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Introducing Kim Diana Connolly, Samantha Barbas, Matthew Dimick ...

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<strong>Matthew</strong> Steilen<br />

Associate Professor<br />

A Minnesota native, Associate Professor <strong>Matthew</strong> Steilen earned<br />

his bachelor’s degree in philosophy, magna cum laude, at that<br />

state’s Carleton College, then went on to a doctoral program in<br />

philosophy at Northwestern University. Following law school at<br />

Stanford and a federal appellate clerkship, he worked at the<br />

San Francisco office of Covington & Burling before joining UB<br />

Law School. At UB, Steilen is also affiliated with the Department<br />

of Philosophy.<br />

Steilen focuses his scholarly work on issues of constitutional law<br />

and democracy, incorporating the methodologies and disciplines<br />

of philosophy into his approach. His scholarly publications<br />

include a book review, “Reason, the Common Law, and the<br />

Living Constitution,” and articles in the Seattle Law Review,<br />

BYU Education and Law Journal.<br />

• • •<br />

Steilen writes and teaches in the areas of constitutional law and<br />

civil procedure.<br />

My research<br />

focuses on<br />

“common law”<br />

methods of<br />

judicial law-making, with a<br />

particular focus on<br />

constitutional law. Broadly<br />

speaking, my core theoretical<br />

interest is to explore how<br />

common-law judges innovate<br />

legal principles while<br />

answering to independent,<br />

“objective”standards in fairly<br />

resolving the dispute before<br />

them. My work is largely<br />

normative, but it is also<br />

informed by an attention to<br />

historical scholarship.<br />

For example, in a piece<br />

forthcoming in Legal Theory<br />

entitled,“Reason, the<br />

Common Law, and the Living<br />

Constitution,”I review David<br />

Strauss’s recent book, The<br />

Living Constitution, and argue<br />

that the leading cases of<br />

Schenck, Masses, Gitlow, and<br />

Whitney were significant in<br />

light of their highly theoretical<br />

discussions of the nature of<br />

political speech. The “clear<br />

and present danger”test,<br />

which emerged from these<br />

cases, was formed by<br />

competing theories of the role<br />

of speech in a democracy, and<br />

was designed to be responsive<br />

to the concerns of free-speech<br />

opponents, who argued that<br />

the inflammatory speech of<br />

the radicals of the day would<br />

generate political instability.<br />

My emphasis on theory<br />

contrasts with the dominant<br />

“Burkean”account of<br />

common law<br />

constitutionalism, which<br />

Strauss and others have<br />

adopted. According to that<br />

view, the common law is<br />

characterized as a theoretically<br />

modest, empirically confirmed<br />

body of judicial precedents. I<br />

believe this account fails to<br />

describe the development of<br />

First Amendment law in<br />

Schenck and the cases that<br />

followed.<br />

A second forthcoming<br />

piece,“The Democratic<br />

Common Law,”builds on<br />

these themes in an effort to<br />

show how judge-made law fits<br />

naturally within a democracy<br />

like our own. According to the<br />

view I defend there, judgemade<br />

law enjoys the same kind<br />

of legitimacy as legislation—<br />

call it “democratic<br />

legitimacy”—when it emerges<br />

out of a process in which<br />

individuals exchange reasons<br />

about what course of collective<br />

action is appropriate. In my<br />

view, common-law<br />

adjudication is such a process.<br />

To show how it is, I examine<br />

both the so-called “classical”<br />

account of the common law<br />

associated with English jurists<br />

<strong>Matthew</strong> Hale and Edward<br />

Coke, as well as modern work<br />

on the common law by Fred<br />

Schauer, Edward Levi, and<br />

Martin Golding.<br />

Together, these articles<br />

advance a broader goal in my<br />

scholarship: to describe an<br />

active and innovative role for<br />

the judiciary within our<br />

democratic political system. In<br />

“Minimalism and Deliberative<br />

Democracy,”33 Seattle U.L.<br />

Rev. 391 (2010), and elsewhere,<br />

I have tried to provide a<br />

normative framework for<br />

justifying and directing our<br />

ongoing practice of judicial<br />

law-making.

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