Modernization and Global Restructuring of Women's Work

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4 readers) to understand who Nadia is in terms of historical and social trajectories. It is at this level that we can understand Nadia’s stature as a person and not as a socially constructed immigrant woman destined to fit into a ghettoized labour force. In keeping with the format that Nadia used to tell her story this chapter is divided into two parts. Part one deals with Nadia’s experiences of erasure of her profession upon migration to Canada, analytically explained in terms of the race/gender/class paradigm. Part two profiles the landscape of her life in terms of her lived reality in Iran – the scenes of the small voices that Nadia herself brings to the fore to highlight her historical trajectory in terms of who she is as a woman, an aspect that she highlights in relation to her life in Iran. The implications of the intricate relationship between the two paradigms are explored in the conclusion to reveal the importance of the workings of the larger system without losing sight of the lived reality of women. The Intersectionality Paradigm: “Why can I not work in Canada?” A cogent analysis of immigrant women and waged work in Canada comes from the work of Roxana Ng. In her 1988 study, Ng argues that the state plays a key role in placing immigrant women in the lower rungs of the labour force hierarchy. The state’s task is accomplished by two means: it establishes a gendered and racialized hierarchical structure and it works through community agencies that it funds. The latter then act as agents of the state, channelling immigrant women into low-paid work. Writing in the late 1990s, Joanne Lee (1999) comments on more recent developments. Like Ng, Lee examines the workings of community/social agencies operating under the changed climate of fiscal restraints. Faced with the demands made by the global market economy for debt reduction and mitigation of corporate taxes, the government has downsized the social service sector. As is invariably the case, those at the margins are affected the most and such has been the case with female immigrants working in the “not-for-profit, community-based, multi-ethnic, and ethno-specific organizations and groups, as well as branches and divisions of mainstream institutions such as schools and hospitals,” (ibid: 97). Lee shows that the state uses gender and race categories to simultaneously marginalize the settlement sector and within it the immigrant female settlement workers. Within this marginalized under-funded sector, the workers’ opportunities for career advancement are eroded. Moreover, the funding crunch creates a situation where the boundary between volunteer and paid work becomes porous. Immigrant female workers’ extra unpaid work is justified along the lines of the well-known script: immigrant women need to do voluntary work to gain Canadian experience. The institutionalization of volunteerism is paradoxical: “While these strategies offer opportunities to immigrant and refugee women to use their skills in the community,
5 they also limit and channel these skills,” (ibid: 100). Their ghettoized status, I argue, is sustained by racialized (it is all right for women of colour to work for nothing) and feminized (women are inclined by nature to undertake social service work) discourses. What I have presented above are not merely case examples but representations of a growing body of work on the power/knowledge nexus (Bannerji 1995, Jiwani 2000, Thobani 1999, Razack 1998, Dua & Robertson 1999, Aylward 1999 among others). The focus here is to explain the structural locations of immigrant women in relation to a set of social relations and practices that have led to their social marginalization. This body of work, I argue, must be examined in relation to the lived reality of women. Forming part of the political economy of migration and global capitalism, the intersectionality paradigm has dominated the field to the extent that immigrant women’s agency in negotiating their life situations in their countries of adoption has received less systematic and theoretical attention except in the form of add-on dimensions such as resistance strategies. For example, Bannerji’s (ibid.) fine and thorough analysis of the sexual harassment of a Canadian black woman has no conceptual space to understand this woman’s perception of the situation. Could she have offered special insights for social change? What kind of embodied knowledge does she have on the racist-sexist organization of the economy and the workplace? My second example comes from Stevenson’s (1999) 1 work on First Nations Women. This author argues that the collaborative hegemony of the church and the state has undermined these women’s status and autonomy. It is only towards the end (the last two paragraphs) that we learn that First Nations communities did indeed resist total subjugation through healing and spiritual vitalization. How were the latter sustained? What analytical frameworks could explain the working of civil/small voices? (They are “small” because they are not heard). The tension between the paradigm of intersectionality and that of civil voices requires more sustained attention if we are to avoid polarizing the lives of immigrant women: they are either victims of the system or alternatively they are in control of their lives. Below I explore the potential of storytelling in an attempt to bridge the gap between the two paradigms. I show that the stories of marginalized people include both elements: structure and human agency. Nadia’s story occupies a critical juncture: it is the story of a displaced life that is also gendered. 2 This means looking at epitomizing moments of who she is and what her life has been like 1 Stevenson’s and Bannerji’s works are included as a way recognizing their scholarship; it must be noted that the structure-agency debate is not a disciplinary divide but part of the Cartesian framework. 2 Nadia’s story forms part of the larger project on displacement and emotional well-being of Iranian women in Metropolis Vancouver.
Page 1 and 2: Vancouver Centre of Excellence Rese
Page 3 and 4: Modernization and Global Restructur
Page 5: 3 Introduction In the Spring of 199
Page 9 and 10: 7 clothes and the accent. If the re
Page 11 and 12: 9 better employment is negligible a
Page 13 and 14: 11 Scene One: Place of Birth I was
Page 15 and 16: 13 Scene Two: The World My Mother G
Page 17 and 18: 15 This forced unveiling inflicted
Page 19 and 20: 17 ambiguities: they were at once e
Page 21 and 22: 19 Drawing upon a twenty-year study
Page 23 and 24: 21 not even assumed a faint shape:
Page 25 and 26: 23 modernity” is juxtaposed/worke
Page 27 and 28: 25 Keddie, N. 1981. Roots of Revolu
Page 29 and 30: No. Author(s) Title Date 00-21 Don
Page 31: For information on papers previous

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