager, D., Slavery in Bible Times; Brown, P., The Rise of Christendom). As<br />

Marcus Borg notes, Jesus represented <strong>and</strong> embodied what he terms <strong>the</strong> “politics of<br />

compassion”, in stark contradistinction to <strong>the</strong> “politics of purity” that was associated with<br />

<strong>the</strong> priestly tradition, <strong>and</strong> centred on <strong>the</strong> temple. For Jesus, Borg adds, “compassion had a<br />

radical sociopolitical meaning … The inclusiveness of <strong>the</strong> Jesus movement continued<br />

into <strong>the</strong> early Christian movement as we hear it described in <strong>the</strong> parts of <strong>the</strong> New<br />

Testament. It was one of <strong>the</strong> most striking qualities of <strong>the</strong> movement” (Meeting Jesus<br />

Again for <strong>the</strong> First Time (1995), p. 13, p. 58. p. 58).<br />

14 Pilger, op. cit., p. 187.<br />

15 Ibid., p. 186, p. 181.<br />

6

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