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In "To a Communist Friend," written in 1936,<br />

Greenberg refutes the argument that the end justifies<br />

the means:<br />

Ends and means in politics are analogous to<br />

form and content in art. Form in art is not<br />

merely technique; means in politics are not<br />

merely instruments. The content must be felt<br />

in the form. The means must contain the basic<br />

elements of the end. When this minimal<br />

harmony between ends and means is lacking,<br />

we get the stake at which the Holy Inquisition<br />

burns unbelievers to save their souls. I cannot<br />

subscribe to Nechaev's famous slogan: "Full<br />

speed ahead, right through the mud."<br />

Free democratic socialism, which respected the rights<br />

of the individual and disavowed the concept of<br />

transitional generations, generations which could be<br />

brutalized or sacrificed for some remote future, was<br />

the only socialism that Greenberg could accept or<br />

preach.<br />

On one occasion, when Greenberg developed the idea<br />

that no individual must be viewed as the means for<br />

advancing the welfare of another because each man is<br />

an end in himself, he was accused by a labor audience<br />

in Palestine of implied opposition to the life of the<br />

Palestine pioneer. Greenberg answered this objection<br />

in uncompromising terms:<br />

I would be an opponent of pioneering in<br />

Palestine if the hardships entailed in the<br />

rebuilding of a long-neglected country were<br />

imposed on Jewish youth from above and<br />

against its will, if the pioneers in Palestine<br />

were considered fertilizer on the fields of the<br />

country so that a later generation might enjoy<br />

its roses. But pioneering in Palestine is a<br />

voluntary task freely undertaken by those<br />

rejoicing in it.<br />

Greenberg's fundamental expositions of the moral<br />

bases of Zionism led him into discussions far<br />

removed from the level of journalistic polemics. One<br />

of these occasions was an exchange of views with<br />

Mahatma Gandhi, whom Greenberg venerated as a<br />

saint. Gandhi's failure to oppose the dissemination of<br />

anti-Jewish propaganda among the Moslems of India<br />

by Arab agents was the starting point for several<br />

"Open Letters" to Gandhi. In 1937 Greenberg warned<br />

against the kindling of religious fanaticism among the<br />

Moslems of India. In the light of subsequent<br />

developinents, particularly the emergence of Pakistan,<br />

the words then written have a prophetic ring.<br />

Greenberg's unilateral romance with Gandhi was<br />

sometimes viewed by hardheaded realists among<br />

Greenberg's associates as one of his philosophical<br />

quirks, but the fact remains that Greenberg was<br />

unique among American Zionists in his understanding<br />

of the shaping forces within Asia.<br />

It is astonishing to observe the freshness he could<br />

bring to the restatement and rearguing of the Zionist<br />

position from every angle. In his life, part of which<br />

was always devoted to the editing of Zionist<br />

periodicals, familiar dragons had to be re-slain not<br />

annually but monthly and sometimes weekly. Yet<br />

Greenberg rarely wrote a purely routine article. He<br />

was saved from mechanical repetition by the richness<br />

and variety of his knowledge and by the streak of<br />

poetry in his nature which enabled him to use his<br />

learning as leaven rather than ballast. Whether he was<br />

discussing patriotism and plural loyalties, or<br />

defending Socialist-Zionist theory, or answering Arab<br />

arguments, he would write on a level of seriousness<br />

that transformed many articles originally written as<br />

journalistic chores into classic expositions. Despite<br />

the fact that many of his best articles reached only a<br />

limited Yiddish- speaking audience, he was probably<br />

the most profound and eloquent Zionist publicist in<br />

the United States; his work was regularly reprinted in<br />

South America and in the Palestinian press.<br />

Greenberg's Zionism was as free from ideological<br />

fetishes as his socialism. At a time when Labor<br />

Zionist circles proclaimed the return to "productive,"<br />

that is to say manual, labor as a central thesis of the<br />

movement, Greenberg insisted on examining the<br />

slogans and rejecting the "masochistic selfflagellation"<br />

implicit in the notion that the Jewish<br />

middleman fulfills no productive function. In "The<br />

Myth of Jewish Parasitism" Greenberg takes a<br />

heretical position in addressing his party. He asserts<br />

that “any work which is socially useful or satisfies<br />

Continued on page 27<br />

20 JEWISH FRONTIER<br />

Summer 2004

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